Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 22, Number 4, Indianapolis, Marion County, 16 June 1862 — Page 2

WEEKLY SENTINEL

MONDAY JIM; 16 The iDion it nsiasl be preserve Jckaon. Democratic Union State Ticket. FOE SECSBTART OF STATE, JAMES S. ATHON, Of Marion Count j. FOE AUDITOR OF STATS, JOSEPH RISTINE, Of Fountain Oountj. FOR TREASURER OF STATE, MATTHEW L. BRETT, Of Da vies County. FOR ATTORNEY GENERAL, OSCAR B HORD, Ot Decatur Cotnty. rOK 81' PHI NTEXDENT OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION, SAMUEL L. RUOO. Of Allen CountT. A Slight Difference. The Republicans of Iowa have called a Republican State Convention to nominate a Republican State ticket, to be supported by Republicans i t the ensuing fall election. Not a word of centore do we hear from the Republicans of Indiana t.gainst this Republican party movement in Iowa. ,'udge Hughes and the Republican press quote Douolas upon Democrats, but all is mum when the sentiments of the dead Seator will apply to lepublicans. We quote from tl'0 last speech of ouglas: Whoever is not prepared to sacrifice party organizations and platforms on the altar of his country, does not deserve the support and countenance of honest men. With the Republicans it makes a good deal of difference whose ox is gored. It is all right for 'he Republicans of Iowa to meet in convention 1 1 lid nominate a party ticket, but It is very wicked for the Democracy of Indiana to stand by their ;jwty organization upon the platform of "fidelity to the Constitution." If there ever was a party organization, or rather an organization to advance he personal interests of partisans, it is the proxsed "Union Party Convention," to be held in .his city on Wednesday next, called by such dianterested patriots as Morto.x, Hcgbks, Juliah A Co. The Spreche of Jn4e Hughes. We publish this week iu juxtaposition two f peche.-t by Judge Hi puss, both delivered in the Representative Hall iL this city, one in Decern Iter, 1858, and the other on Wednesday evening lat. In common tlie-e productions possess a re mr.rkable feature. The speech of lw58 warmly tja-l decidedly approved and defended the Administration of James Buchanan, and the latter, nich equal enthusiasm, that of Abraham Linco:..i. Like a cat, no matter what distance he falis, the Judge is sure to land upon his feet. He is t ver on the side of power. Like a courtier It is his sim to bask in the sunshine of the ruling Administration. The old Public Functionary did not forget the services of his apologist. A dignified and valuable position was the reward. To ietin the position be now courts the favor of the very men who in l!?5d he regarded with contempt. In 1865 we expect to see the Judge turn up in 'he Representative Hall doing homage to the Adninistration which then may be in power. The effort of Judge Hughes on Wednesday lignt was that of a pettifogger. He desires, evi-ier-tly, to be regarded as a statesman, a wise ora;le. but like the froe in the fable he burst in driving to swell himself to the dimensions of :he ox. The price of office, under this Adminis:rat.un, so far as Iudianians are concerned, is opposition to the 8th of January Convention. All have to pass under that rod. One more martyr has presented this evidence of loyalty to the Ad ministration. Judge Hughes labored hard to pick a flaw in the 8th of January resolutions; to find in them some evidence of disloyalty to the Government. In this he signally failed. With all his ability, with all his ingenuity, with all his special plead ing. he could not pick out one expression or sentiment, which could not be entertained and spoken by any man who sincerely desires to maintain the Constitute. . and the Union. We will notice one or two points in his speech in proof thereof. He said : "The whole animus of the platform was Opposition to the war for the maintenance of the Constitution and the Union." What says the platform? "That we will sustain, with all our energies, a war for the maintenance of the Constitution, and of the integrity of the Uuiou under the Constitution." And with these words staring him in the face Judge Hughes could slander the men, knowing it be so, whose only purpose or thought is the maintenance of the Constitution and the Union. But the main objection to the platform was the 6th resolution. That brought the very patriotic Judge here to make a speech. Again he misrepresents. The resolution says nothing about concessions to any demands of the rebels. It lays down the very policy which Governor Johnsos is carrying out in Tennessee. He is developing there a Union party, which shall control the destinies of that State, and "displace those who control and direct the present rebellion." Judge Hughes contends that the Dred Scott decision is the true interpretation of the Constitution, and ander it all the questions at issue between the two sections are adjudged to the South. He should be the last man, then, to object to giving to the Union men of the South such additional asMrances they may ask to give them that ascendancy which will not only restore the rebellious States to the Union in name, but in spirit. In the language of the New York Tribun:, we would inquire, what is a Union worth wherein one portion of it is pinned to the other by bayonets? If the Union is restore, the people of all the State must live together as brethren there can be no Union without this spirit animates the peo pie. To develop tbis sentiment is the sole object of the resolution to which exception is taken. But the most complete refutation of Judge Hughes's speech is one fact which he cannot gainsay. The Democracy in the State Legislaind in Congress have voted every man I every dollar which Mr Li ncoln has asked to put down the rebellion. That he knew, but he had not the mauliness to say it. He did not here to do justice to the party, to those who had stood by him when bitterly, and we do not know but justly , denounced by the men whose favor he now court. Not a word of denunciation fell from the speaker against tbe gross corrup tions which have signalized the party in power. The Republicans are carrying out as fast s possible their party policy, yet not a word ot rebuke comes from the Jedge of the Court of Claims for this evidence of partisanship. If all party issues should be I, it wot the obligation as binding upon as Democrats? Follow oat Judge Ht oHts's doctrines and he would demand submission from the people if A au am (jsooui should to-day declare himself Dictator for life, epos the plea of military necessity or to save the Government. What is loyalty? Judge Htoan defines t to fee "fidelity to the Constitution of the United States." Let that be the test, and we ask him if that is not the s,irit of the 8th of January resolutions Read: 9. That we are unalterably attached to the i, bv which the Union of these States formed and established; and that a faithful ran -e of its principles can alone continue Boce of the Union and the permanent of the people. All tbe Democracy ask of the Administration is fidelity to the Constitution . Is that disloyalty T go Judge Hushes charges.

' ' ' ill i ' tm Judge Hughes doubts whether the men of the

J 8th of January Convention have any sympathy with our soldiers. His references in that regard are small specimens of demagogery. What sym pathv has be with the soldiers? Has he in any way illustrated it? We believe he has a military education. He says "his services were due and should be cheerfully rendered to put down the rebellion." Whj then does he not put his hand on his sword or his musket and aid in compelling obedience? We fear no ''patriot's tears" will ever fall for him. Are the l,csl TenderTreasit;af Note Authorized by the Constitution! Im'Ia v U'oi.is, June 16, 1Ö62. To the Hon. S. P. Chase, Sec'y of the Trtatury: Sir: Permit an humble citizen, and an earnest , Union man, to address to you a few considerations on your proposition lor a further issue of legal tender Treasury notes. I doubt both the constitutionality fhd expediency of the measure; end I think it is wiser to ascertain, before an act is done, especially so great a one as that proposed, that it is autho-i-ed by the Constitution, than to first do the act, and then look for the right to do it afterwards. The Treasury notes, thus far issued, whether constitutional or not, may be converted into bonds and withdrawn from circulation before a decision of the Supreme Court can impair their value; and, therefore, it is eminently proper to pause and consider before that issue is made. Now that our brave armies are successfully dispersing the rebel bands, with a prospect of bringing the war to a close, let not Congress, in the civil administration, by disregarding the Constitution in its action, destroy the hope of restoring fraternity, and of the preservation, unimpaired of all our liberties under the Constitution. Let that body show a delicate regard to all constitutional limitations of power, as an evidence to the Soutljeni States that, in the Union, their rights under the Constitution will be sacredly respited, and as a means of restoring their confidence. I know it may be urged that Congress has once exercised the power, and that this is a construction of the Constitution to be respected. But it should be remembered that never, till the past year, has such an exercise been ventured upon; and that legislative interpretation does not bind the judiciary, and is not, indeed, very highly respected as authority. GoL vta.Nti a Morris, who was a member of the United States Constitutional Convention, and who moved to withhold from Congress the power to emit bills of credit, wrote to Hon. Timothv Pickeking: "What can a history of the Constitution avail towards interpreting its provisions? This must be done by comparing the plain import of the words with the general tenor and objvt of the instrument. That instrument was written by the fingers which write this letter. But after all, what does it signify, that men should have a written Constitution, containing unequivocal provisions and limitations? The legislative lion will not be entangled in the meshes of a logical net. The Legislature will always make the power which it wishes to exercise, unless it be so organized as to coulain within itself the sufficient check. Attempts to restrain it from outrage by other means, will only render it more outrageous. The idea oe binding legislators by oaths is puerile. Having sworn to exercise the powers granted, according to their true intent and meaning, they will, when they feel a desire i to go farther, avoid the shame, if not the guilt of perjury, by swearing the true intent and meaning to be, according to their comprehension, that which suits their purpose." Life of Morris, vol. 3, p. 322. We proceed, then, to examine the question; has Congress power to issue legal tender Treasury notes? Let us turn a moment to history. On the 3d of July, 1776, there were thirteen British colo. nies, within what is now territorv of the United Q. . ai - i.t -m w t , . , States. On the 4th of Ju v those co lorn es de . , ... , , .., clared themselves to be, and they became "free and independent States." On the 15th of November, 1777, a Congress of delegates agreed upon articles of Union between ,,1 q... r -v7 ti i.: if... u me call ui i r w j-i im pii:ie, jms;n.iui.-eeis, 1 ' Rhode Island, Connecticut, yew York, Aew Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, jnnd Georgia." Those articles were submitted to the Legislatures of the several States named, were unanimously ratified by them, returned to the Congress of Delegates by whom they were also ratified, and put in force on the 9th of July, 1778. Those articles formed the first Constitution of "the United States of America."' That Constitution expressly gave to Congress power to "emit bills of credit," as well as to coin money, and did not take the power away from the States; and it existed as the paramount law of the United States till the 4th of March, 1789, a period of nearly eleven years. Experierce demonstrated that those Articles of Confederation and Union, of 177?, did not embody a perfect constitution of government. They contained some grants of power that the people wished to recall, and they failed to grant some powers which the people found it necessary to confer. Some organic change,- were also demanded. A convention was called to revise those articles, and a new Constitution or form of government was formed and put into operation, March 4, 179; but the Arti cles of Confederation constituted the ground work of the new Constitution, as a coir . -isou of the two instruments will plainly si am. The Government under the Constitution was but a continuation of that under the Articles of Con federation. As has been said, the Articles of Confederation granted to the Federal Government power to emit bills of credit; and in the Convention that prepare! our present Constitution as a substitute, it was proposed to continue that as one of the powers of Congress, and in the draft of a Constitution reported by a committee of five, on the 6th ; of August, 1787, it was provided in Art. 7, Sec. 1 that Congress should have the powers, among others, "to coin mouev; to regulate the value of foreign coin," and "to borrow money, and emit hill o,. th credit of Ü !T,,ir.H S,,t VIM ott's Deb. Vol. 1, p. 25, 2 Mad. pap p. 1232. But, on the 16th of the same mouth, "it was moved and seconded to strike out the words 'and j emit bills' out of the eighth clause of the first section of the seventh article, which passed iu the affirmative. Yeas, New Hampshire. Massachusetts, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Virginia, North Carolina, Scuth Carolina, Georgia 9. Nays, New Jersey, Maryland 2." lb p. 276. 3 Mad. Tap. p. 1343. Mr. GouvERNtuR Morris made the mot'un to strike out. He said the moneved interest would oppose the Constitution if paper emissions were not prohibited. Mr. Goer am was for having nothing in the Constitution that would suggest the idea of such an issue. Mr. Mason thought Congress would not have the power to issue such paper unless it was expressed in the Constitution, and, hence, as he was in tu vor of conferring the power to make auch issue, be was opposed to striking out. Mr. Mercer was in favor of the power to issue and he was opposed to striking out the grant of the power as such an act would be tantamount to a prohibition of it. Mr Randolph entertained the same view. "Mr. Ellsworth thought tbis a favorable moment to shut and bar the door against paper money. The mischiefs of the various ex peri ments which had been made were now fre-h in tiKi public mind, and had excited the disgust of all the respectable part of America. By with

holding the power from the new Government, more friends of influence would be gained to it than by almost anything else. Give the Government credit and other resoutces will offer. The power may do harm, never good." "Mr. Wilson It will have the most salutary influence on the credit of the United States to remove the possibility of paper money. This expedient can never succeed while its mischiefs are

remembered. And as long is it can be resorted to it will be a bar to other resources." Mr. Butler "was urgent for disarming the Government of such a power." He was for striking out the grant. "Mr. Read thought the wcrds, if not struck out, would be as alarming as the mark of the beast in Revelation." "Mr. Langdon had rather reject the whole plan than retain the three words, 'and emit bills.' " Mr. Madison was against issuing bills to circu late as currency, and particularly to makiDgthem a legal tender. Mad. Rep. vol. 3, pp. 1343, 4, 5 and 6. Upon such reasons, and with such a purpose, were the words stricken out by the almost unanimous vote above given. The Constitutiou was subsequently ratified by the States with full knowledge of the views and action of the Convention that framed it, and with the clear under standing that it withheld from the Federal Government the power to emit paper money. The members of the Constitutional Convention became members of the State ratification conventions, and communicated to them the views of the former. Some of them made reports, also, to State Legislatures. That of Luther Martin to the Legislature of Maryland contains this statement: "By our original articles of confederation, the Congress have power to borrow money and emit bills of credit." "Agreeable to which was the report on this system as made by the committee of detail. When we came to this part of the report, a motion was made to strike out the words 'to emit bills of credit;' against the motion we urged that it would be improper to deprive the Congress of that power," kc. "But, sir, a majority of the convention, being wise beyond every event, nd being willing to risk any political evil rather than admit the 5de of a paper emission, refused to trust this authority to a Government," Ac. Elliott's Deb., vol. 1, p. 413. In the face of such historical evidence, it is certainly very diflicult to bring the mind to the conclusion that the convention supposed they were granting, as an incident, a power that they rejected as a substantive, avowedly to prevent its exercise in any manner, or under any circum stauces whatever. It is claimed that the power to emit bills is an incident to that of regulating commerce that a medium of exchange, a currency, is a necessity of commerce, and its creation an incident in the regulation of commerce. This argument is not as satisfactory as could be wished. It has apparent weaknesses: 1. As matter of fact, the bills are not emitted I on account of commerce. Commerce does not I apply for their i3sue. 2. They are not needed for domestic com merce ; lor loreign they are useless. 3. Currency, as a medium of exchange, is a great necessity of commerce, and it is an acknowledged power of every Government to ordain what shall constitute that currency. Governments have done so; and, throughout the civilized world, they have all concurred in declaring that gold and silver shall be th.it currency. Why they have so declared will be seen as we advance. Now, the precise question of what should be the currency of this nation, what should be its medium of commerce, what should be used to meet that necessity, was the one that was before the convention which constructed the frame of our Government, and thev ordained 1 i . l l - l i i . l . e. I anu esiaunsneu, nv me paramount, me nit u:i ' ' ; mental law of the nation, that that currency . 9h0Uld 1)6 ftnd 9,1 Ver' r ,3SUe1 UPn HDd as wie represeiiiaii ve 01 goiu anu silver, anu not bills of credit issued simply upon the indebtedness and faith of the Government. Hence, it ..i I .u- i : u . ; -i i I would seem that there could be no incidental power over this question connected with the reg ulation of commerce. And here the question occurs, why was it or dained by our Constitution that coin should constitute the currency of this nation? As we have seen, currency is the medium of commerce, is created for commerce; and it is a necessity that it should consist of something that will circulate co-extensively with commerce; but commerce is not limited by geographic lines; its domain is the world; the republic of commerce is as expanded as the globe. Hence, to be equal to the exigencies of the subject, the currency roust consist of that which will circulate, with equal credit all over the globe; something that possesses an intrinsic value, a value not dependent upon the duration or condition of Governments, . that revolutions and changes in political organi zations will not affect; for commerce looks not to and does not depend upon the forms of such organizations. The gold and silver in the rebel republic to-day is as irood, the world over, as is : that of the old legitimate republic, while its bills of credit are becoming as worthless as withered leaves. Such a currency, the experience of the world proves, paper cannot be. Said Mr. Webstkr, in his speech on the currency, in 1837: "I am fur a sound currency for the country. And by this I mean a convertible currency, so far as it consists of paper. Mere Government paper, not payable otherwise than by being received for taxes, has no pretense to be called a currency. Alter all that cau be said about it, such paper is mere paper money. It is nothing but bills of credit. It always has been, and always will be, depreciated. Sr, we want specie, and we wuut I of universal credit, and which is con vert i i ble into specie at the will of the holder. That I system of currency, the experience of the world, mud our own experience, have both fullv ui mygd " j Mr C'' in hisreport.in 182: "By I the term 'currency, the issue of paper by Government, as a financial resource, is excluded." Funding Systems, p. 743. But while bills of credit will not furnish a uound currency themselves, they tend to exclude such a currency, viz. coin, from circulation, and to drive it from the country. As such paper will uot circulate iu foreign countries, the importer, when he has received his balances here iu that medium, is compelled to go to the banks and exchange it for coin, which be takes abroad with him; and, at present, as our main produce-exports j are cut off, their place must he supplied by spe cie; and, as the hanks are not required to retain specie for the redemption of their own paper, if ' the bills of creuit are a legal tender, they cau and will dispose of their entire stock as it will command a premium over paper, and, ere long, this country will be left with nothing but a pure paper medium, without the basis of c -lollar of specie. To illustrate: The great bulk of our produce exports , in years pwst, have consisted ot cotton, tobacco and rice. The report of the Secretary of the Treasury for 1861, shows that the value of cotton, tobacco and rice exported in that year exceeded two hundred and ten millions of dollars. We are now deprived of these articles of export, and the vacuum must be filled by coin, or commerce be in proportion diminished. The cotton crop of last year, it would seem, is to be burned, and it is scarcely possible that a j crop should be rr 'sed this year (the loss of two cotton crops in time of peace would revolutionize the commercial aud financial vorld, and thus,

it would seem to be inevitable that a foreign demand will exist that must drain tbe entire specie from the country, as the counter home demand for it is removed by the bills of credit if they are a legal tender; and a hen it is all exhausted, what will be done then? These consideration were vividly in the minds of the convention that formed, and of '.lie States

that adopted our present Constitution. They had before them the then recent history of the issue of continental and Slate bills of credit, and the disastrous results thereof to the country, and they determined to prevent a repetition of the evils. See the subject most thoroughly discussed in 2d Story on the Constitution, 2d edition, commencing at sec. 1358. Hence, the convention was not satisfied with simply withholding the power to emit bills from the Federal Government; because that might not prevent the evil, as tbe several States would still possess the power to issue the obnoxious paper; but, in the very next-section but one of the Constitution, after that refusing powers, that to emit bills among them, to Congress, it proceeded to ordain that no State should "emit bills of credit." And this action constituted a part of the entire effort made by the convention to secure a sound currency for the use of universal commerce. In the letter of Roger Sherman and Oliver Ells worth, delegates iu the convention from Connecticut, to the Legislature of that State, they say: "The restraint on the Legislatures of the several States respecting emitting bills of redit, making anything but money a tender in payment of debts, Ac, was thought necessary as a security to commerce, in which the irterest of foreigners, as well as of the citizens of different States, may be affected." 1 Elliott's Deb., 531. The above considerations lead to the conclusion that the act of Congress, making Treasury notes a le; al tender, is not within the Constitution of the United State?. Supreme Court Decision. SIXTEENTH DAT. Jerusha Hinna et al. vs. The Indiana Central Railroad Company Delaware C. C. Reversed Ruel Starr vs." Jacob Forbes Porter C. P. Affirmed with 7 per cent, damages. Thomas D. Walpole vs Joseph B. Atkinson Hancock C. C. Affirmed with 1 per cent damff MileSHunt vs. Zenoah Beesin Randolph C. 0. Affirmed. Aaron B. Fetlener vs. The State of Indiana De Kalb C. P. Affirmed. John Soher vs. The State of Indiana Grant C. C Reversed. Calvin Hood vs. The State of Indiana Grant C. C. Affirmed D arid Conner vs. The Slate Grant C. C. Affirmed in part and reversed in part. Adam Porter vs. Thomas Millard Carroll C P. Affirmed with one per cent. George W. Potter vs. Anna Owen and Samuel Judah Knox C. C. Dismissed. Andrew F. Dahuffvs. Matthew Saville Howard C. C. Reversed. Archibald Simpson, Administrator of the es täte of William Simpson, deceased, vs. George W. Potter Knox C. P. Reversed as to the judgment below in favor of the garnishee. Charles Colts vs. The State Flovd C. P. Dismissed for want of assignment of error. Alonzo Thompson V3. The State of Indiana Marion C. C. Affirmed. Luke F. French vs. The State of Indiana Marion C. C. Affirmed. SEVENTEENTH DAT. The State ex. rel. James Long vs. Daniel Long Tippecanoe C. P. Affirmed. Christian Conepler vs. The Stale. Henry C. P. Reversed.' Andrew Shafer vs. The State Cass C. P. Affirmed in part and reversed in part. Frederick Shurtz et al. vs. John S. Woolsey Lagrange CP. Affirmed. lsa.ic Firestone vs. David Mish'.er Elkhart C. P. A (firmed. Jona Reed ts. Dl rid Armstrong Fayette C. P. Affirmed with three per cent, damages. Sarah W;;ltz vs. Jacob Waltz Bartholomew C. C. Reversed. James H. C.irr, Assignee, Ac, vs. Stmuel McConaha Hancock C. P. Affirmed. James H. Case alias Claypool ami Richard W. Homer vs. The Sttte Green C. P. Reversed. Samuel H Fatterson and David W. Miller vs. James Pri.r Clark C. C. Reversed as to Miller and affirmed as to Patterson. This was a case in which a person who was convicted by a Court of Common Pleas, Hnd who was afterwards released from the penitentiary on a writ of habeas corpus, because the court had no jurisdiction, sued the warden and lessee of the State prison for work and labor performed while in their charge. He recovered in the court below against Patterson and Miller $225, Patterson and Miller appealed. The judgment was re versed as to Miller, the warden, but affirmed as to Patterson, who had received as lessee the benefit of the prisoner's labor. EIGHTEETNH DAY. Pliny Hoapland vs. the Cincinnati Railroad Company Allen C. C. Affirmed. John Cahon vs. the State W ;ren C. P. Affirmed. Two other cases between the same parties were similarly decided James R. P. Thome et al. vs. Joshua Thome Knox C. P. Reversed. William Beyl vs. the Crawfordsville, Frankfort and Kokomo Railroad Company Clinton C. P. Affirmed with 1 percent. George Glasscock vs. Thomas Lyons Fountain C. C. Reversed. Frederick Riley vs. Wm. C. Mitcher Knox C. P. Affirmed with 5 per cent. Michael Thompson vs. David L, Jones and wile Delaware C. C. Reversed. Wm. Hageley vs. Wm. Hutson Union C. C. Reversed. Thomas Reed vs. James J.Hamilton Henry C. C. Affirmed. Powhattan M. Gamer vs. Charles Frederick Floyd C. C. Reversed. Jchn Linderman vs. Henry G. Todd Hen dricks C. C. Affirmed with 5 pei cent. Mary Jane Freeman st al. vs State ex. rel., Commissioners of Decatur county et al. Decatur C. P. Affirmed with 1 per cent. Samuel Every vs. Levi Smith DeKalb C. C. Affirmed with 5 per cent. David Stoner et al. vs. B. F. Brown Laporte C. C. Affirmed with 4 percent. Eliza Ford vs. the Slate Marion C. P. Reversed. A Card trout a True talon .TIan . By request we copy the following manly letter from the Jefferson vi lie Democrat: Ediior National Democrat Sir: It the published proceedings of the Union meeting of Clark county, I see my name in the list of delegates M the June Convention, at Indianapolis. I would here state it meets my entire disapprobation to have my name placed there. I have been a Democrat all my life, and profess to be as good a Union man as any in the country, and 1 am not yet ready to form a political association with those who hut a few years back were Know Nothings, Abolitionists, Republicans, and now protested Linon savers 1 he rc.-oiut.ons pased at said meeting arc. in substance, what I have olteii heard in Fourth of Julv orations, and are, n themselves, harmless, except the 3d resol i. iii, which I think embraces an Abohtu timent. What this country was it attained under Democratic rule; what it is uow, it has received from those opposed to Democratic principles. If the Union is ever restored as it was, it will be when the Democratic party get in power. To say that the Democratic party is disloyal is a malicious slander. The resolutions passed at the 8th of I January Convention meet with my entire appro batiou; they embrace the true Democratic doc- : trine. Resolution 2d says "that we are unalieri ably attached to the Constitution by which the Union of these States was formed and established, and that a faithful observance of its principles can alone continue the existence of the Union and the permanent happiness of the people." The 8th resolution says "that we aie utterly opposed to the twin heresies Northern sectionalism and Southern secession as inimical to the Constitution, and that freemen, as they value the boon of civil liberty and the peace of tbe country, should frown indignantly upon them." Resolution 10th says "that we will sustain with all our energies a war for the maintenance of the Constitution and of the integrity of the Union under the Constitution, but we are opposed to a war for the emancipation of the negroes or tht subjugation of the Southern State.'' If there ia anything disioval in these resolutions it is beyond mv comprehen sion. And if the Democracy have not turnedmut a lafger number of soldiers for the war than the Republicans, other sections are au exception to this, as at least six Democrats have enlisted to one Republican. My impression is that this Union party is made up of broken down parties of the past, with a few hungry office seeking Democrats. Republicanism has already become such a pest that like a piratical ship it is bound to change its colors in every sea it attempts to sail. John M. Wood.

It Hurts JiidR-e lfuK-he' Complaints. Some author remarks that "the galled jade winces," but Judge Hughls, in his card to ti e Journal vesterday, fairly sqnirms under the slight castigation we gave him. No rogue e'er felt the halter draw With good opinion of the law. The distinguished Judge charges that our report of his speech is ' grossly incorrect and unfair." And in a card of three quarters of a column, he points to but a single instance of misrepresentation. He says, "the report misrepresents me (him) in the first sentence." Now let us try the grave charge that the Judge makes against us of willful and malicious misrepresenttion. The first seutence of our report reads thus: It was in compliance with the invitation of a number of citizens of different political parties, for whom he entertained a high respect, that he appeared with becoming diffidence. Judge Hughes's own report reads: It is in compliance with the invitation of a number of citizens of different political parties,

for whom 1 entertain a high respect, that 1 appear in this place to express some opinions, and, (I trust with becoming diffidence,) to offer some counsel on public affairs. Here is the evidence that the Judge presents that we have maliciously misrepresented him. What a miserable quibble. We challenge the caviller to show any misrepresentation. As the Judge has referred to a private conversation, we will state what did occur at the inter view. We called upon him professionally on Wednesday afternoon to ascertain whether his speech was written out, to avoid the labor of reporting it if it was. When informed it was not, we told him we could not make a verbatim report, and wouid only attempt to give the substance of his remarks. To this he did not ob ject. We made nojjromise to give him the notes to revise, but we would have done so if time had permitted. We have found from experience the inconvenience of so doing, from the fact that speakers are very apt to modify and change their remarks. Our instructions to Mr. Baymiller, the "capacity and candor" of whom Judge Hughes concedes, was to make as full and accurate a report of his speech as he could, so as to have it appear in the morning's issue. The report, as published in the Stntinrl, was a "faithful and full transcript of his notes, " just as he took them from the speaker's mouth. We made no change in them whatever, nor did we suggest any. In fact we did not read the report until we saw it in the paper on the morning it appeared. Those who heard Judge Hughes, or who have read both reports, cannot but admit that our synopsis fairly and faithfully reported the sentiments he uttered. If he will point out any inaccuracies where injustice has been done him, so far as his spoken speech is concerned, we will cheerfully correct them. So much for a very small m iter. The fact is if the caption and introduction to the speech had been left out, not a word of complaint would have been heard from the Judge. That's what hurt That's what m ikes him wince. In regard to the 1Ö58 speech. We reproduced it at the request of the Judge himself. At our interview we asked him if he recollected its sentiments. He said he did, and that he yet stood by them. He then asked us to reprint it in the Sentinel, as he wanted a few extra copies for circulation. We thought we were doing the Judge a great kindness, but he has not yet sent for the extra copies. The speech of Judge Hughes is specious, malignant, and we honestly believe was made to subserve his own interests. What sympathy, un less it be a community of interest, can he have with Julian, Lovejot, Sumneu, Giddixgs, Gar rison and Phillips, if he adheres, as he professes to, to the opinions and principles he has heretofore avowed? As a public man, Judge Hughes is supremely selfish. Throughout his political or public career we ask him to point to a single act not intended for his personal advancement. In his late speech, animated by that motive, he meanly and maliciously misrepresents the motives and purposes of a party and the friends who stood manfully by him when his inteiests were to be subserved and who made sacrifices in his behalf. Like the viper, he stings those who have warmed him into life and conferred upon him the positions and distinctions which he has attained. Read the speech as reported by Judge Hughes and see if there is any condemnation of the infamous frauds which have been fastened upon the party in power. Republicans like Van Wyck, and Dawes and Hale, in terms manly, decided and even eloquent, can rebuke the gross corruptions which they declare to be a disgrace to the country, in one year, says one of them exceeding the entire cost of the Administration of James Buchanan, but upon this theme the eloquent and talented Hughes is siieut. Why? Is it because the Administration is involved, and it will not do to give it offense? He can come home and set himself up as a teacher to the people of Iudiana upon their duties as citizens, but carefully avoids any allusion to the cormorants who have been fattening upon the misfoi tunes of the country. In this connection we ask Judge Hughes to say whether he is iu favor or opposed to the late speeches of Hon. D. W. Voorhees upon the financial policy of the Admiuistration, and that of Hon. W. A. Kimardson, exposing the Republican schemes of negro equality? He has not a word against the unequal tariff aud proposed tax systems, and the gigantic paper currency scheme, so dangerous to the liberty and prosperity of the people. Democrats, says Judge Hughes, must not discuss these great questions of public policy, but obey the President, whether he be a "Black Republican or a black nigger." "Loyalty," says Judge Hughes, "is fidelity to the Constitution of the United State?," and then in a specious argument he endeavors to fasten is loyalty upon the Democracy of Indiana. Fidelity to the Constitution and the Union, in sentiment and deed, hare been the distinguishing traits of i the Democracy of Indiana. It is so now. They nave voted Hu the meil and tne manev the Presi- ! dent has asked to maintain the Constitution and the Union. Aud to day, if the whole power of the Government had been exerted solely to re store the authority of the Government over the seceded States, and if the Republican leaders, or a portion of them, had not pressed confiscation aud emancipation scheme-, the nag of the Union would have waved over every inch of Americau soil. This the soldiers now in the field well understand. The Democracy best show their svmpathy for the gallant men who shouldered their muskets to fight the battles of the Union, by insisting that the Government shall prosecute with all its energies a war for tbe maintenance of the Constitution and the integrity of the Uniou under the Constitution. If this had been uone, peace ere now would have smiled upon the land and gladdened the hearts of the people. We have not an unkind thought or sentiment against Judge Hiuhls personally. We hope he is a loyal, a patriotic and virtuous citizen and Judge. If he wants to go into the Republican ranks it is his right to do so. We think, however, his new political associates will find him a troublesome and exacting partner. Our only object was anr is to rebuke him for the apology ht' offers for making the new alliance. No one can read his speech without beirfg satisfied that its object is to tasten disloyalty upon at least one-half of tbe citizens of Indiana. That charge he knows to be false. For that we censure and condemn him. Such a charge can only be instigated by a malicious purpose. He judges the motives of others, and we have a right to judge him by his

own rule. There is not a Democrat in Indiana whe has a dignißed office und the Federal Government, with the snug salary of four thousand dollars a year, the tenure of which rests with the party in power, to control his opinions upon the

great issues betöre the country. It may not Judge James Hughes. But a man in his position should have charity for the opinions of others. For the Indiana State SentineL Letter from an Army Officer Describing What he Saw In Washington Washington, D. C, Juue 11, 162. Dear Joe: 1 left your goodly city at 8 P. M. on Friday last, and by the aid ot a slip of paper, which I paid $17 50 for, I found myself at this place on Sunday morning. You, of course, know that I am au officer of the grand Union army, and wear shoulder straps, and as such should have had due respect shown me; nor can I complain, for when I left the cars, at the Washington Depot, I met a great string of the politest gentlemen of the city, each anxious that I should take a SSM in his carriage and ride down to my hotel. This was a distinction that I did not look for, but I attributed it all to the shoulder-straps and my good looks. 1 finally selected oue of the finest carriages, and the geutlemau who drove asked me what hotel I desired to go to. This was a stumper, for I did not know myself. Indeed, after receiving so much attention at the depot, I thought it possible that I was tobe made the guest of the city, and a hotel alreadv in waiting to receive me. The gentle man, however, not understanding the matter in I that light, repeated the names of a large number ot hotels, and among the number was the "Ave nue House," to which place he soon drove me, dismounted, and very politelv opened the door of the carriage, and assisted me in getting out. and just as I was going to thank him for his kindness, he says" A dollar, sir, please." "What?" says I. "A dollar, sir." So I just pulled ont very nearly the last "unicorn" that I had about me and gave it to him. He thanked me with a gracious smile, which rather pleased me. and away he went. I then went up into the loft of the Avenue House, where I found a very dirty little office, with a nice young man behind the counter, and nigger sitting by. I registered my name, and inquired of the nigger where I could get a drink. The niggtr said that it was Sunday, and none could be had nearer than Willard' Hotel, to which place he directed me, and away I w:nt. The streets were crowded with soldiers and niggers. Many of the soldiers were very polite, saluting me in true military style, all on account of my straps. I soon found Willard's, got my drink, and started back. I had not got far, before I met a squad of the nicest looking soldiers I ever saw, under the command of an equally nice looking Sergeant, who, upon approaching, halted his men, gave me the military salute, and I thought he was going to have bis men present arms while I passed. The streets were full, and I felt proud of thedistinction about to be conferred. So just as I was going to make my most polite salute to the men, the nice little Sergeant says, "A pass, sir; a pass, sir!" "The devil!" says I, "I have no paa-; I am officer of the army don't you see my shoulderstraps?" The nice little officer informed me that he was officer of the Provost Guard, and i charged with the duty of arresting all officers and soldiers found in the city without a pass. By this lime quite a crowd of niggers and whitemen had come up, many of wham I noticed were very much amused, and I suspected that it might beat my expense. So you see that I did not ieel quite so comfortable as I had a few moments before. However, by dint of hard persuasion, I got the officer to let me off, under the promise that I would join my regiment forthwith. This, however, I did not intend to do, for my leave of ab sence had three days to run, and I intended to make the most of it. I returned to Jie hotel rather crest fallen, and fully of the opinion that I was not near so great a personage as I at first imagined. In the evening I visited the"secesh" members of Congress, Col. Dick Richardson's rooms, where 1 found several other "secesh" Representatives. Amoni; the number were Robinson, of Illinois, Dan. Voorhees of Indiana, Vallandigham of Ohio, and many others. These rebels talked "secesh" right out, and, in my opinion, they ought to be expelled from the House. They ate opposing all the measures of the Administra tion which tend to the treeing and equalising the negro of the South with the whites of the North. They oppose the organization of a regiment of runaway negroes, their being armed and uni formed, as fs being done by one of our Generals, in the South, in order that they may stand shoul der to shoulder, and assist our brave boys of the North in putting down this rebellion. They oppose the stealing of a few m llion of dollars bv men who j have assisted in placing the present Administration in power. They oppose the last "slide" of GenBanks from Strasburg, Va., across the Potomac, j They oppose the policy of the General being three miles in advance of his wagon train, and j being the first to cross the Potomac, leaving his ! officers and men in the rear to protect themselves as best they could. They oppose the principle of Banks's taking more runaway negroes with him on his retreat than he had white soldiers, and also they oppose his permitting negroes to ride in tbe ambulances and wagons, while sick and wounded soldiers were forced to walk. They oppose the freeing of negroes in the District of Columbia. They oppose contracting with the slave States, and pledging the faith of the Government to assist in buying the slaves of the several States at least while our expenses are three millions of dollars per day. All these "secesh" member insist on prosecuting this tear until tee can establish a peace upon the principles of the Constitution as it is, andthe Government as it was. Such men, representing a free and independent Western constituency, in the opinion of many, and indeed all, who desire to see the great and glorious principle of the equalization of all human beings, without regard to color, adopted as a Government policy, should be expelled from their position. Alter ascertaining the views of these officials, I concluded to look around town a little, and an Indiana rebel member offered to accompany me, which politeness refused my declining. We lud uot gone far before he pointed out to me some large brick buildings, and informed me that they contained eleven hundred negroes, who had re ceutly obtained their freedom, and come to this city for the purpose of making it their home. These poor people had no money, nor nothing to live upon, having all their live? been in bondage, cou equently the Government had rented these buildings for them, and is now, and has been, issuing eleven hundred rations to them each day, from the United States Commissary Department. These people look well, as a general thing, and will soon make goo I citizens. It is expected that at the next city election there will be more vote cast than ever was before iu the city of Washington. I was much gratified to learu that these poor people were as healthy as could be expected. Yet there was a considerable amotiut of sickness among them, and our surgeons from the hospitals, who have the care of our sick aud wounded soldiers, often have to neglect the duties assigned them, in order that thev mav relieve the dis I tresses of these poor "fellow citizens" of ours. By this time it was getting quite late in the evening, and I concluded to retire. I bade good night to Mr. Congressman, went to the hotel, and was showu a room about half a mile high. , with a kind of a bed in it, and turned in. The next morning after breakfast, I started I out to see what I could see I found a great j many very polite men, who would call out to me, ! "Have a hack, sir!" "Have a carriage, sir," kc; I but I concluded to walk I could occasionally see my nice little Sergeant with bis equally nice squad of men, coming down the street, but as I i am a very polite man, and never having had a ! formal introduction to them, I always changed ; mv course. During mv perambulations, I was i . . , . i ... i .i i. orten asked uv t crv pome nine geuiiemen, wuo ; seemed to be of foreign descent, if I did not want 1-1 uu Silin.' t. i'ii:ii . uui ueuiK 111 n uuui some "ciiMiini: : out oeinz man tunate condition, 1 made no purchases. I also visited the House of Representatives, and walked right in, and sat down between two Western members. I had not remained there long, before an impertinent little fellow, neatly dressed, came along and told me that I mnst leave. Says I. "What?" He exDlained that strangers were not Dei milled on the floor during the session Mv friends, however, drove the little fellow away, and I stayed until I was tired. There are a great many clever and polite people here, and I am glad of it. An instance or two more, perhaps will not be amiss. At night, a member of Congress not far from the Indiana State line, but on the Illinois side, came around and invited me and an Illinois lawyer, to take a walk with him. We, of course, consented, nnd started up town. Alter walking a half mile or so the Congressman stopped at a door of a veryfine house, pulled a door km ar.d soon the lady of the house appeared inv. u at In we were introduced to the lady, and she introduced us to a half dozen of her daughters we sat down, and conversation commenced, the young ladies doing the most of the talking. I soon concluded that we were favorites, and had I not. been so bashful, I think I should have made love to one of them she was so pretty, and she almost made love me. We soon left, with many very polite invi

tations to return indeed, this was a very clever family, and should I again return to the city, I will call and see them, if I can find tbe bouse again. Mr. Member of Congress, then took us down to K . 406 Pennsylvania avenue where we went up stairs, aud tound a dozen gentlemen or so, among the number, were several Senators, members of the House and other gentlemen. We were introduced, and asked to drink, which we did uot refuse, they were so polite about it. Soon after supper was annnounced, and we were politely asked to participate, which we did, and a good supper it was, too. Theroom was well furnished---sveeral fine long tables were in the room, some of which had a curious kind of large buttons stacked up on them. Ind'Cd everything was nice.

I was told that it was a bank with a scriptural name, the scriptural part I have forgotten. We then took a drink and went to our rooms. Washington is a great city. John Randolph once described it in his own classic language, with much truth, no doubt at tbe time, but it is very much changed since. It is now a city of hacks, negroes, and incompetent army officers, and I might, with much truth, include officers of Siate. The people here, run all night and sleep nearly all day. They breakfast at twelve, dine at six, and gel supper sometime the uext day. Should I meet with any further adventures while I remain here, I will write you again. Yours, Ac, Western. Secial Ccrretpondence of the Chicago Time. From Washington. Incidents of the Battle on the ( hick a hominy Slorirs of Rebel Barbaritiet Exploded Ex poture of our Plans and Strength to the Rebels Phis again$t McClello. Washington, June 8. How the rebel troops will fight in the next and probably last great battle before Richmond, may be judged from the manner in which they conducted themselves on last Satuiday and Sunday. I have seen many of the officers and soldiers who were engaged in different parts of the field, and their universal testimony is, that the rebel troops fought with letermined courage, and held their ground steadily. The accuracy of their aim is sufficiently attested by the long list of our killed and wounded, which amounts to fully 7,000, instead of 3,000. There is no use in concealing the truth, and I know it to be so. The only wonder is that not more of our officers were killed. Captains, Colonels, Brigadier Generals, and even Generals of divisions, exposed themselves with bravery bordering on recklessness. The vele rans, Generals Heintzelman and Sumner, were both under fire, and as cool as if on parade. Gen. Philip Kearney, followed by his staff, rode un and down the line of battle amid the leaden hail, cheering aid animating his men. Gen. Jamison's horse was shot under him au animal that I have often admired, and which tbe General will find difficult to reolace. General Berry, another of Gen. Kearney's Brigadiers, was untiring iu his efforts to make the fire of his brigade effectual , and it did fearful execution. Gen. Bimey alone, Gen. Kearney's third Brigadier, failed to emulate the example of his chief, and bis brigade, in consequence, was useless. He has beeu relieved of his command. He is a sou of the celebrated Jas. G. Bimev, once Abolition candidate for President, and is, I believe, an Abolitionist himself. A startling fact occurred in counection with one of the prisoners whom we captured. On the person of Col. Washington, a rebel officer, was f mud a complete aud correct list of the army of the Potomac, including a minute statement of its present organization in corps, divisions and brig ades. The name oi every division commander and of every Briiradier General was correctly given, with the name and number of every regiment in each brigade, and the approximate strength of each regiment. More than this, there was also attached a plan of the country on the Chickahominy near Richmond; with the position of each division of our army correctly marked on it. That it had very recently come into the rebels' possession was evident from the fact that several of the divisions had moved their positions only two days before, and these changes of positions were carefully noted on the sketch. The completeness and accuracy of the entire document proved that it could have emanated from no tyro in military matters, and gives ground for tbe painful suspicion that there is a traitor in the camp who has access to the secret movements of the army. It was said, at first, that, together with this document was found its counterpart relative to the rebel army. This, I find on inquiry in the proper quarter, is entirely incorrect. A little slip of paper was found, containing a few memoranda of a single brigade in the rebel army. That was all the information concerning the rebel army that was derived from the capture of Mr. Washington. It is well for the country that there ore still left some newspapers whose editors have manliness and firmness to denounce and expose as it deserves the outrageous plot to which Stanton and McDowell are tbe chief parties, and to which Lincoln has been, unconsciously, probably.ac.essory, in pursuance of which the fruits of McClellan's patient labors for ten months are about to be snatched from bim. For more than six months. Gen. McClellan devoted all his energies to the undertaking of forming an army. When he had completed this herculean task, be pro ceede 1 to carry on the war in pursuance of bis plans, which were those of General Scott. But from the very first moment these plans have been interfered with by Stanton. The climax of this interference was reached, when McDowell, with 50,000 troops, was kept idle at Fredericksburg for six weeks, add 70,000 troops were wasted upon Banks and Fremont, in order thai McDowell might attend the unconstitutional secret military councils, held at Washington under cover of the night, under Stanton's auspices, while McC e lau was left with his little army thinned out by battle and disease, to fight his way step by step from Yorktown to Richmond, only to find himself, when there at last, confronted by a rebel army of vastly superior force. But justice, though asleep now, will awake. I had a very interesting interview yesterday with Col. Kenley.the brave commander of the Maryland regiment that was so badly cut up at Front Royal on the 25th ult. They were engaged by a Confederate Maryland regiment, aud, as neither would give up, the carnage on both sides was fearful. The Union rcimvn was nearly annihilated, only 30U men remaining when the fight wasover. The papers have been filled with accounts of rebel atrocities committed on this occasion by the .ebel soldiers, and by the women of Winchester. I find, on inquiring of Col. Kenley, that there is not one word of truth iu all these wonderful stories. None of our wounded were bayoneted or fired on. None of the women in Winchester tired on our retreating troops. (Quarter was always granted to them whenever asked. So far from having been fired upon when in au ambulance, Col. Kenley was treated with kindness, and has been sent home on parole to his family in Baltimore. All "ur wounded were treated kindly. For the Daily State Sentinel. t40OO Per Annum. Mr. Editor: The intelligent, accomplished and ; eminently patriotic Judge of the United states Court of Claims in his speech the other eveuing I asserted among other things of like tenor that "the Abolition sentiment of this country has ! never ruled at any of our elections." Uttered by a les distinguished fusionist than a ; Judge with a salary of four thousand a year, I should have charged sui'h an assertion to bnzen mendacity, but as it is, I presume the matter must be at least susceptible of some explanation. Will His Honor be kind enough to inform the public what sentiment, if not the Abolition, it j was that supported Birney in '40 and '44 and I Hale and Julian in I8M1 How sadly it is to be regretted that recreancy to political principles breeds so much of kindred abandonment. 'I here is no crime against inteurirw rw,liti.,l n tuMnfml Itllf thftt it nnut llPftl i be prooptsj hv a wnoie catalogue of accompanying offenses. A Political Mnenieal In .rw lark. We understand that the programme for the organization of a great conservative party has been prepared an! agreed upon b; the conservatijsf leaders, and is ready to be submitted to Mr. Wee , and will uo doubt meet with his and Secretary ' Seward's Hiu.rova . It is contemplated ui this arrangement to uominate.by one or more conventions, Horatio Sevmour for Governor an i William M. Evart for Lientcuant Governor, no doubt with the intention of obtaining the endorsement of the people of the latter, and iheu sending him to the United States Senate. Should this general conservative organiiatiou I fixed upon, the local organization will be adjusted to it, and uoue but high minded conservative and true Union men be nominated for Congress. And, thus fortified, no person can for a moment doubt but that the Empire State, witfi iu great commercial interests, its future prosperity, power and influence at stake, will give the tickst an overwhelming indorsement, and roll up a majority that will effectually end tn this quarter all future efforts of the Abolition conspirators, as well as Secretary Chase's and Collector Barney's black Earty, which now seek the total destruction of the Tnion and Constitution.'. Y. Herald

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