Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 22, Number 5, Indianapolis, Marion County, 23 June 1862 — Page 2

WEEKLY SEK TIN EL.

10DAY JCE 23 rue Uniea it uu'i be irie rvi (I . JacJtson. Democratic Union State Ticket. rOE SECRETARY OF STATE, JAMES S. ATHON, Of Marion County. rO'l AUDITOR Or STATE , JOSEPH RISTINE. Of Fountain County. rom TREASURER or STATE, MATTHEW L BRETT, Of D iviess County. rOR ATTORXET QRXRRAL, OSCAR B HORD. Ot Decatur County. rOR CrEElXTESDETT OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION, SAMUEL L. RUOO. Of Allen County. Serenth Cnirrtlonal District. The Democracy of the Seventh Congressional District will meet in Maas Convention, at Terre Haute, on the 22d day of July, to nominate a candidate for Congress. The Negro Philanthropy of the til ministration. The New York Tribune of Wednesday last states that Gen. Fremont's army is suffering seriously for want of supplies. The same paper advises that the Government has returned Mr. Colter to North Carolina for the purpose of reopening the "colored schools," all of course at the expense of the Federal Treasury. Our armies are suffering for the supplies necessary for a vigorous prosecution of the war, yet the Administration is liberally appropriating the resources of the Government to the education of negroes, and the support of a lot of lazy, worthless contrabands in idleness. Is not this an interference with the institutions of t'ie States? What sense in such a policy, such schemes of negro philanthropy, when every dollar is needed, and all the energies of the Government to supply the gallant men wh are fighting the battles of the Union! Who to HI am. ' The Republicans are resolving and re resolving that they are for a vigorous prosecution of the war. The National Administration, Congress, nearly all the Stale Administrations and Legislatures, are in the hands of the Republicans. Every demand of the Federal Administration for men and money to vigorously prosecute the war has been promptly responded to by Democrats, as well as its political friends. Who then to blame if the war is not vigorously prosecuted? Surely the fault must be with those who have its direction. Instead of applying them selves patriotically and energetically to that object, and that alone, they have been busy in enriching political and per. on 1 friends with fat army contracts. And it seems as though the war would last as long as money can be raided thus to prosecute it. That has been the difficulty from the beginning. How often have the people been promised by the Administration that the war should end, or the rebel armies dispersed, in sixty, thirty and ten days, but instead of that wisbedfor result the rebellion has been constantly assuming more gigantic proportions, and our armies in the field have not yet been equal to the task allotted to them. The Administration has never yet risen to a just comprehension of the magnitude of the rebellion or the means necessary for its suppression. That's where the blame must rest for the prolongation of the war, and its enormous cost in blood and treasure, not with the people who have nobly responded to every call upon their patriotism. The Pledge. Recollect that the Republicans of Indiana have solemnly avowed and pledged themselves that the war now existing is not fur conquest or subjugation, or for overthrowing or interfering with the rights or institutions of any of the States; but that its object is to defend and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution, and to preserve the Union as established bv our patriot fathers, with all the dignity, equality und rights of the several States unimpaired. This is the gist of the 18th of June platform. Now we ask the Republicans to redeem these declarations of sentiment, by uniting with the Democracy in resisting all schemes of emancipation and confiscation, every measure which will not maintain the supremacy of the Constitution and preserve the Union as established by our patriot fathers, or which will impair the dignity, equality and rights of any of the Slates. This is all the conserva. live sentiment of the country has ever demand ed, and we call upon the supporters of the 16th of June Convention to insist that the Federal Administration shall prosecute the war faithfully, energetically and decidedly, for the purposes enumerated, and that every scheme foreign thereto shall be repudiated. This it is declared is our duty to the whole country, and we ask that it shall be patriotically fulfilled, regardless of all former political differences. Let the whole people of Indiana demand, in fact they do demand, that the President, the Administration, and Congress shall prosecute tne war in the spirit and for the purposes set forth in the Crittenoin resolution adopted by both the 8lh of January and the 18th of June Convention , and that when they are accomplished it shall cease. If the 18th of .lime Convention, representing the Republicans of Indiana, was honest in this expression of sentiment upon the objects for which the war should be rnecuted, its voice should be heeded by the Republican Representatives from this 8tata in Congress. We will see if they will redeem this pledge, the platform ot those whom they represent. "The Sterer Fraud." We have examined "Hawes's Indiana Gazetand find that the author of the following is or was a respectable chinaware or crockery merchant of New Albany, and therefore publish it, a it is evidently intended for the public eye. We do not know or care whether Governor Morton '-sugettei to J. J Brows place any bonds of Hallet or any other par turn either for hypothecation or for sale," but if Governor Morton will say over his own s gnature that be did not sagest" to Mr. James M. Rat. whom the people of Indiana know to be a skilfull financeer, the propriety and advantage of placing the unsold war bonds in the hands of Hallett or Jerome "for hypothecation or for sa'e," we will with great pleasure give him a place in the columns of the Sentinel to so advise the public. Governor Morton and bis confederates having for prudential considerations ceased charg ing the Democratic party with the responsibility of the " Stove fraud" we have no desire to continue the controversy ; but. if r personal controversy is desired, we may be induced to illuminate the affair for the edification of the public, and the materials are at hand. As "very respectfully. J. J. Brown, Loan Commis sioner" and queensware dealer, is anxious to get bis name in print, free ot charge, (r sharp dodge to advertise bis ware gratis.) we give him the renti llation be desires. By his own card it appears that Governor Morton did not estimate his abilities of sufficient importance to even with him about the " hypothecation or of the unsold war bonds." We wonder His Excellency has got any more certi negative or affirmative, in behalf of his 1 virtue? Read what "J. J. Brown" has to My: Editor SeivtthI Dear Sir: In your com Reset on the Hoe J. B McDonald's letter of this

j date, on the Stover fraud, you state that it has ' not vet been denied that Governor Morton urged 1 upon the Loan Commissioners the propriety of

placing the unsold war bonds in the hands ol H i lieu tor disposal as the Ageutof the State. Please say to your readers that Gov. Morton has at no time sugested c r utged the undersigned to place any bonds in the hands of Hallett or any other parties, either lor hypothecation or for sale. Very respectfully, J. J. Brown, Loan Commissioner. Indianapolis, June 20, 1862. It will be noticed from the foregoing card, that Governor Morton's voluntary witness, "J. J. Brown, Loan Commissioner," Queenswarc, Ac, does not deny that His Excellency was wined, yachted, and so forth, by Hallet. If the Governor has any more cards or certificates, negatively or attirmatively vouching for his official integrity, we will with pleisure publish them. We have no doubt he can get a thousand or two very respectable gentlemen to say that they never saw him riding with Hallett on the fashionable drives around New York city, wining with him at the Fifth Avenue Hotel, yachting with him on the splendid bay of New York, or taking advnntage of his official position to put money in his purse. When a man feels it necessary to procure evi dence of good character, it generally excites the suspicion in the public mind that there is some, thing "rotten in Denmark." yTbe Journal charges that we were "com pelled to eat our wordjr," because we made some corrections in the statements of a correspondent in regard to the "Stover fraud." Unlike that , print, we never wilfully do an opponent injustice, j .mil unlike it also, we are ever willinc to correct n , - an error. By representations from a triend of James M. Rat, Esq., we were satisfied that our correspondent misapprehended that gentleman in his statement that Governor Morton was wined and yachted bv one of the parties to the swindle . . . . . - , , , I ajter his knowledge of the fraud, but that it was ; . , ... . . . . . before. It is not yet denied but that the wining, etc., did occur, and that the Governor recommended that the unsold war bonds should bo put in the hands of one of the said parties to dispose of, but the only mistake was as to the time it took place. A blander. The militia of the State will probably be put on a war footing very shortly. 1.' the sympathizers with treason and traitors, meditate to undertake to carrv out their plans in ' this quarter, they will doubtless find the work quite as hot as they bargained for. 1 en thousand sLnnd ct arms have been ordered for State troops. The indications in Kentucky are that a svstem of gu rrilla warfare is contemplated. Our generals, Diimont and Boyle, have their plans and are prepared to checkmate We extract the foregoing from the Indianapolis dispatches to the Cincinnati Gazette of last Saturday. It is well known that these reports emanate from the Governor's office, and that fact gives them a character which they otherwise could udt attain. The base insinuations in the , , extract quoted are a uross blander upon the peob r ple of Indiana, and the announcement that such I a necessity exists for putting the militia of the ; State upon a war footing to put down treason at , ... .. , I home, is giving "aid and comfort to the rebellion. That is only an apology, however, for ordering "ten thousand stand of arms for State troops," and putting the militia of the State upon a war footing. There is not tht remotest justifi cation for such a step in the reason given. The

Governor knows this. It is an iusult to the j 10 expose parties through whose agency they i rij- . . .. itf , reached the public. 1 he result is, that the Grand people of Indiana to even suggest it. It such a t u i r i.i v " Jurv have been induced, as I understand, upon project is seriously entertained, there may be two ! an unsworn and informal communication, withreason for it. A tear of invasion and raids out any complaint or charge before a magistrate, from the rebel troops m ay be one, and the other i 10 mailers, and as these pro- . . ceedinu's are secret, and thev receive only testimay be to enforce acquiescence in every act of J jm lhe p antl no accused the Administration. If one of these is not the can be heard before them, it is not impossible reason for puttine the militia of the State upon j that on the imperfect or misrepresented state of

a war footing, we cannot imagine what can be the motive. We do not believe there is a citizen of Indiana who would engage in any disloyal designs upon the Government, and no sane man can entertain such an idea. We ask the taxpayers of Indiana, regardless of party affiliations, to remember those who are swelling the public expenses and public debt under false pretenses, r e . n jv and who in the name of the Constitution and the Union are undermining the liberties and rights of the people. mi. .a.. -"- - rne Unüasion of the istn June tonvent ion. ... . . . , . The Lou.sv.lle Democrat, in noticing the plat form of the lSih of June Convention, regards the resolutions, as far as they go, unexceptionj able. It notices, however, the following material I points now at issue which the Convention failed I to notice. These omissions show the dishonesty of the Republican leaders engaged in it, and that the "Union" scheme is nothing less than a deliberate attempt upon their part to deceive and humI bug the people for the single purpose of perpetu ating power in their hands. This is so evident la. . I thatu sterns to us impossible that any honest Democrat or conserva.ive citizen can be led i astray from the path of duty and patriotism or I place confidence in a party which is constantly i violating its own platform. The Democrat says: It will be recollected that this Congress has twice refused to pass the substance of this first resolution, for reasons beat known to themselves. The overwhelming majority of the people will pass it, and do so in good faith. The ground of debate in our neighboring State will not be upon this resolution. The rebellion is to be put down unconditionally. The legitimate power of the Government must be sus taiued. And in doing this, the Administration must be sustaiued witu all the liberality needed to accomplish that end. Detbte the people, however, there are material points net touched that go to the very issue of the coutest. S hat are legitimate and appropriate means to put down this rebellion, and what are not? Was it necessary to put down the rebellion to abolish slavery in the Dis'iict of Columbia? Is it uecessarv to put down this rebe lion to : tax the people of the whole Union to pay for the slaves that states may see proper to emancqiate? Is it necessary to put down this rebellion to gel up negro schools iu North Carolina, and sup- ! port them at the Government expense; or, in fact, to get them up at all at any one's expense? Is it necessary to put down the rebellion to bur ; den the Treasury with millions to support runaW:IV sl;IVPs'' Is it legitimate for a man with straps on his I shoulders to proclaim martial law over two or three States, and assume to abolish slavery? Does the Constitution allow as a punishment ; for treason to confiscate property at all? I I a general confiscation consistent with humanity it it were constitutional? Alt such means, in our opinion, are calculated, if not designed, to strengthen the rebellion, and uot restore but divide the Union. All parlies in our neighboring State ere united in a determination to put down the rebellion. There m.iv be here and there a man whose wishes are otherwise; but he will count nothing iu this 1 coutest. Better uot charge that the men who support the ftth of January ticket are sympathi sets with the rebellion. If the rebels believed ', that it would inspire them with more hope than any military success, and if it were true, it would nullify all the effects of victories on the field of b:-le. The slsver Fraud. The Journal attempts to relieve its master, in iu issue of yesterday, from complicity in the Stover fraud " We have given Governor Mor ton and h:s friends every opportunity to explain his connection with that affair, but as yet he has failed to satisfy tbe public that be has acted with that sagacity aud straightforwardness which should characterise the Chief Magistrate of a powerful Bute. It is evident, if clear from all indiscreet connection with the swindle, t'jat he bas been verreacbeu; by the sharp operators who were engaged in it. The facts developed show: 1st. That one of the parties to the fraud, by flattering attentions to His Excellency, secured bis confidence and good will; and that the Governor made an effort with oue of the Loan Commissioners to have them place in tbe hands of the said party the unsold war bonds to dispose of.

We hsve gi ren the Governor en opportunity to explain this matter, but he only denies that it occurred after bis knowledge of the fraud and not before. 2d. We have charged that the present Agent of State became aware of the fraud soon after he went into office; that for nearly a year he withheld this information from the State authorities and the public; that the State Agency in New York was used in the meantime as a cloak to the swindle, the fraudulent bonds being returned there and treated as genuine; that the Agency was used for the same purpose after the Governor was advised of the fraud, knowing that such was the case, and believing that the State was in no way respoesible for the bonds thus fraudulently issued, and within a few weeks, he has sent agents from here to New York to aid in retiring the said bonds from circulation and destroying them, to relieve the liability of the State as it is averred. 3d. We have also charged after the matter was placed in the hands of the District Attorney in February last, for the purpose of prosecuting the guilty parties, the Governor wrote a no'e to the Attorney General of that' State, requesting him to keep the affair a State secret for the pre sent. This has not been denied. 4th. That for about four months from January or February last, the Governor withheld from the public a knowledge of the fraud, and permitted the State Agency in New York to act equally as the ageut for the parties issuing the fraudulent bonds, in retiring or transferring said bonds, as for the State in retiring and transferring genuine bonds or certificate of stocks . We have had no disposition, and have none even now, to continue a personal controversy with the Governor as to the facts involved in this important affair to him, and only allude to it now to correct some gross misrepresentations of his organ. The public cannot fail to see that put I i his connection with it, to say the least, has been bunglingly managed by His Excellency, and to the damage of the good name ot Indiana. The magnitude of the crime seems to have given it an odor of respectability. If the parties engaged in it had stolen Governor Morton's State carriage, ere now they would have been in Jeffersonville, but two-million swindlers seem to be regarded with distinguished consideration. When the Governor has explained the matters to which we have called his attention in this ar tide, we have a lew others which will need illumination, but which we reserve for the presentAs a matter of curiosity, and as a part of the ,ilory 0f this great swindle, we apperd the fol lowing defense of Mr. Hallett, one of the alleged parties thereto, which we find in the New York papers of last Friday: THE INDIANA STATE BONDS TO THE PUBLIC. Various rumors have recently been circulated in reference to an alleged over issue of Indiana State bond; M? connection with bonds of that ' State commenced bv mv receiving them in the i , . . " , . r , i regular course of business, as collaterals for ndvances made and money loaned on faith of those instruments; afterwards, to receive money bor ' rowed' J hypothecated some of them and when it was deemed necessary that a number of them should be retlTejt i t0-o'perated in effecting mat result with the legally authorized agents of the i State of Indiana. The idea has been in some way conveyed to the public that these bonds were fraudulently circulated, and the charge has been made that the authorities of Indiana, knowing the bonds were improperly issued, took uo steps facts presented to them, they may fiud an indict ment against those to whose hands the alleged illegal bonds have come, and thus attempt to implicate me. No Indiana State bonds have ever reached my hands which were not in the usual and regular form of those admitted to be valid obligations. It is not pretended that any signature or attesta tion essential to their legality is wanting, nor that i n" ni,rae "fJ'li J" T? T 18 JfE l "Ut 11 18 SMI" ,hat '""Uo'1 'enl d binding Oil j their 1;ice tiev nre ilivniid because they were iasued "in excess of authority." This is not the first time that obligations, inj formally or irregularly issued, have come to the possession of our business communitv, and I r . .. . ... i need not say how frequently similar informalities , . .. ', ... or irregularities have tailed to prevent ebliga j tio,9 ellforceJ. In the present instance I am advised by counsel that the bonds alleged so f he void, ans valid and legal obligations bindng on me oiaie oi niuiana, - mai wnaiever objection may by any possibility have existed in reference to the original issue of the bonds by the S'ate Agent h is been removed by the fact that the authorities of Indiana have, with a knowledge of the circumstances, permitted the very bonds now claimed to be invalid .o be transferred at the agency and others issued in their place, and otherwise and in all respects tre.tted f nd recognized them as bonds properly and lawIUIIT INUCU. the moment when r understood these ' bond transactions were to be investigated, I have niost earnestly desired and striven to have the j '"es-tio Publicl" c0l.'ducted. binS fh:t invin.T rt ormortimit v to pyh ;iin I run In j fy any" tribunal that, "so far as I am con- ; cerned, nothing culpable could be imputed to me in such transactions, but tor reasons alreadystated, I could not effect what I so much desired. The G rand Jury cannot be required to hoar a person in any way charged or implicated, and as no one originated any proceeding against me, I have had no opportunity whatever to present an explanation, or call a witness. This seems the more unjust in view of the fact that in January last, alter I bad hypothecated many of the bonds now alleged to have been created without sufficient authority, and after the arrangement for retiring bonds as above mentioned had been made, I purchased directly from I the authorities of the Slate of Indiana, and paid tor two hundred thousand dollars worth of its State bonds in all respects upon their face like those which are now alleged to be invalid. If any banker, merchant or broker, having paper which was ostensibly genuine, should find himself suddenly accused of injustice in dealing with it, or subject to the inquisition of a grand i jurv because such paper was alleged to have been issued under circumstances which in law might make it invalid as against the parties to it, he would occupy just such a position as I now hold. I have no apprehension of any consequences which may attach to me personally from any aclion of the legal authorities, and am prepared to , answer aud meet everything which may be al I leged against me. and I have no fear that the ! judgment of fair-minded men will hold me amenable for anything which I have done in the ' transaction which I have felt called upon thus j publiclv to notice. Samcel Hallett. Juue 18, lö62. Special Correspondence of the Chicago Times. From Washington. The Rationale of tht Rebel Attack on McCleUan's rear at Tunttal a Tht Rebels have ascertained the practicability of getting in McClellan'a rear Sketch of the Topography of the country The lesson which this occurrence teaches Will it be thrown away. Washington, June 16. The attack of tbe rebels on Tunstal's Station, on Friday, is an affair ot by no means small consequence. The occurrence of this event is what I Lave been expecting all along, aud I only wonder that it has been so long delayed. I know the ground well. I have ridden over the whole country between the Pamunkey and the Chickahominy. and between West Point, Jones's Badge, tiie Long Bridge, Bottom's Bridge, Hanover, Mechanicsville, Dr. Curlis's Plantation, Cold Arbor, the White House, and Cumberland, including New Kent, and Baltimore Cross-Road. It will be remembered that we have no troops on the right bank of the Chickahominy lower down than Bottom's Bridge, and none farther west than the scene of the battle at Seven Pines, or Fair Oaks. This fact, of course, is perfectly well known to tbe enemy. There is nothing, therefore, except a possible lack of troops on their side, to prevent the rebels from moving a large force along the roads down the left bank of the James river, crossing the Chickahominy at the Long Bridge, outside of our extreme left, passing Baltimore Cross Roads, and seizing and hUhn Tunstal's Btslion. Their attack of Fri

day furnishes the key to the plans of the rebel leaders, .md if is undoubtedly something like this. It seems that the force which made this attack came trom Richmond around our extieme right, by way of Hauover. This distance is much shorter than bv wav of the Look Bridce and B iltimore Cross-Rends, and avoids altogether the I crossing of the wide part of the Chickahominy But the fact that they were able to get to Tunstal's Station from the north, and around our right, is an ominous circumstance. If they have done this with a small force, they can also do it again with a force five times as large, for it has demonstrated that our army on the Chickahominy is not large enough to be so extended as to prevent its being flanked. Tunstal's Station is a point susceptible of speedy and strong defense. If the rebels should succeed in getting possession of it with 20,000, or even 15,000 troops, with suitable artillery, they could, in twenty four hours, so entrench themselves on the surrounding hills as to make their dislodgeroent a work of serious difficulty. Their tactics would then be an immediate and furious attack on McClellan'a army, at once in front, in the rear, and cn both flanks. He might be able to stand such an attick. But, if be did so snccessfull1, he would do what no other General, of ancient or modern times, has ever done. In making this attack, the enemy made a complete circuit around McCleUan's army, passing between him mid the Pamunkey River. They started from their encampments north oi Richmond, crossed the head-waters of the Chickahominy where it is but a mere rivulet, proceeded eastward to the Pamunkey, at Fingal's Point, or Garrick's Landii.g (which is near, and south of, the mouth of Mataduquin Creek) , burned the schooners and wagons there, ihen went southward to Tunstal's Station and Baltimore CrossRoads, then turned to the southwest and crossed the Chickahominy at the Long Bridge, and then proceeded westward, to their encampments south of Richmond. The whole thing was prohably undertaken as much us a reconuoissance as for any other purpose. The whole rebel force engaged in it did not exceed 2.500 men. The result ot the dash is to demonstrate that MuClellan's rear is entirely unprotected, aud that he may be entirely surrounded with the enemy, if they have troops enough to do it with, and his communications cut off. It will be observed that, although this expedition was composed ma.nl v of cavalry, yet they had with them also eight pieces J artillery. This artillery was drawn over the whole route, which they have thus ascertained to be one over which artille y can be brought even alter the recent heavy rains. I tiust that this attack, wheu viewed in the light in which I have endeavored to place it, will awaken the President, at least, to a sense of the absoluie necessity of immediately reinforcing McClellan with at least 75,000 disciplined troops. It is no longer a question of taking Richmond. It is believed that the Secretary of War determined, two months ago, that that should never be done by McClellan. It is now a question of whether or not McClellan and his army shall be saved, or whether they shall be left to be cut off; for the country m iy rely upon it, they will never surrender. If these reinforcements are sent to him promptly, and if they are the right kind of troops, he may yet be able to take Richmond. But if they are not seut, the Army of the Potomac will be in peril. And if any disaster should befall McClellan, the country will not neea to be pointed to the author of the calamity, nor will he escape the just vengeance of an outraged nation. Special Correspondence of the Chicago Times, i ruin Wüstung; ton. Another Malicious Attack on Gen. McClellan The Blame Fastened where it Belongs Gen. McDowell still in Washington Short-sighted Policy of the Administration Necessity Jor 700,000 Troops. The subjoined letter has been delayed in the transmission, but its value is not impaired there by. Ed. Times Washixgtox, June 12. Some of the readers of the Times may probably see iu the Boston Transcript a malignant attack on Gen. McL'lellan under the specious guise of a defense of Secretary Stanton. There is good authority for saying that the article emanates directly trom the War Department, and that it was inspired by the head of that department himself. It might be thought that the present critical position of General McClellan with his little army decimated by sickness and battle his brave aud uncomplaining soldiers soaked by the heavy rains day after day, and sleeping on the wet ground at night, confronted by the enemy in vastly superior numbers, yet presenting a bold front and asking reinforcements would stoo the mouths of his detractors 'or a few days

at least. But not so think his enemies here. I 'th an axe and uiHicted very serious injury upon They still put in use every engiue at their com- j her. The third case was one of the same characmaud to hamper his movements, to embarrass I ter, and according to the depositions the pr'soner

his plans, aud to prevent the realization of his hopes. This attack iu the Boston piper is the latest scheme to which they have resorted. Its brutality and malevolence are worthy of the source from which it emanates. Tbe Secretary complaius in his defence that when he came into ottice nothing had been done towards suppressing the rebellion, except organizing an army. Admitting that tobe true, the or gauization of an army was the very thirg without which the rebellion could never be suppressed It was not McClellan 's place to do more than to organize and direct the military measures by which the Union was to be restored; and Stanton admits that this had been done by Mo'lellan. The restoration to the Union of Kentucky and Eastern Tennessee, which he complaius was not done, could never have been done by force of arms alone. I was informed mouths ago by influential citizens of those States, aud the assurance was reiterated only a few days ago, that the Cniot: sent. meat in those States had always been repressed, and was still repressed, by the sometimes hostile, and at all times vacillating, policy of the administration in regard to the slavery question; by the preponderance of Abolition sentiment in Congress; and by the persistent at tacks of prominent members of Congress, known to be in favor with the administration, on the institution of slavery, both iu States and Territories. They assure me that, as long as this Stale of things continues, any Uuion sentiment professed in either Siaie will be hollow and insincere; but that, it assured of their rights by a Demo cratic administration, or in any administration in which they could have confidence, those Slates would again be, as they once were, the strongest Union States in tbe nation. The following declaration of Kentucky's greatest sou is often quoted iu this city in these latter days. "1 would rather support for the PresiJency any honest man, of any party, than a man who, loudly ptolessuig devotion to the Union, is really, at the same time, undermining aud subverting '.he principles upon which it is tounded." This description applies exactly to ti e present dominant faction in the Cabii.et and in Concress. No; it was not McCleUan's fault that so little had been done when Stanton came into office, except the organization of an army. It was because the Presidential chair was occupied by a man weak in his nature, "infirm in purpose," with no hxed principles on the subject of national government, with no definite policy in view. He has i.een permiitiiiu things to drill aimlessly on, and had given himself up to tbe guidarce of that wily demao:ue Seward. Of Aim it m iy be truly said that he never has, and does not now, comprehend the vast proportions of the war in which we are engaged; and his colleagues iu the Cabinet are equally obtuse. The proofs of this have been too often spread at length iu the columns of the Times to need recapitulation here. But if the Presidential chair had been occupier! by a statesman like Douglas, or Polk, or Vau Buren, or Pierce, the Executive would have taken a statrt manlike view of the war. A policy would luve been adopted and adhered to. both us regards the conduct of the war ai.d our foreign relations; and long ere this the war would have been ended and the Union restored. The manner in which the Government has been adm nisiered since the war began shows, as the Times has often demonstrated, that the Republican part? is utterly incompetent to that task. The events of the last two weeks have proved the correctness of the views expressed in my former letters in regard to the means in posses sion of the rebels for the defence of Richmond. If is now admitted by all except those who are willfully blind that the rebel forces at Richmond far outnumber McCleUan's, while they have all the advantages of position, ground, &c; that their troops are brave and well disciplined, and that their officers are fully equal to ours in milI itary skill. Under these circumstances the coun try looks in amazement while the telegraph re peats from day to day, "General McDowell is Still in Washington. ' It is said here, on good authority, that the proposed camp of instruction, to be formed at Annapolis, will be nothing more than a mere de pot for recruits; that the exigencies of the ear vice are such that it will be impossible to keep tbe meu in camp more than two or three weeks; and that, as soon as ten thousand men are nssetn bled there, they will be immediately dra'ted off to such regiments as have had their ranks thinned by battle or disease. This, of course, is by no means what is indicated by the order of tbe War Department establishing the camp. But it will not be the flrst time, nor the' second", that

troops have been called out under false pretences. Some of the finest regiments of New York troops, composed of men of wealth and high standing, rushed with alacrity to the field, because Stanton telegraphed that "the enemy, in strffng force, are

marching on V ashington, and the capital is in danger." Those regiments are now discontented, because they find they were deceived and played upon, and because they have to perform mere police duty at Baltimore, and are not even allowed to come to this city. To return to the camp of instruction: Any Administration which had a prooer appreciation of the nature of the war in which we are engaged, and of the number of troops it will require, would have established this camp a year ago, and not only this one,- but one in every loyal State; and would have invited to these camps, for military instruction, only young unmarried men, between the ages of eighteen and thirty. Then, by this time, if these camps had been under the charge of proper military offictrs, we should have had now a reserve corps of half a million soldiers, who would not, indeed, be fit to form into regiments by themselves, bat who would constitute just the material that is now needed to fill up our broken, shattered and decimated regiments now in the fie'.d. Something like this will yet have to be done. The hard fighting of the war is not over yet, by a great deal. It will be necessary to keep in the field an army of 700,i 000 well trained troops for more than a year yet; j and to keep this number always full it will re I quire constant infusions ot fresh blood, in the ! shape of new but not raw recruits. A Chance for KeformcrB It is time that some of our radical reformers , directed their attention to a new subject. They j are singularly neglectful of the interests of the I oppressed human race in parts of the world with j which we have very close relations. They hold ' to the doctrine thai they are bound to reform all I sins of human laws which operate to oppress or I demoralize the human race, or any portion of it; and believing themselves to be specially inspired with an ability to discern right and wrong in the acts of others (if not in their own acts) they claim the right of interfering, with their reform ideas, among all those people, Slates and nations, who, being less enlightened thau they, are therefore subjected to their superior judgment. 1 he same principle on which they are impelled to interfere with slavery in States which, us to slave laws, are wholly foreign to them and the country they inhabit, ought to impel them at once to enter the field to which we now direct their attention. Just across the water from New England are the islands ot Great Britain, including Old England. Common 'incestry and consequent blood relationship, a common language and a protested devotion to the same general principles ot liberty, i commercial and literary correspondence and in teres is binding us together, all these surelv are reasons why the philantropist of the North should direct his attention across the sea, if he deals in foreign sins at all. And then, regarding the motto which has been assumed by the leading radcal newspaper of the day, in Boston, since it declared the American Union gone, "our country is the world, our countrymen are all mankind," we do not see tout thore gentlemen can show any superior obligation directing their attention to the South, over that which requires them to proceed iu the work of reforming England. An examination of the recent English newspapers must convince any reflecting mind that there are some grave and serious moral sins which attach to the people in England who are engaged in the institution of matrimony. To use the radical expression, marriage is the cause of horrible sins and crimes in that country. Mi'.rk that this is not our expression. The radical logic is that because a fact would not occur but tor an existing institution, therefore the institution is the cause of the fact. As for example, "if there where no slavery, there would have been no war, ergo slavery is the cause of the war." We refer to the London Times of May 13, for a report of the opening of the Central Criminal Court in London and the charge of the Recorder to the Grand Jury. Among the cases to which he call ed their attention were some which be thus described: " As regarded the other charges to which he had alluded, of wounding with intent to murder, it appeared iu the first of them the prisoner was charged with shooting his wile, and the evidence would go to show that the prisoner had repeatedly threatened his wile, and that he hud made use of violent language to her on the day on which the occurrence took place, aud almost immediately afterwards a shot was fired at the prosecutrix. In the second case, it also appeared that the husband and wife lived on bad terms, and that upou the occasion of the quarrel taking place between them the prisoner attacked his wile appeared to have been guilty ot most gross and extraordinary violence. In the first instance he seemed to have knocked her down and he then commenced beating her with the leg of a chair and also struck her with a flat iron, and the last thing that appeared to be remembered, by the unfortunate woman was that the prisoner seized her and threw her over the staircase, and became insensible, and knew nothing more of what happened until she found herselt in bed in the hospital. In the fourth case of the same kind the prisoner was charged with stabbing his wife, and it appeared that in consequence of the manner in which he had treated her upon former occasions she had left him, and he had urged her to return and live with him, but she refused to do so, and was about go away, and at the same moment she felt a severe blow, and it turned out that she had received two stabs from a shoemaker's knife. These were the principal facts upon which this class o' cases was sought to be supported, and it appeared to him that if the fact should be made out as he had stated them it would be their duty to return a true bill with regard to each of the charges." We agree with the Recorder that it appears very much as if true bills ought to be foand in these cases; and the question then arises whether, the radical logic being applied, a British and Foreign Anti-Slavery and Anti Matrimony society cannot be stirred up by the members of the American Radical party who are now their close correspondents, (and who it is understood are uuited with them in the sppport of an anti Union and Constitution preaching and declaiming place in Ne York,) and whether they cannot find a little spare time to devote to a removal of the cause of ttiese crime, which are only a specimen list from one day's report of a London court. If these people had never been married, they would never have had these murderous scenes. That is the line of argument, of which any radical man can see the consequence. For the fiiuher consideration of the same British aud American Reformers we annex a paragraph which we clip from the London Timet, a few days later than the above: "Illeoitimate Children The number of children boin out of wedlock in England during the year I860 was 43,693, being 6-4 per cent, of the whole number of children born. In Cumberland, where the proportion anise to its maximum, it was double that amount; in Norfolk it was 10-7; in Westmeroland 1U-6; in Shropshire 9 6; in Nottinghamshire 9 1. It was also high in Bedfordshire, Suffolk. Herefordshire, Lincolnshire, and the North Riding of Yorkshire. The Registrar-General thinks that the proportion of illegitimate children born in Loudon 4 Ü per cent, in the tables is very probably understated. There is much greater facility for the suppression of facts in large cities lhau in smaller towns and villages." There is certainly work for the Duchess of Sutherland and her American correspondents and allies, on English soil. diie might imagine from this that the AntiMatrimony Reformers were already at work iu Cumberland. One out of every eight ot its children are born out of wedlock! Seriously, we have no more to do with tbe perpetuation or the removal of slavery in the Southern States than we bave with the sins and shames of England. Slavery is an evil which good me) would be glad to see removed, and which wise men will leave to those who are im mediately concerned with it. Letting it alone, here at the North, is just as much a duty as it is duty to let alone the debtor's prisons, the matrimonial crimes, the terrible immoralities of England. There is a strange pro peusity in the minds of reformers to look away from home. The race of men is sinful enough, even in its best estate, aud always, attached firmly to its highest forms of civilization, its holiest institutions, its purest political systems, there are terrible evils, weighing heavily ou the temporal as well as the eternal interests of men. We may all find ample work in reforming these evils which surround us, and for which we are directly responsible; and when this system is carried out, aud men reform themselves, and their own families, and these over whom they bave immediate influence, the work will begin as it ought. But so long as they begin at the other end of the work, they will inevitably fail there, and neglecting themselves, will, of course, grow to be unfit guides or advisers of others. No man can spend his time on the mote that is in his neighbor's eye, without grave danger that his own vision may become oblique, and be totally destroyed for all good purposes. A'. V. Jour, of Com

Patriotic Sentiments Adherence le the Constitution. Senator Joux P. Hale, of Xew Hampshire, a prominent Republican Senator, thus took those of his party colleagues to task and they are unfortunately too numerous who are laboring to destroy the Constitution, while prxtending to be for the Union. He said, very eloquently and truthfully: Sir, this new Republican party came into power

upon the destruction ot two parties that. bad been ' false upon this subject; and now, whatever party may succeed this Republican party acd God only knows what it will be I hope they will not write on our tombstones that we split on the rock on which our predecessors did. and that is in wunt of fidelity to our declared principles. If there is one principle that we have declared often, j early and long, it is fidelity to the Constitution, to its requirements and its restrictions. The mourners go about the streets in all the places that used to be the high places of power of those two old parties, mourning over their derelictions, and 1 trust that will not be left to us. No, sir. let us under the flag the old flag under the Constitution the old Constitution carry on the warfare in which we are engaged; and if we fail, we shall not fail because the Constitution does not give us power enough, but because we are recreant and do not use the power it does give us. That is all I want. I want the Constitution pre served, and 1 do not want to achieve even a success that is to be purchased at the price of honor. I took occasion in an early part of this session, upon a resolution I think by my friend from Illinois, Mr. Trumbull, but which was buried in the Committee on the Judiciarv so deep that we j do not even hear the clods of the valley reverbe ! rate on the coffin that closed it I sav, when that resolution was up for consideration, when it had life, befo.e it was strangled iu the house of its friends and by its friends, I took occasion to say what I now repeat, though J do not often make speeches that are worth repeating, that I wanted ' constitutional liberty left to us after the war was I over, that constitutional liberty was the great boon tor which we were striving, and we must see to r. that in our zeal to put down the rebellion we did not trample upon that; and when the war was over, and our streamers floated in the air, and shouts of victory and thanksgiving to God went up from the hearts of a regenerate! and disen thralled people, in that breeze might still float the old flag, and over this regenerated country might sway an unviolaled and a sacred Constitution, in the faithful maintenance of which, iu the hour of our peril and our trial, we had not faltered. OT" One of the most prominent Republicans in Indiana, and who as such has received the distinguished appreciation of his party, hands us the followiug communication for publication: A NEW PLATFORM. Mr. Editor: Will you permit a few words outside of all parties'" The present crisis demands a platform of only three main heads: 1. The vigorous prosecution of the war. Here both parties, officers, soldiers and civilians, agree both in word and act ion; although the Demon m v of course criticise an Administration against which they voted, and more especially the opinions of the ultras on that aide. 2. That state of feeling that will at the close of the war heal sectional leuds, and that will in the meantime hold the friends of the Union in the South to their love of the Union : in other words, a readiness to abide by she compromises of the old Constitution. Here the Democracy are express, but are powerless without the aid of conservatives of all parties. 3. Thorough retrenchment. In a crisis like this, Congressmen should be willing to reduce their own pay one half, and they would receive as much as if out of office; besides enjoying the immense patronage they distribute to their relatives, friends, aud political allies. Until thev thus commence on themselves, they cannot of I course retrench on the civil list generally. ReI trenchment and heavy taxation, will both be necessary, to sustain the financial confidence of the i country. Is either party sound on this head? It seems to me that these three, and no more, are the important conditions. From the Philadelphia Evening Journal. The Abolition Traitor Want an "Improved" Union The New York Tribune says: "We are for the Union as it was if it can not be improved; but we greatly prefer the Union as it ought to be!" This means that Horace Greeley and his tribe think the old Union can be "improved" upon, and that the way to bring about this improvement is to engraft all the doctrines of Abolitionism upon the "parent stock." Emancipation, negro equality, negro suffrage, and, whenever possible, negro officeholders are some of the means of "improving" the "Union," and making it what "it ought to be," according to the white-coated philosopher's idea. In the sime paper we find a report of a dis course delivered in New York, by a "Rev. Wm. R. Williams, D P.," in which that Reverend patriot exclaims: "Better a war for centuries than peace on a pro-slavery basis!" This simply means "better a war for centuries than a peace on the basis of the present Constitution " This is a brief but comprehensive explanation of the Abolition policy, "No more Union with slaveholders" no restoration of "the Union as it was," on the basis of "the Constitution as it is;" no reconstruction, save on the basis of universal and entire emancipation. This is the platform of the Abolitionists the Northern traitors, who are, in eO'ect, co-operating with the armed hosts of secession in the South. It is for the success of this disunion platform that the Abolitionists require the Union soldiers to fight, bleed and die: it is for this that the Northern enemies of the Constitution and the Union of our fathers, would fill the air with the groans of dying and mangled soldiers on the field, and with ihe moaus and sighs of their bereaved wives, children, brothers, parents and friends .hroughout the North; it is for this that these fanatics and malignants would saddle posterity with an enormous load of debt and taxation for this they would bring grief and gloom, death and debt to their fellow men. How long is this open and shameless treason to the Consti tution aud the Union to the country to be tolnn. o ...i ! r erated: l tie Southern rebels we kill -Northern traitors we allow to live and thrive by the ojen and every -day avowal of their treason. Gree ley's Tribune is more powerful for evil than all the rebel torts around Richmond and Charleston, and the Abolitionists of the North, combined as as ihey are against the Union, are quite as dan gerous to the Government as are all the rebels in arms in the South, and deserve no belter fate at the hands of the true friends of the Union. Brownlow was right when he recommended that me leauing Aooiuionisis ot me - i in ami me leading secessionists of the South should be hung side by side. Until both classes of traitors are exterminated, or effectually silenced, there can be no hope of a permanent, happy and pros perous reunion of the States. The same Reverend patriot, from whom we have quoted, further says: "To make bondage for the African the corner-stone for freedom for the Caucasian were treast u against all the mem ories of our Revolutionary fathers and rebellion against the edict of God." M Williams, of course, regards the Federal Constitution as "making bondage for the African the corner stone of freedom for the Caucasian," or w hite man, and therefore opposes a reconstruction of the Union on the basis of that instrument. It this was not his notion, there could not have been, in his opinion, any necessity for his "discourse" from which we quote. Such being his views, as unquestionably they are, we can not agree with him that to continue the African in bondage for the sake of the while man's "freedom" would be "treason against all the memories ot our Revolutionary fathers." This state or "bondage of the African for the freedom of the Caucasian" was verv generally recognized and approved most of whom bondage." Wheu they United States by the "Revolutionary fathers," themselves held the African in . . . A. , . founded the Government of the aud framed the Constitution in 1789, they recognised this "bondage for tbe At ricau," even to the extent of forbidditig that the African slave trade should cease, bv law, before I "e year one luousano e.gnt huudrl and eight, fi-om labor escaping trom one State into an other." Even the great and glerious Washing ton sanctioned such proceedings as these! He was President of the Convention which framed the Constitution, and afterwards, when acting as the first President of the United States, under that instrument, he signed and approved the first fugitive slave law which, subsequently, such pious patriots as the "Rev. William R. Williams, D. D.," did all in their power to nullify bv their treasonable opposition to its execution, thus rendering the much complained of fugitive slave law of lt&O r necessity. Mr. Williams, himself, by impliedly stigmatizing the Constitution the work of their hands as making "bondage for the African the corner stone of freedom for the Caucasian," insults the memory of "our Revolutionary fathers." The Reverend geutleman's argument is slfghtly illogical and contradictory! And, if Mr. Williams would not treat the Bible with as great coutempt as he treats the Fede nl Constitution . it would be no difficult matter

to show him, by the Divine Record, that he presumes too far when be intimates that by recon strutting the Union on the basis of tbe present ("pro-lavery"; C'oiistituti. ii, we should be act ing in "rebellion against the edict of God!" Mr. Williams cannot stiow any "edict of God" against slavery. Bat, an "edict ot God" in favor of slavery can be produced. We do not anprove of lagging the scriptures into political arguments; but, since the "Rev. Wm. R. Williams, D. D ." bas thought proper to

relet to Uivine Authority to support bis i we may be pardoned for referring to the Bible for a refutation ot his heresy and false teachings. "Aud i be Lord spake wnto Moses, iu Mount Sicai, saying among other things, "Both thy bondmen, and the bondmaids, which thou shall have, shall be of tbe beatheu that are round about thee: of them shall ye buy bondmen and bondmaids. -.Moreover, of the children ot the strangers that do sojourn among you, of them thall te buy, aud of their families that are with you, which they begat in your laud, and they shall be your possession. "And ye shall take them as an inheritance for your children after you, to inherit them for a possession, they shall be your bondmen forever." Levitrts xxv : 44, 45, 46. This, we take it, amounts to an "edict of God" in favor of "human slavery." Indeed, it would seem to be particularly applicable to the case in hand, we having "the heathen round about us ' in such numbers and of a kind so well fitted by nature for a state of "bondage. ' We mixht. if I our space would permit, produce many morequo- ' tations from Holy Writ atrainst Mr. Williams' ; assumption, but, we trust, the above will prove sufficient for the occasion. "But," the "Rev. Wm. R. Williams, D. D.." I would say, "you are quoting from the Old Testa ' meut from the Mosaic Law that is all done j away with new !" We should reply to our reve- ; rend friend that the Almighty could not have commanded what was morally wrong at any Rge of the world. The principles of right and wrong never change never have changed God, who is "the same to day. yesterday and forever," is an "unchangeable God," and He would -not , could not, have commanded the Israelites to do ' what men might not properly do in all time to ! come. The Israelites might have, doue many ! wrong things, but God never commanded them ! to do anything wrong. nut admitting, for the sake of the argument only, that the Mosaic law is obsolete, what sup port for his Abolttionism and his inteference in political affairs can Mr. Williams find in tbe New Testament? When the Saviour was on earth, "human slavery,'" in its worst conceivable form, existed around Him; yet, in all that is recorded of His sayings, there does not appear a single word against slavery. Among the sins especially mentioned by Him, this does not appear. Neither did He, in any way, seek to interfere with the human laws then in operation, tyrannical as they were. Even when it was attempted to induce Him to commit himself against the paying of tribute to Caesar, He rebuked those who made the attempt by commanding them to "render unto Cajsar the things which are Cssar's. and unto God the things which are God's." Would not the "Rev. Wm. R. Williams, D D ," do well to imitate his blessed Master, rather than go about dabbling in the dirty waters of politics, and endeavoring to stir up a spirit of bigoted hate against those of his fellow men whose chief sin, in his opinion, consists in the fact that they are doing just what the Almighty commanded Moses and the children of Israel to do? We think so. Let him follow the example of the Sviour and of Faul who instead ot opposing existing laws, and preaching aboli'ionism, entreated the people to obey "the powjers that be," and "servants (slaves; to be obedient to their masters." If Mr. Williams dislikes the Old Testament, let him read the New, and try to mend his evil ways, aud correct his false notions of religious duty. What we have quoted from Mr. fireeley aud his Reverend friend, William-, show s very conclusively, that they and their disciples desire an "improved" Union an Abolition Union not the Union of our fathers, w hie' these modern moral sages regard as "making bondage for the African as the corner stone of freedom for the Caucasian." Rather than have it founded on such a "corner stone," these pious patriots would prefer that white men should have no "freedom" at all, and this is what the doctrine of all the Abolitionists amounts to freedom for the negro, een if it should deprive white men of freedom, and break down "the freest and best government ever instituted by man." Hnw 1 ng shall such an atrocious sentiment lule the Northern mind? How long will Northern men tolerate the open, boastful, and shameful preaching of such treason to their race, and to their Government? Xous verrons? ytr. Voorhrci and Tatxee. The Wabash Ei tress savs that D. Webster Yooihee-, Esq , who recently made such a flaming speech in Congress, complaining of the increased taxes, fcc, has lived in Terre Haute six years, and has never paid a cent of taxes. La fayette Indiana) Courier. We have seen the above going the rounds of the Republican press for some time, aud they seem to imagine that it is a very smart answer to Mr. Voorhees's speech. In fact, the paragraph is both foolish and false. If the statement was true, if Mr. Voorhees had not paid a cent of taxes in six years, would that relieve him of his responsibility to his constituents, to endeavor to obtain a fair and equal tax bill on their account. The people of his district are tax-payers; they are taxed largely, and Mr. Yoorhees is their Representative in Congress. It is a duty to look out for their interests, and not his own. He spoke in their behalf, and if the charge against him was true, it would only prove that he looked more to the interests of those who elected him than he did to his own, and that certainlv is an excellent characteristic. But Mr. Voorhees is a tax payer, and to a considerable amount, beyond all question. He wears , taxed broadcloth clothes, has a taxed f at, wears ' taxed shirts and has a taxed watch and jewelry. He drinks taxed tea and taxed coffee and 1 taxed sugar, and, in fact, is taxed upon alt everything that he buvs und consume- His name may not be upon the lax list at Terre Haute, but he pavs bis full share to the support . . r . . . . . r' ot the Government, nevertheless probahl . considering his means, as much, if not mote, than some very rich aud wealthy persons. It is a very mistaken idea to suppose that the poor laborer pays no taxes. In fact, nearly all the taxes come fiom those whose names are not on the tax list. The owners of houses pay the taxes upon them, but in a large majority of cases the tenant pays it back in the shape of extra rent the taxes being an element considered in j the renting ot the tenement 1 he burdens of taxation tall upon the manv that aie poor, and not upou the few that are rich. Many men of moderate means consume more luxnries and imported articles, and pay a higher tax upon them therefor, than some millionaires of simple habit do. There is no evading taxes in this country. "As certain as death and taxes" is a popular proverb, and it is a correct one. The tax gatherer, in some of the forms of his appearance, reaches all, and there is no escape. Mr. Voorhees is a tax payer, aud probably a very heavy one. Cin. Enquirer. Mi i.i kr m Booxa Colstt. On last Tuesday night week, Mrs. Piuer was Iwutally murdered, by some unknown fiend. Her husband went to the war that morning, and leTt his wite what money he had to support his family in his ab teuce. In the night the house was entered; she was very badly beaten and her money taken. After she was beaten she suckled her small child and walked to a neighbor's, about a mile distant. She net er spoke after the affair took place. Five persons were arrested on suspicion, but we are not iuformed as yet of the result of the preliminary examination oi them by the magistrate. Wheat at Worthinqtos At thie point, some i forty-six miles south of Terre Haute, on the Wa jJ and Erie CaMi w learn there is an im mense quantity of grain stored. One gentleman. Mr. Harriott, alone, has some twenty-five thousand bushels of wheat and numerous cribs of srY- mii nf lutt ccar'a vi1,l rw Jta! hicrh aiwi awjlUing sDiproent. This grain would probably have gone forward to market earlier had the canal been in order There is a vast quantity of old graiu in the Slate which will compete in the market with the new crop just now rejdy in wonderful abundance. Pulpit foLines; or Ecclesiastical Legislation on Slavery, in its ; American Union. disturbing influences on the By Prof. David Clinsty.au tlio. of Cotton is King,'' "Ethiopia, "Chemie try of Agriculture," etc. Faren k McLean, pub lieheis, Cincinnati This is a very valuable book, and should be iu the hands of every person that wants to be informed on the great influence the pulpit hasexer cised in bringing about the present troubles in our country. In order to facilitate Democrats iu Indiana in getting this work, we have them for sale at the Sentinel office. The volume is handsomely printed and bound, containing 624 pages. Price $2 00. Orders from a distance promptly attended to. dw '