Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 22, Number 8, Indianapolis, Marion County, 14 July 1862 — Page 2

WEEKLY SENTINEL

noiDAT Jl LY It Tne I'nion it mast be preserved. Jack ton. Democratic Union State Ticket TO SECRETARY Of STATE, JAMES S. ATHON, Of Marion County. roE ai ditob or STATE, JOSEPH RISTINE. Of Fountain Count? . FOE TEEASIEEE OK TÄTE. MATTHEW L BRETT, Of D ivies County. FOE ATTORNEY OEXEBAL, OSCAR B HORD, Ot Decatur Cotnty. rOE aiTEElXTEXDIC.IT OF PI' H LH IXSTErCTlOW, SAMUEL L. RÜGO, Of Allen County 1 lio ( tniiinllon. We publish this morning su address upon rhe United States Constitution, delivered by Hon. George T. Ccbtie, in Boston, on the 4th of July. So man in the country is more capable of (liscuii that theme He is kt -wn as the his tori.m and expounder of the Constitution, and in this address he eloquently and faithfully discusses the principles and policy upon which it was founded and the person-it rights it secures to the citizen. The Constitution at a time like this, when revolution threatens to overthrow it, should be the study ot every man woman and child. The address of Mr. Ccetis happily and forcibly elucidates and sets forth its leading features which hav e secured to the people of the United States individual happiness and liberty, and national prosperity and greatness, such as no other people bare enjoyed. Satisfied Eminently Sa. It gives us pleasure to state that the President has expressed his satisfaction, his eminent satisfaction, with McClellam and the army of the Potomac ad to their conduct in the recent battles before Richmond. The President, it is understood, pays the same high compliment to Mr. Staxtox, the Secretary of War. Ditto, Mr Well, Secretary of the Nary. It is known to the country that Mr. Lincoln, in a special message to Congress, expressed himself satisfied with Mr. Camkeox's administration of the War Department, and assumed the respon sibility of the objectionable acts of that officer. The people of the country, as a m itter of course, must receive the- indorsements of the President es eminently satisfactory. without further inquiry. "Free speech, free press," &c. The Stover Fraud. The Journal, in its issue of Friday, charges upon the State officers then in power improper conduct for failing to take all the books ot blank bonds out of Stover's hands after the passage of the act of March 1 1, 1859, changing the system of transferring certificates of State stocks or bonds. The law gave those officers no authority over Siotee. They aid. however, request him to return all such books in his possession. In January, leoO.Mr. Ht'Mix, was elected Agent of Slate, and entered upon the discharge of its duties soon after. It is clear it was his duty to then recover and take possession of all the property of the State in the hands of Stoves. It was iucumbent upon him to do so. If any one can be. guilty of improper conduct for failing to take all the books of blank bonds out of Stover's bauds, Mr. HiDsox is the man. For some unaccountable reason he permitted Stover to retain in his possession ttie means to continue his frauds. We have it from reliable authority that up to the period Stover quit the Agency of State, only $300,000 of fraudulent bonds bad been issued. If Mr. Hudson had got the blank bonds then that wo!d have been the extent of the swindle. But after Mr. Hudson's advent into office, and while he alone of all the Stute officials was in possession of the fatal secret for boat a year. Stover issued over two miUiont of the fraudulent bonds. If Stover refused to give up the blanks on the demand of Hudson when he went into office, to use the language of the Journal, he should have said something like Ibis: "Mr. Stover the law clearly intends that you shan't have those blanks any longer. If you keep them you tell the public that you either are neglecting your duty or intend to act dis honestly. Seud them borne (or deliver them up) or we will notify the public of your conduct." How important it wad that such a demand should have been made is seen in the fact that at that time Stoves teas issuing his forged bonds and Mr. Hudson knew that he was guilty of issuing them. The more the Journal discusses the fraud the deeper it gets its friends in the mire. Secret Political Societies. The Journal affects to believe tint secret political organizations are being formed in Indiana, the object of which is to present the enforcement of the laws, and that they are rapidly extendi n ' o vr the state. This is a serious charge, and should not be made, as we believe it has been, for mere political effect. If such associado exist it is the duty of the public authori to tike measures to promptly suppress them. Certainly an orginizition of that kind could not extend far without the means being discovered to expose its members and its objects. The Governor intimates that he has information that such societies have been formed, and the editor ot the Journal states most positively that be knows such to be the case. Of course no man would make such an assertion without the proof at hand to sustain it. As good and loyal citizens, these gentlemen are under obligations to expose treasonable organizations. The United States Grand Jury will be in session this week, and we suggest it will be an excellent opportunity for them to furnish to that body such information as will expose these disloyal secret societies, and bring the leaders of them to punishment. If they do uot do Uns. the public cannot form any other conclu ion than that these charges are untrue, and that tbey are impeaching the loyalty of the people of Indiana to promote party schemes. We do not believe Ui u there are iu Indiana secret politic 1 org anizitious. tormed for the purpus of resisting the enforcement of the laws. Such charges are not only vile slanders upon the fair fame of the State, but they are directly oil eulated to give aid and comfort to the rebels. If any portion of the community should refuse to pay the taxes necessary for the prosecution oi the present war, or which may arise therefrom, we will venture the assertion that the repudiation will com' from the very men -who now charge nrally anon the citizens of Indiana, not be they believe it, but to advance partisan I, and their own selfish objects. Tk tat Rias Con v eat ion. Our adicts from all parts of the State give assurance that the M s Convention of the rvative citizens of Indiana, to de held in this city on the 30th ot this month, will be the larrest public gathering ever assembled in Indi sna It will be a meeting of the people to give expression to their sen ti menu upon the momen to us crisis in our public affairs. A gentleman hom Craw fords ville informs us that men, women end children wit t turn out en masse from Montcounty, and if the railroads do not fur them facilities tor coming, they say that the and roads are still free and they will come in wagons. We allude to this circumstance to illustrate the spirit which animates the people. It is right that it is so. There is no hope for the preservation of the Government as framed by the

fathers of the Republic exceDt in the stout hearts j and determined will of ths people. Congress . . r . ... has beeu in session over eight months, and it has done nothing to terminate the national troubles.

It has oeen well termed a negro debating society, i The negro has been the object of its considera tion, not the interests of the white man and the white man's government. If there ever was a time that the people should speak, it is now. We trust that every man, woman and child who desires to maintain the Constitution as it is and restore the Union as it was all who desire to preserve and perpetuate the rich legacy of constitutional liberty bequeathed to us by the patriots of the revolution will assemble I t the ci. pi tul on the 30th. It should be a dem onstration in numbers and character that will make an impression upon the country. The overthrow of the Government is not only threatened by armed rebellion which the Administration with all the resources und energies of the nation to back it has yet been unable to subdue,

but the attempt is being made from other quar- rebellion, was a Government formed by her peters to undermine the Constitution and overthrow ' P'e. amJ il was recognized by this Government;

j , . . . the institutions which have given the Govern ment all its value and all its greatness. Surely at such a time and in such e cause the people ! should assemble. The State Central Committee have assurances from Hon. John J. Crittenden, Hon. W. A. Richardson, Hon John S. Caelile and Hon. C. A. Wicrliffe that they will be present and address the people of Indiana upon the great issues before the country at the time proposed. In addition the Hon. S. S. Cox, of Ohio, and Hon. D. W. Voorhehs, Hon. John Law, Hon. W. S Holman, Hon. J. A. Ceavens, Hon.T. A. Hendbices, Hon. J. E McDonald, Col. Cyrus L. Dunham and others of our own State will be present upon the occasion and discuss the momentous questions of the day. Arrangements have been made with the railtoads running into Indianapolis to run half fare trains, the arrangements for which the different roads will duly annonnce. The ( alitor yiorr Volnnteers. The call of the President for three hundred thousand more volunteers to aid in the speedy suppression of the rebellion, has been promptly responded to by the authorities of the loyal States. Public meetings are also being generally held to encourage and aid this new demand uoon the patriotism of the people. A large and enthusiastic meeting was held in this city on Saturday evening in the furtherance of this object, at which a number volunteered, while others contributed liberally in money to aiu those who were willing to enlist. Every demand of the President for men and money to carry on the war has thus far been promptly met We have entire confidence that the patriotism of the people will be equal to i - . - . . .- i . . . . v ery emergency that is presented to them. In The judgment of the Administration to success fully prosecute the wat at least three hundred thousand more troops are needed. Without this prompt increase of the army the forces before Richmond ein not advance, but there is imminent danger that they may meet with still further reverses. Reinforcements must be sent thern promptly to prevent new disasters and to enable them to take ti e offensive. Indiana has thus I I far done noblv and to maintain the proud posiI . . . , , I lion she occupies new efforts and sacrifices are now demanded. We understood the Governor I to say at ttie meeting on Saturday evening that I if volunteering failed to meet the requisition ! ,. , ... ,, . from this State, he wou.d be compelled to resort ; to drafting. We trust that such an expediency I will not be necessary to supply Indiana's portion ! r tt . , I ot the new lev v. ilw can the new regaments t ; be promptly fii.ed? The Governor in his proctarnation says. i 1 therefore call uoon every man. whatevet mav be his rank and condition in life, to put aside his business, and come to the rescue of his country. Upon every man individually let me urge the solemn truth, that whatever mavbe his condition i or business, he has no business or duty half so important to himself and family as the speedy suppression of the rebellion. That is the spirit which should animate the people in the crisis which is upon the country. It is not only our duty to preach, but practically enforce the precepts uttered. The men of influence, of position, and of wealth should illustnte their love of country by putting .Wide their business and coming to its rescue, for whatever may be their condition or business, they have no duty or business half so important to themselves and families ns the speedy suppression of the rebellion. Officers are plenty, bui men are wanted in the ranks. If our distinguished Governor would prnctice his admirable precepts by volunteering to shoulder a musket in the ranks, it would excite an enthusiasm which would speedily fill the quota required from Indiana. There are hundreds of others in our city we could name upon whom the duty to enlist as private rests with tenfold more force, than the poor men who are expected to go. The mm who has no family to provide for, or he that has one and can leave them comfortable, the country has peculiar claims upon to come to its rescue While it is the duty of all lo cheerfully and promptly respond to the calls of the Government, the poor men who have families de pendent upon their daily labor for support, should not be asked to make sacrifices and permit those in better circumstances, iu better "rank nud con j dition in life," to escape tho toils, the privations, j and the dangers to which the private soldier is ex posed. And there is another class specially c ilied upon in this crisis. Il is those who have profited by the war, those who have made money by position or by fat contracts, an I who are urging the vigorous prosecution ot the war as the best means for '"the speedy suppression of the rebel lion." It the classes we have alluded to would promptly fill u the new regiments required from this State, il would not only inspire confidence in their patriotism, but would be an evidence of earnestness and zeal that would do more than aught eise for the speedy suppression ot the rebellion. Let our leading and wealthy men no longer say "go," but "follow me." That's what will do the work. ' mini Conventions The following Democratic Conventions have been called to nominate candidates for county olhces: Morgan county, at Martiusville, on the 26ih of July; Clay county, at Center Point, on ihe 23d day of August; and Cass county, at Logansport, July the !2ih. Warrick County. The Democracy of Warrick county held their County Convention on the 5th inst. and it was the largest and most enthusiastic ever held. The following ticket was nominated: For Representative, James E Mirick. Sheriff, a it j . i I . si- . Wm P. Hudson; Commifsiooer, James Clinton; Surveyr. A H Huff. The Democracy of this county are thoroughly organized and they promise a majority of at least three hundred over fusion. Whitk Cocstt The Democracy of thiscounty have selected fie following ticket for county officers to be supported at the October election Clerk, Orlando McConahay; Sheriff, Malhew Henderson; Coroner. Charles Kahler; Commissioner, 1st District, James Hays; Recorder, John S. Hum. The following resolution was adopted: Resolved, That we cordially invite all conser valivs and Union loving citizens to unite with us in support of Democratic men und measures, and mike a united effort for toe preservation of the Constitution as it is, and for the restoration of the Union as it was. 3T" The Hendricks county Ledger proposal Col. John Coburn, of the 33d regiment, as the fusion candidate for Congress from this district.

Provisional Governments Klgats of ,he Sm,M " Cnnatitut.on ana their Kclatiwn to tue Ucneral Govern men t. , th g Mondav last there wss a vara

intere9ling debate upon the bill providing provisional Governments for the States in rebellion against the Government. We have only room for a part of the discussion, and we call attention specially to the remarks of Mr. Cowan, the Republican Senator from Pennsylvania, who expresses similar sentiments to those advocated by the Indianapolis Journal, ihe New York Triimne Gairison's Liberator and that school of politicians generally: Mr Co wan I have sometimes been of ooinion that there was danger that we would depart, veiy materially depart, not only from the great principles which were established by the revolution, but from the principles which were declared by ourselves at the time we undertook this war to suppress the rebellion. Sir, what is a republican form of government? Is it uot a government formed by the people by their own free consent? the Government of North Carolina, before the and, as was said bv the honorable senator Irom New York Government was bound by its guarantee to sustain and support that Government; and if it was overturned by any accident, the guarantee exienueu to its restoration. iow, sir, a rebellion takes place. If that rebellion involves the wuole people in it, that people, by a fundamental principle of our Governmentand our policy, have a right to establish such form of government ns they choose; and if it had beeu established to the satisfaction of this Congress and ot this Government, that the whole people of the States in which the rebellion prevailed had been involved in that rebellion and were anxious to sever their connection with this General Government and establish a form of government sch as they desired, I suppose nobody would have un dettaken to put down the rebellion. I suppose no Democrat would have undertaken it; 1 suppose no Republican would have undertaken it; I suppose no man who understood the theory which underlies our Government and our institutions would have undertaken it. What then was the theory upon which we inaugurated this war, and upon which we have expended some seven or eight hundred million dollars and poured out the blood of perhaps one hundred thousand brave men? It was because we decided all the people of the rebellious Stales were not in favor of this rebellion. It was because we believed it was confined to u few. I had no doubt ot it. I have no doubt of it now if the truth cmld be knowu. In the discharge of our guarantee, and in the performance of our solemn pledges iu the Constitution, we went to war to rescue the many us against the few to rescue the loyal as against the disloyal. That was the theory; and upon no other theory can this war be justified or the Government be sustained; because no one then suggested coi.quest, and all denied it. In pursuance of our design not to make a conquest, not to subjugate, but to rescue and restore, we invade a particular State, and we put down the rebellion. What is next to be done? Guar antee to them a republican form of government. What republican form of government, I ask? I he republican form of government which they u,ade ,or themselves? 1 he republican lorm of government which h id been recognized by this f;m0PIim01, n,..,.taRL vi. ul..- - V.lllllVlli. L I ' i J U i I I " I , . ' I I I 1 , . Who dare propose another one? A"id vet the Senator from Massachusetts would discharge that I lo nt9m ";''t' that republican iipiui oi i uuieoi u tuning .i uvvav auu sunstituling one of his own in its stead. That is most extraordinary Democracy, and most extraordinary Republicanism. But he says tume of these laws are atrocious, and are abhorrent to the civilized world. Very well; whose business is that, according to our theory? The business of the Senator from Massachusetts, or of the people of Massachusetts, or of the people of North Giro liua, who had the right to make them? I suppose , illn a3 mud, in avor üf lKwUUti; lW,e S to rid th.. hmuirahlo aaaatos and 1 snntwi.p ; , - i -"rr. I have taught a great manv more to read thau lie !" ,"'t th;U is "ot ? fr"" The is whether we will stund upon n great tiulh taught M iu the whether e ill give to the people not the rcbeliious people, but the loyal people ot North Carolina, it there u such there, the government which they üUblihed; und it is . , , . . , not our province here to say whether its laws are atrocious, or whether they are sbhuireut to the civiüzed world or not. The question is, are they e laws ot rti Carolina 7 Perhaps u ferni sylvania were to criticise the laws of Massachusetts, she might, forsooth, hnd some of them abhorrent to civilization. She might find some of them which, to her nicer and more delicate sense of right and wrong, were atrocious. Such a thing might be; but, I ask, would that give Pennsylvania the right to interfere and to change tiiera, because she so decided? Surely not. If this is a republican form of government, it it is Democratic at its base, then the people who are to be governed by the laws are to form them, and not other people. I thought that right was the very thing which was achieved by the revolution. Before that revolution, gentlemen ot large acquirements, of fine tastes, und of large political skill, fabricated governments for the people; but in this country it was decided that the people should fabricate them for themselves, especially as they were to be affected by them, and nobodjr else. Well, sir, we have taken possession of a State, if you please; we have put down the rebellion; what is next to be dene? Establish a Government. What Government? A Provisional Government. Establish a Government different from thai which the people had established, or which they could establish. Mr. President, I say, and I think nobody can gainsay it, that the only Government which can be established there is the Government which that loyal people will set up again, having been temporarily thrown down by the accident of the rebellion. And when they set it up again upon its original basis and carry it on upon its first footing, we are done. That is all we can do, if we pretend at all to carry out the doctrines upon which we entered upon the war, namely, that a State could not go out of the Union, and that, therefore, we could not make u conquest of her as if she were out. But it is said there will be an interregnum, and the people must have a little time to reinstate the old order of things. That is all true, but who is clothed with the power to maintain that condition of things which will enable the people to set up that fallen Government? Is il litis Congress? Our Government is one of delegated powers, and the man who averts a power iu it must put Iiis finger upon the place where it is delegated. It will uot do to show thai it ould be convenient to have that power. That is not the question. It must l.e show n in the Constitution to be conferred upou Congress But to show that we guarantee a re publican form of Government will not warrant us in m iking such Government as we choose and establishing that it must he one already made by the people of the Stale which we are to guarantee. What, then, can Congress do? I answer, nothing. But the President, or his Generals acting under his direction, after the rebellion is subdued, can preserve order by military rule until the old Government resumes its wonted action. This is a military function, requiring military force, and is therefore peculiarly within the province of the General. 'I I. at is mv view of it, und I am oppos ed lo establishing Previsions Governments, unless thev are purely military in their character. and if th it is all this bill contemplates, it gives the President no power that he has not now. He a bound lo do the same tiling now that he would : De 'ound to do if the bill should become a la He has to hold the Slate by military occupation and lo preserve il by military rule until the loyal people take possession of the reins of power which the rebellion had put into other hands, or obliged them to throw down. Mr. Howard 1 do not wish to interrupt the speech of the Senator from Pennsylvania, but I was about to ask h in a question. Mr. Cowan Certainly. Mr. Howard 1 wish to ask him what he would do iu case it should turn out that the rebel Stale j hntl ,IO lov , f(eope at ,t yow is j,e jjn,, i ' ' . o o govern them, and how are they going to govern themselves? Mr. Cowsn Will the honorable Senator allow me to ask him that question? I have stated distinctly that unless we contemplate conquest it is one of the fundamental principles of this Gov- ) eminent, one of the lundumental principles of our P"' thHtL u,e lf'P,e 0 u,e. I il you pieasc, nave a rigni 10 101 m uieir own i Government; or, in otner words, it is the right of revolution, it they can make it gooi. which we have asserted, and which all freemen h ive asserted for the last eighty years. Are Governments to be rerpetual; and if they are not, where is the power to change them, if not in the people? By what power did we determine in the Revolution to sever the connection between this country and Great Britain? Was it not because of the inherent virtue in the people, as set forth in the Declaration of Independence? I never he. id it denied or questioned; and to say now that that power is not iu the people is to say that this ex periment is E failure, is to admit it, is to idmit that men have been Icming upon a broken reed. Who has the right to day under the Constitution to mske a Government for North Carolina as

against the will of the people of North Carolina; or tor Michigan as against the will of the people of Mich gan? Mr. Howard Does the Senator wish an an swer? Mr Cowan Certainly I do Mr. Howard The United States of America in Congress assembled have the right to make that Government and enforce it. Mr. Sumner Beyond all question Mr. Cowan Theu you must proceed against them precisely as though you proceeded against a foreign Stale in case of conquest, but that is not under the Constitution. Aud litis doctrine of the right of conquest is precisely the doctriue which was held by t.ie Pai -i. anient und King of Great Britain in our Revolution. It is the doctrine which has been held by all tyrannies from the time the world began that when a government is once established there is no rieht to chance il: but we proclaimed the

' a ' .I ngation or conquest of any State, to take it and holu it as such, and was never so intended. I his Congress solemnly and unanimously resolved that it was not, and it is too late now to assert the contrary doctrine, however convenient it may be. Mr. Carlile Mr. President, when the proposition wns first introduced into the Senate by the Senator from Massachusets, which I take it gave rise to this bill, it met with the universal condemnation, so far as 1 am advised, of the eutire press of the country. It is true the Senator from Massachusetts, with his usual bolduess and frankness, which no one admires more than I do. called his proposition bv the rieht name. Hein tended by that resolution to assert the power in Congress to reduce States of this Union to a territorial condition; and that is what will be effected by this bill, although it comes lo us under the mime ot provisional governments. I confess I I am surprised that as good a constitutional lawI ver as we know ihe Senator from New York to be, should have contented himself with the argu ment which he has addressed to the Senate in fa vor ol this prooosition. He derives the power from the clause in the Constitution making the United Slates the guaiantor for the States to secure to them a republican form of government. Perhaps no one iu this Senate understands better than the Senator from New York what is the undertaking of one who guaranties the performance of act. He is not the principal; he does not make the Government any more th in the guarantee upou a note makes the note. The Govern ment is formed by the principal. The principal in this case is the people of the States. They have formed their povernmetit. There is not a single rebellious State to-iiav that has not a State government, and that State government a republican form of government, as has been well said, recognized by the Constitution of the United Slates and all the departments of the Government created under it. That State government Lfor the time being in abeyance by virtueof the rebellion. It has been unable to execute its office The guarantee that you h ive given them in the Constitution of the United States is that vou w ill remove this obstacle to the successful operation of that State government. That is yourdutv; that is your power; nothing more, nothing less. But the Senator from Michigan puts to the Sena tor fioin Pennsylvani i a question: What will you do if there are no loyal people in any of these States; if they are all disloyal? I understand from the Senator from New York that it is not propos ed to exercise the mow er under this bill until after the rebellion shall have been suppressed in the c . t .1 l r. .1 State. If there are no loval people left iu the State after the suppression of the rebellion, I take it there will be no people in the State to govern; for as long as the people uredisloyal, the rebellion continues, and iu the case put by the Senator from Michigan, when the rebellion is suppressed there are no people left to govern. You will have exterminated them, and it will be a vast wilderness so fur as population is concerned, to be repeopled, and when repeopled to have a Government estab lished by the people inhabiting the limits of the State. Mr. Howard I will ask my friend from Vir ginia whether tie expects rebels are to"Jie in the last ditch," and leave the country totally depopulated, or whether there is lo be a residuum of human beings after ihe war is over? Mr. Carlile I have proceeded always upon the theory that there would be a residuum, and a very large one, a loyal population left in each and all of these States. It is the theory upon which we have pricceded, and the only theory that we can go on in the name of the United States and wage this war. If it is waged under any other theory, it can only be justified upon the ground that rebellion has dissolved the Union, and that this is a war on the part of the non seceded States against the seceded States for thenuriKtse of compelling the sec eded Stales to regard their contract which they entered into with the non receded when they adopted the Constitution of the United States. It is the only theory by which the power claimed for the Congress of the United States by the Senator from Michigan can be exercised or can be justified ; and then the Senator is untrammeled by constitutional obligations. Sir, this is u Government composed of States. It is the State Governments that are the support of the Government of the United States, and when the State Governments cease to exist the United Slates Government ceases to exist. But, sir, the Senator from New York talks of conquering States. Where does he derive the power, under the Constitution of the United Stales, to conquer a State nnd hold it as a conquered State, Territory, or Province? Are the powers of the creature greater than the powers of the creator? Is a limited Government formed by these Slates, with certain specified powers, greater than the Governments forming il with ,'owers unlimited, save and alone where they have been limited each State for itself in its own or gauic act? The very instant you suppress the rebellion, the State Govern m -nts spring again into full vigor mid life; and the reason assigned by the Senator from New York that there may be a period of time short, however, he supposes it will oe, between the suppression of the rebel lion and the organization of a State Government, when this bill is lo operate never can exist, because State Governments are in existence. Each one of these States h is its own State Govern ment. It is rendered ineffective and powerless by virtue of ttie rebellion. The instant you suppress the rebellion and it is only when the re bellion is suppressed that you propose to execute the powers under this bill the instant, ro instant i, that you suppress the rebellion, the Gov eminent of that State springs into lile and full vigor again, and goes M operating as i; did before, and as if no rebellion had ever occurred. But sir, il is loo warm today to make any tiling like a seech. This is a proposition that I think cannot command a majority of this body. Mr. Hairis The Senator from Pennsylvania, for whose ability und judgment I entertain the most profound respect, has started with a proporition which lo my mind is a political heres under our system ot Government. It is this, and Ins argument is based upon it: that where the peo : pie of a Stale me unanimous iu repudiating the ! Government of the country we have no right ns j a General Government to suppress that rebellion; that it is only where they are divided upon the 1 question, where some ot the people want lo re- I main in ihe Union mid some waul to go out of j the Union, the Uuited States Government have authority to hold them in the Lnion. I regard that doctrine as a heresy and a most danger ous heresy. Sir, how dues that Seil itor know, how does any Senator know, that there is a loyal man in South Carolina? The presumption is against it; and according to the doctrine of the Senator from Pennsylvania, unless it happens that there is some loyal man or woman in Soul i Carolina, the war as against South Caro liua is unjust. Mr. Cowan If the Senator will allow me to make a remark just here, is not that the very thing we are now endeavoring to ascertain? Mr. Harris 1 do cot think it is. Mr. Cowan Is not the very thing we are trying to discover whether there are enough loyal people in the South lo maintain a Government with our help against the rebellion. It they can not, the rebellion succeeds, and then, instead of being a rebellion, it is a revolution, legitimate, and goes ou. Mr. Harris I do not so understand it. Mv idea of this thing is this: that, assumingevery man, woman and child in South Carolina lo be hostile to the Government of the United Slates, it is our duty, under the Constitution of the United States, and as citizens of the Utii'ed Slates, to put down that rebellion, to suppress it; and having done that, what follows? The people of South Caro lina say, "You have conquered us; you have by physical strength suppressed our determination to go out of the Union; we admit that we are subdued, but you shall never hold us in the Union notwithstanding; we have formed a Constitution for ourselves out ot the Union; we have organized a Government for ourselves outside of the Union, and though you have conquered us, you may hold us by main force of strength; but as for our ever coming back into the Union as a State, we never will." Now, what is to bo done? What will the Sen ator from Pennsylvania do in that case? Why, sir, we can not make those people organize them selves iuto a gofemmcnt. We csn not fore?

right ot successful revolution Irom the nrst. It I to surrenuer tneir present iorm or governmetu this Government becomes a tyranny, how is it to ' under an alien power, but choose to 6ay to us. he changed, there is some such right of revolu ! "though you have conquered us, still we belong tion somewhere? Mr. President, I hold that this j to another kingdom; we do not belong to the war is a war of rescue; for the restoration of United States, we belong to the Confederate Govrower to the hands of the loyal people within the j eminent; and if you will let us have our way, we rebellious States: and it is uöt a war for the sub- I will stay there; we will not go back into the

them to hold a couvenlion and form a new constitution, and apply to be readmitted into the Government We can not force them to hold elections and elect members of Congress and members of u Legislature. We can not do that; but we can do this and that is the object of th s bill we can say to them, "until you do that, we will enforce as against yourselves your own constitutions and laws; we will execute upon yourselves the laws you have made and the constitu tionsyou formed when you were in the Union." That is the object of this bill aud nothing eke. Whenever, being conquered, rebellion being suppi essed, they are ready to hold a convention, organize themselves, and comeback into ihe Union, we are ready to receive them, and then this law will have spent its force. It will be no longer operative as a law. But this contemplates that temporary state of things, und, as I said before, it will be very short in its duration, when the

State is subdued, and yet the people are not ready 1 Union Mr Cowan Mr. President, suppose the case ' as put by my honorable trieud should occur, sup I pose that we succeed iu suppressing the rebellion i in South Carolina, aud alter we have do'ie so, i everybody is quiet and submits, but they take no j steps whatever to resume their old State Government or to establish anr Government in subordi- ' nation to ours, then I ask the honorable Senator w hat is he to do? Is this Provisional Government to remain over the State of South Carolina i forever? Is il to be permanent? Aud if it is to be permanent, I ask whether that is not conquest and subjugation T hat is conquest; what is subjugation? Conquest simply mean the overrunning of a country and the assumption of its political power on the part of the conqueror, and maintaining it s against the will of the people. What is subjugation? Making that people go under the yoke, after the fashion of the ancient , who made the yoke the symbol of subjection. As I understand, and as I thought we all understood, thai is not our object. Why did we invade Tennessee? Because w hen the will of the people of Tennessee was fairly expressed according to the laws then prevailing nnd under our Constitution, there was a majority against the rebellion. So it was iu Maryland; so it was, 1 believe, in North Carolina; so it was in Kentucky; and so it would have been in Louisiana, if the poll had beeu fair. Then we were iu duty bound to in. tu gurate this wax; we were in duty bound to go to the rescue of those loyal people, and v?e so de cided it at first. They might not have been com batants, but they were loyal people, and we had guarantied to theu a republican form of government We have gone there; I trust we have gone there as men ought to go, in pursuance of the stipulations of our Government, unu if it. turns out by some accident or other that in the meanwhile they have all changed their minds and are all now unanimously against us, then our labor is lost. We ca.mot subjugate any people w ho are unanimously against us. particularly under circumstances of this kind. If that be so, as I said before, our labor is lost, because we have no constitutional machinery by which to seize upon ami lake hold of an exterior province mid govern it by virtue of our conquest. No man desires it, no man wishes it, because that itself would be the overthrow of our Constitution by the admission that the seceded S ates had gone out, were out; and that being out we could make a valid conquest of them. I have no doubt the.-e are gentlemen here in Ävor of subjugation, and were from the very ill ... i ..I . - - - .- it . . 1 I 1 hrst, because almost even thing that thev have done since then has indicated that that was their original idea; but 1 say that was not the original idea of the American people; it was not the original idea oi die American Congress, because they declared otherwise; and if they declared what was not their real opinion at that time, so much the worse for those who did so, and it will come to naught,. We, as a nation, are responsible before God and before the world and to ourselves tor the honesty of our natives and the correctnes of our intentions. If we expect that wecan violate the right, trample it under foot, regardless of anything except our own desire for vengeance, we shall be taught bitterly and mournfully the truth of the teit: "Yenge.iuce is mine, saitii the Lord; I will repay." And that text is not only a revealed truth, it is a truth in nature that he who seeks any advantage, whether an individual or a nation, for the mere purposes of re venge, will fail; he will never get vengeance; the recoil will be upon himself ; it will be "eugineer hoist hv his own petard." The world is full of examples of it. It is not an arbitrary law because it was revealed, but it was revealed because it was in nature from the beginning. The experience of everv man in private life who has ever tried aw i experiment of that kind ought to have taught him so. Trample upon the weakest for purposes of vengeance, and he who undertakes it will find that he has sown the sorrow und reaped the produce of it. Mr. Wilkinson I should like to ask the Senator from Pennsylvania a question and that is whether the Government of the United States has not ttie right, ami whether it is not its du:v, to prevent any separate and independent government front being established within its borders, even if the whole people within a certain area de termine so lo do? Mr. Cowan That is another and entirely different question, not a question of constitutional law, but a question of policy; and how far it can ever be a question in this country is yet to be determined, because it has never arisen. It can not arise readily, according to the principles upon which we established our Government, and I am very free to say that, guided by thee principles, it would be a violation of them upon our part to seize upon any contiguous territory, or even to subjugate and make conquest of leiritory within our own borders, because we believed it would add lo our security or our convenience. It is the doctrine of European politics unquestionably, and it has been attempted to be established as the doctrine in this country on the part of the Southern secessionists, that if Cuba was necessary lo our safety, and if it would contribute to our defense in the future, we ought lo seize it, right or wroug. Mr. Wilmot Will my colleague answer this question: have we a right to preserve the integrity of the republic against all euemies? Mr. Cowan My whole speech has been to answer that very question. Wre have a right to maintain the integrity of the Republic, of course, under certain conditions; but its nobody supposes the Republic will be eternal, that it will lost always, and that it can last as against the will of the people w ho created it, my colleigue will have to consider the question as answered. Mr. Wilkinson If I have understood the Senator from Pennsylvania correctly, his argument is this: that if all the people of Sjuth Carolina choose to go out of this Union, and to set up a separate and independent Government, the Gov ernment of the United Slates has no right to pieI vent them. Mv question was, whether the Gov eminent of the United States was justified iu per mitting a separate and independent Government to be established with its borders, although the enure people ot a certain area determined to do so? and that leads directly to the argument in the case. If every man, woman, and child, within ihe borders of the State of South Carolina, should determine to set up a separate and independent Gov eminent antagonistic to thai of the United btates, is this Government justified in silling down quilly and permitting it lo be done? Mr. Cowan We have solemnly and unanimously decided here that we were not seeking to Conquer und subjugate the people of the Southern States, bin to rescue and restore to them the Government displaced by the reliellion. That we do by virtue ot the Constitution aud of our rights under it. My honorable friend from Minnesota, however, goes furluer, and asks, in the case he puts, if the whole of the people of Stulh Caro Una were to refuse obedience to the Government of the United States, whether we would be justified in permitiing them to establish an independent government for themselves? I answer that is a question of policy, lo be determined after we had put down all armed resistance and found the unanimity of her people against us. We would then consider the necessity of holding her as a conquered province; and I should say that it ought to be a most pressing necessity which would justify us if we did do so; however, we would, by that act, virtu illy admit her out of the Union, and hold her the same as a foreign State which was ours by the fortune of war. Thus we would do by virtue of the laws of nations, and not by virtue of our constitutional authority over her, and here lies the difference; we might have chosen at the outset of this war to consider the seceded States out of the Union, and we might have determined to conquer them not to restore them again as States in the Union, but to hold them at our will this would have been conquest, subjugation. On .he other hand, we had a right to consider the rebellion as only partial, and not iuvolving the whole people, and that we would suppress it, and restore the Union as before, and we took the question distinctly as to which of the two modes we would adopt whent was decided that we would not conquer or subjugate, but restore. And. Mr. President, I am for sbftiding there, and under that hypothesis, I hold it utterly impossible to succeed if the whole people are against us, because we can only adopt the other mode of con

quest by ""oig back now, and admitting what we at first denied on all hands, namely : that the seceded States were actually out of the Union, and to be dealt with wholly under the laws of nations, and not under the Constitution. Are we ready to do that? I think not; but that we must go on

' as we have started, and maintain ourselves upon il consistently till the end; and then it such an extraordinary unanimity of the people is found against us as has been predicated here, it will be lime enough to settle and determine the question of policy, of conquest. Mr. Wilkinson The Senator tries to dodge the issue a little. He supposes the case of Cuba. That is not a parallel case. We do not propose to go outside of the limits of the United States. The question that 1 propounded to him is as to the duty of this Government lo maintain its in Ugrity over its own territory and within its own border. Il is not as to our going to Cuba. I do not base my question upon the doctrines of the Ostend manifesto I ask whether it is not the bounden duty of this Government, as an independent, separate nation, to maintain the integrity ot every inch of its territory within its limits, no matter what the people of a certain district may say or do or decide in regard to it. I do not want the Senator to go off and try to draw me on to the platform of James Buchanan und Mr. Soule in their Ostend manifesto. Mr. Cowan I have said, Mr. President, as a matter of constitutional law, that there was no authority, but that it was a question of policy; and as that question had not been settled iu this country, as it had not arisen for the consideration of our statesmen, I have no opinion to express upon it, except the one I have expressed, that nothing but the most pressing necessity to enable us to secure ourselves would authorize us to do it under our form of Government. .Tieetincr of the Democracy of Center loivnsltip, .Marion County. At a meeting ol ttie Democrats of Center town ship for the purpose of appointing delegates to the Congressional Convention to be held at Franklin and the County Convention, Julius Boetticher was called to the chair and N. Haiden was appointed Secretary. On motion of J. B. Ryan, a committee of three was appointed by ihe Chair to select the said delegates. The committee appointed the following delegates to the Congressional Convention: Julius Boetticher, J. E. McDonald, Powell Howland. Robert Walpole. W. EL Tulbott, J. B. Ryan, H. EL Dodd. Henry Vandegrift, N. B. Taylor, J Nicolai. A. Jones, J. J . Bingham, G. Mc'Ouat, W. S. Pierce. The committee recommend that nil Democrats in altenOance from Center township act as advisory delegates; also that the delegates have power to fill all vacancies. And the following were selected as the dele gates to the county Convention, and to the judicial convention: Thos. Johnson, N. Hayden, Cat. Taylor, John Talbott, Levi Ayres, Jacob Beck, J. M. Austin, Wm. Wilkison, Johu Mullauey, A. Knodle, J. E. Hoberts, C. C. Campbell, Mat. Simpson, U. Beuhrig, J. P. Meikel, John Bussey, Sam Dau iels, Samuel Canbv, A. Naltner, Michael O'Conner, Simon McCarthy, Wm. Uendersou, Chris. Werby, John Carlisle, Joseph Colley, Jake Mull, James Diver, N. B Pulmer. The committee recommend that the above del egates to the county convention act as the delegates to the judicial district convention. JULIUS BOETTICHER, Pres't. N. Hatdex, Sec'y- ' Hancock County. Pursuant lo a call ot the Central Committee, the Democracy of Hancock County met in Mass Convention at Greenfield, on Saturday, July 12. for the purpose of nominating candidates for the various offices to be tilled ut the approaching election. The Convention was organized by the election of 'Squire John Foster as President, and Col. George Taguc, Wm Handy, John Sample, aud Wm Potts as Vice Presidents. Alfred B. Shaw was elected Secretary, and George West Aaistant Secretary. Mr. Pries, of Centre Township, moved that a committee of one from each township be appointed ny the Chair to draft resolutions. I he following were appointed on said committee: John P. Banks, of Bruudywine township; Wm. Handy, of Blue River; John Collins, ol Buck Creek; Montgomery Marsh, of Brown; Wm Fries, of Ce:itre; Ed. Valentine, of Green; George W. Simple, ot Jackson; Ernest Foul, ot Suvar Creek; Wm. Jackson, of Vernon. On motion of S imuel Seward, of Brown Tonship, all resolutions were referred to ihe commit tee without debate. On motion of Montgomery Marsh, a committee was selected by the chair to report a list of delegates to the Congttssionul Convention which meets at Franklin ou Thursday, the 11th Jnf of July. The delegates reported w ere John Addison, E. H. Fout, P. S. Waggoner, Wm. Jackson. Montgomery Marsh, Thomas Collins, A. C. Handy, S. Chandler. W. Collier, John Collins, J. W.Ryon, Samuel Heaveuridge, Ed. Valeutine, and Richard Francis. Samuel Heavenridge moved that the names of the candidates for the various offices be now announced; w hich was carried. Noble Warram was unanimously nominated for the office of Representative of Hancock county. James L. Mason received a majority of the votes for Representative lor the counties of Han cock and Shelby. E. S. Bottslord received a majority of the votes lor the office of Commissioner for the western district, and was declared duly uouii na ted. George W. Simple received a majority of the votes for County Surveyor, and was declared the nominee of the Convention. The committee to whom was entrusted the duty of reporting resolutions then reported the following which were unanimously adopted: Wheehas, This Government has been administered by conservatives and upon conservative principles almost exclusivelv from its organization up to the time of the triumph of the sectional Republican party by the election of Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency in lb6l), and governed, too, with equal and exaci justice to every portion of our countiy, East, West, North and South, in such manner mid upon such principles as to insure respect and cheeiTul obedience to the Constitution Mid laws of our country, thereby securing industrv its just reward, prosperity, happiness and brotherly kindness between sections.and making us one of the great nations of the earth, commercially, politically, socially and religiously; therefore be it Re&Aoed, 1 That we will stand by that good old conservative party and the conservative principles which have controlled nnd sustained our Government from the days of Washington, Jefferson and other such patrijlsto the present time, firmly believing that if the Constitution is to be maiiiiuined und the Union cemented and restored to its former greatness aud power it musibedoue on conservative Democratic principles. 2. That us Democrats and conservatives, we will render all the aid in our power, both in men and money, in, a constitutional and legal manner, for the suppression of the present wicked and formidable reliellion, at the same time solemnly proiesting against the reckless nud fanatical emancipation and Aliolition schemes that have recently been proposed and enacted in our National Legislature; a"d demanding from the authorities at our National Capital and elewhere that there shall be no more fraud, corruption and public plundering of our hard earned aud needy National and State treasuries. 3. That as Democrats and conservatives, we earnestly and deeply sympathize aud pray fer venlly for the success of our brave volunteers from every section of our country, but more particularly for those brave and hardy sous frum Hancock that have imperiled their lives, their fortunes, and their all, iu defense and for the raaiutenance of the Constitution as it is. and the restoration of the Union as it was. 4. That we treat with utter contempt the charge that Democrats are disunionists and smpathize with the rebels in their efforts to subvert the laws and overthrow the Government, aud we hereby hurl back the slanderous charge, and brand our slanderers w ith being the only seces sionisis and aiders of rebellion in the North who sympathize with the rebels in their efforts to overthrow the Government, aud look upon Abolitionists North and secessionists South as equally opposed to the Government aud laboring for its overthrow. The following additional resolution was offered by Mr. Wurrum, and adopted: Hi koI ml. That as there is no Democratic pa per published iu Hancock county, the Indiana Slate Sentinel and Shelby Volunteer be respectfully requested to publish the proceedings ot this Convention. It being ascertained that the true and tried Democrat and honest man, the Hon. Thomas A. Hendricks, was in the town, a committee was appointed to wait on and request him to address the Convention. Mr. Hendricks came forward and made an able "soul stirring" speech; after which the meeting, which was one of the largest ever held in Hancock county, adjourned, with cheers for the Stars and Stripes, and lor the union aud equality of the Stales JOHN FOSTER, Pres't. Alfeed B. Shaw, Sec'y. Oio Wm, Assistant Sec'y.

Special Corret-pooOnce of the Chicapr. Tin-., from WatKingtoa. Exposurt of the Plot Against McCUUanAn Answer to Chandlers Resolution Hose the Secretary of 'ar sfks to Defend Himself at McCleUan's Expense. Washington, July 8, 168. The history ol nations has shown that the worst of men find advocates and defenders, and thst ot ours will prove no exception. Eve that wretched compound ot obstinacy and conceit who presides at the War Department ban toaud men to defend him. The measures, however, to which his advocates resort iu their vain attempts to shield him from the storm of indigiiMtion which is Justly poured upon him show to what a depth of shame they have descended. I have been at some pains to collect the facts in regard to the conduct of the War Department in rela tion to the recent deleat ot the Army of the Potomac, and they are as follows: The Secretary ol War had long ago deteiviined that McClellan should never take Richmond. I placed that fact betöre the country supported by the proof, months ago. Over and over again during the progress of the Peninsula campaign Geu. McClellan seat to the War Depart in -nt, by special messengers, candid statements ol his nu merical strength, accompanied by earnest and pressing calls for reinforcements. One of these messengers was sent after the battle of Williamsburg, about the 9lh of May, one while headquar

ters were at Köper s Chinch, near West Point; one when White House was first reached, about the loth of May ; one when headquarters were at the plantation of Dr. Curtis und the bulk of the army was still on the left bank of the Chicka hominy, sbout the 27th of May, and one finally when that Rubicon had beeu crossed by the ar my, about the 12th of June, and headquarters had been fixed near Mr Mickey's plantation, north of Savage Station. During all this lime, a space of twelve weeks, the losses of the army Irom sickness alone amounted to 500 men per day. This would amount to 3,000 men, but as 8,000 of these alter a few weeks absence succeeded in recruiting their health aud returned lo their regiments before the late movement, the army was weakened from this cause 30,(100 men. We lost in killed, wounded and prisoners in the battles of Williamsburg, West Point, the Chickabouiiny and in several minor actions, 15.000 troops. Estimating the several corps which McClellan brought to Fortress Monroe by the 1st of April at 125,000 strong, it would give him on the 25ih of June a force of 95,000 troops to contend against the rebels' 200,000. These figures, when the truth comes to be known, will be found to be very nearly correct. Indeed some authorities whose meaus of information are second to M ie, estimate our force ou the 25th at only 85,000. The only reinforcements sent to McClellan during all this lime were Gen Mc Call's division of Penn sylvania reserves, 12,000 strong, and five other regiments, amounting lo 3,000 more, making the aggregate reinforcements 15,000. These are included in the above, thus: o McCleUan's force at Fortress Monroe, April 1st Lo-es from sickness, 77 days. . Losses in battle before June 25. Total losses before that date. 125.' .38,500 .15.000 53.500 Leaving ., 72,500 Add McCall's and other reinforcements. 15,000 Add returned convalescents 8,000 Making McCiellan's force June 25. . . 95 So there is the answer to Senator Chandler's impudent resolution introduced iu the Senate yesterday. The commencement of the flreat disaster, the defeat of McCall and Porter neir Mechanic.svüle. took place on Thursday, June 28. Headquarters were moved down to Savage Station on Friday. Brave old Heiutzelman remained there, keeping the hungry myriads of the enemy at bay until Saturday night We retained p sses on of the telegraph till that time, but Gen McClellan abandoned its use ou the preceding day, iu order that his dispatches might not be intercepted by the enemy. On Friday morning he sent his last tele graphic dispatch to the Government at Washington, merely stating that the movement towards t e James river way well under way. and bidding adieu lor a few days until his communications should be re-opened by way of the James river. He hid previously communicated his situation lull v to the Government. 'I he War Department was fully aw are of it. But even when this final message came, and it was known that McClellan was cut off, Stanton had the audacity to say, in effect, that the movement which he proposed was a very simple one, quite easy to be executed, as the roads were good, and one which would involve no loss of life or property on the part of the army; that the rebel strength at Richmond had always beeu overrated; that it was no greater than ours, if as great; that it was ridiculous to suppose that either Beauregard himself or any part of his army was at Richmond; and that Gen. Jackson was nearer Winchester than Richmond. He spoke sneeringly, at the same tjape, ot Gen. McClellan tor having failed to take Richmond, and for being now obliged to retreatThen came four or five days of fearful suspense. No news could be heard from the armv. The War Department had promised to give to the public any news from McClellan, good or bad. It falsified that promise as it has many others. Here was a fact, that McCiellan's tele' graphic communication with the gov eminent had been cut off. The people did uot know it, and Stanton refused to permit it lo be published. Nothing could be learned. The public anxiety was intense. Apprehensions of tearful disasters were entertained. Men held their breath, and put their ears to the ground to hear the echo of McCiellan's guns. Tiie first news came on Tuesday, in the shape of rumors brought up in the steamer of that morning to Ball more. It took the shape that "McCiellan's army had been de feated before Richmond, was retreating, and had been nearly annihilated; that Gen. McClellan himself had been compelled to take refuge ou bo mi of a gunboat in the Jamos river." These rumors were not sent by telegraph, but they were quickly dispatched by mail, with railroad speed, all-over the country. On 1 uesdav afternoon, a swift stcimer came down the James river to Fortress Monroe with the real facts of the re treat, which were immediately communicated by telegraph lo the War Department. That night there was mourning in tens of thousands of families at the North. But what was thai to the charlatan ot the War Department? Did he re spect the grief of thirty thousand fire-ides which he had desolated? Not he. He shut up in the dungeons of Fort Mc Henry a man who might have lold the truth hut who had not done so), and concocted and sent over the wires a manifesto calling the defeat "a glorious victory!" as if that glittering falsehood would restore u ach ing hearts and weeping eyes the mangled remains of thousands of beloved ones left lo the mercy of the enemy! Thursday came. Beater of dispatches for the Government arrived here direct from Hanisoa's Landing, accompanied by a few other persons who had witnessed nnd participated in the re treat. The game was up. Further concealment was useless. The next morning, the anniversary of independence, the truth was published to the world. The secretary of War was now iu "a fix." He called around him his boon companions his Chandlers, his Wade, his Lovejoys and the other haters of McClellan to concoct a plan certainly not to save McClellan, who was at tnat very moment risking his life for his couutiy. The plan was formed; but it was agreed to wait a few days in order to see the tone of the pre-s. The tone of the press was not remzkab! v encouraging. All the honest and independent new papers in the land called out in thunder tones for the instant dismissal ot the of the man, Siauton. The President begun to look upou hm coldly. He instructed Chandler, tlierelore, to introduce this resolution, knowing well that il can neve1- be complied with, and that the interests of the service will not permit the publication of the details it calls for; but seeking, by spearing to desire the publication, to throw the odium on General McClellan. Stanton himself will prevent the publication, if there is any possibility of the disclosures being made. The disclosure of the documents named in the resolution would be death to Stanton. I hope the disclosures will be made. The publication of the documents would be an act of justice to McClellan, for it would forever silence his calumniators. Thk Mark ft The following were the ruling 1 prices of produce during the past week as lur ! nished bv Mr J. H Chalotte: Wheat 75a80. Corn 25a27. Outs 25a2S. Eggs 5a6. Butter 8al0. Chickens $1 25 per dozen. Improvements The Fourth Ward is not behind the others this year in the number and quality of the new buildings In process of erection. In Park Place we notice another fine residence about completed and the streets running north from the military ground are rapidly filling with handsome and commodious dwellings. An acre of grass in the north part of the Ucitv is for sale. Inquire at this office.