Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 21, Number 35, Indianapolis, Marion County, 20 January 1862 — Page 1

THE STATE SENTINEL. VOL XXI, NO. 85. INDIANAPOLIS, INI)., MONDAY. JAM ARY 20, 1862. WHOLE NO. 1,176.

1 N Ii I A N A

WEEKLY STATE SENTINEL. rums ami. mi i ft im witwimii at twb EW SEVri EL OFFICE,

50. i SOUTH MERHHAX STBRET, ITK TUE PWTOlFltF.. KLDER. HA RR NESS & BINGHAM, TCRMH Or WEEKLY SIirmKL On copy one year f 1 M r.n copies to on I ml on to the maker of the eleb 10 Twenty copies to oik austrete, and two to the maker uf the club Thirty copies to noe tMn., awl tnte cop of the ' WgiKLT one of the Daily, to the maker of tbe club 3 00 -,rty r-,pwa to om address, and two oeaSas of toe Wuui aad two of taw Dam. . ... SO 00 Additions can be made to Club at any time at tbe abort itev Where the paper is add roaaed to each subscriber .-ratelj, the extra copies will not re Tbe pwtai on the WatUy Sate AralaW, and mailed for one year, la aa follow w tthtn the Lounljr Within the State. 13 cent. ...I, , - - - 25cenu. Within tbe United Stale. One suoare, one insertion M two - bir Kor sack subsequent insertion, and for ach inaer Uon of each additional Mfmare tern 1 M . S M 33 1 I iillai ill piihli.hed in both the Dally and the Wdcklv ScimftKL, will he chanted the fall Daily rate, , with one-half the Weekly rate added. Announcing deatht with faneral notice attached, 91; without notier free. ( A tri wVjfc C-iit rCwH 50 ctttt Xotkasef Natl enl i, Picnics and xcarsion, gotten up by individuals or aawcUlioBa, ac by enureses, at tne rag. alar prior. Adrrrtijeoient leailed and placed under the bead erf .Special Hetlres, tf ten linen or orer, will be charred double the usual rate. Yearly adttler to pay quarterly. Announcing candidate for oSJces of every description to he eharxed at the rste of 1 5 for each name In the Dally, and $3 in the Daily awl Weekly, the samt ta be, in all caaes, paid in advance. Legal dvertiM.-meat inserted at tbe expense of tbe attorneys ordering, and not delay ahle for the legal proceed -inj, bat collectable at our uansl time Ftiblii-hen not lntable for ih. accuracy of legal advertisements bev.eid the m iaut charijed for their publi-ation. ELUKR. HAU V I'.INGHAJf, Proprietors Indiana State Sentinel. J. If. TTLFORI". President Indianapolis Journal Company. Will be sent by saail Of express to subscribers at any point for fifty cents a month, or six dollars a year. All subscriptions invariably In advance. Address ELDER, HAKKSESS k BINGHAM. Ind'plis. rlfrtci) Iflistfllang. Cauaee af the War. The World ta km exception to our position tha slavery is not tbe cause of the rebellion, and in i Utting its argument invited the Journal of Commerce "either to admit its force or attempt its ret- j utaiion." We propose to do both. We admit tbe force, bat shall show that its eutire force is derived from a misapprehension of history and a misapplication of facts, and tbe refutation will proceed . ou the mix grounds. The WorU slightly changes the issue in its statement of the question. It proposes to show j that "the popular judgment, which holds slavery responsible for this atrocious rebellion, is just." There is a distinction between being the csaat af an effect and being responsible for the effect, which the Warltl should have avoided. Hut we are content with that form of accusation, and de nying, in passing, that there is any such popular judgment that is here intimated, we say that j slavery it not responsible for tbe present atrocious rebellion, and an accusation that it is so is not only unjust, but.diverte the public judgment from the really guilty parties. We state the World's argument briefly but we ' believe fairly. It is this. Tbe rebellion is tbe culmination of a controversy which commenced j with the annexation of Texas. Texas was annexed to subserve tbe interests of Southern 1 slavery. The Mexican war annexed territory, '' and the "defiant attempts" of slavery to plant it elf on that territory threatened the Union till tbe ! compromise of lt50; it was in the interest of slavery that the controversy was reopened in l.r4 by tbe repeal of the Missouri compromise, per- I petuated bv attemuts to force slavery into Kan ; una una. y, slavery unmeu tne uemocniwc , , . . . , s r party at Charleston and seized the forts and pub v at onaneatou aim seizeu ine lorua ano ouo lie property. These successive acts, saith the World, are the causes of the war, and if they are not "will the Journal of Commerce enumerate the causes which were the cause?" We can, perhaps, devise no better way to refute the arguments of the World than by producing at once to reply to this last question, and stabs what we believe to bare been tbe causes of the war. Having, for yean, warned the nation of the iminiaency of this war, we are strougly convinced that it proceeded from the causes which we, in common with thousands of wiser men than we, prophesied would produce it. While others laughed at our warnings, we were firm in ethe prophecy, and now the men that deuied our skill as seers, doubt wholly whether we were right in our views of the causes which were operating! It is strongly probable that the impartial views of tbe past few years are more correct than erode speculations now suddenly made, by men lor the first time roused to a knowledge of the truth. We shall not waste time at present in a specific reply to the World's argument, since our answer I to iU last question renders that unnecessary. We simply remarking that its force is demolished entirelv by tbe fact that slavery had no more to do with the annexation of Texas than bad Democracy all over America. New York and Pennsylvania have more roaponsioilitv for tint event than North Carolina or Tennessee. The same is true of eutire list of events which tbe World cites, and the whole period of events "culminating" in rebellion, are found without foundation and without apex. They were the workoi the Democratic party, strong in the North as in the South, and they did not culminate in the war, for it did not proceed from nor was it caused by them. Hut we reserve this discussion for the present, while we proceed to state our views of the causes of tbe war, and who is responsible for it. Our Government is the hot instance of a great nation founded on a wlBseii instrument which denn its national powers, and prescribes tbe rights of its citizens. The object of the instrument was not as some imagine, to secure tbe blessings of liberty to its founders and their posterity. This was but one of many objects, amonir which were enumerated the establishment of justice, the en sunug of domestic tranquility and the promotion of the general welfare. Liberty was to be I. mil ed by justice and tbe common interests of all. such liberty as men lud under tbe restraints of wholesome government, with due regard to tbe rights of their neighbors aud of ail men. Among of bur oietbeds of carrying out those objects the founders of the nation made pronth reference to personal and property id as they lived in an age when slaves ;and sold and held m perneiual IxjikI for inheritance, throughout the Sand. they treated that feet as they treated all other.-, re to the rights of firoperty. I hey established it certain guanuttees, they pledged to its protection the whole force of tbe Government, they solemnly bound the States of the Union to the perpetuation of the institution as Ioiil: as the Constitution remained inviolate, an 1 one State desired the preservation of slavery. Slavery was, to all interns and purposes, a portspe of the I Constitution, an adopted child, so long as the i Scales or any of them preferred that to other forms of labor. As tbe fathers made it, we fouud , the Constitution in the year 160, and we were bound by every line of it. Slav cry was our par lege as it bad been our fathers. Gentlemen may I shrink front this plain unvarnished truth, but it is ill j truth If one line of .hat Constitution is sacreu. every Hue is squall: so, ana tne cannon and the armies of the nation are no more nledged to dem L.wd from foreign nations just recompense for stolen land, or stolen ships, or stdwfen money, than they are bound to demand tbe same recorofor stolen slaves. There had been, since the days of Waab.ngton, men among us wbo were opposed to tbe Federal Union. These men had, from time to time, sought power and place, and finding rive princ-i Cot tbe Democratic party most popular, they generally been attached' to that party. The ivorits scheme of these, men. existing from geoM genntion, was the establishment of a Government. Washington had them in

his mind as early as 11, when he called on the

country to frown upon every" attempt to aliena'e any portion of our country mim the rest, or to enfeeble tbe sacred ties which now link together tbe various psrts;" and be added a solemn warn ing against such geographical discriminations of parties as would be indicated by the names of Northern mod Southern, Eastern mud Western. Without pausing here to trace the various evidences of tbe constant presence ol these men in the nation, and their occasional demonstrations it is sufficient to say that in later years tbey became numerous and strong. But convention after cor. vention, and public meeting after public meeting failed in producing any sensible effect in favor of their mad schemes, or in nioving the great body of the Southern people to their views. The South was wholly and heartily attached to the Union, loved it, defended it, prayed for its perpetuity. The heart of the South was right, and there was no hope for tbe new Government plan until there arose at the North a party of men whose avowed objects was the overthrow of the institution of slavery, which was the child of the Constitution. Right or wrong, that institution was in every Southern home, was tbe foundation of property, the support of millions of dependents and of owners. Abolitionists might have attacked the in sti tut ion with their maledictions produced no effect. Tbey did furnish some fuel with which th new Government men kindled a flame in South

Carolina, but those men were powerless atil length, however, Northern States began to jo in the enmitv to the institution. They passed personal liberty bills with the avowed intention of hindering, if not defeating, the operation of the Constitution of tbe United States. Those bills were pronounced, as in Massachusetts, un constitutional, by the highest opinions in tlje North and South, but tbe Northern zealots were reckless of the conseqtiencef . Rapidly, with a rapidity almost nnparallelled, the disunionists of the South increased their forces and grew in strength. The statesmen, the fathers, the few noble men who remained to us from an age of great men, besought the North to pause. 1 he anti slavery raid was fierce and un compromising. If a slave escaped to the North, anti slavery mobs defended him and rescued him from the officers of the Constitution. If an anti-slavery fanatic led a murderous attack on Virginia homes and was bung as he deserved, antislavery newspapers praised him as a martyr, and anti -slavery men sang songs to his memory. If the Supreme Court of the United States enunciated a decision under the Constitution which fa vored the rights of slavery. Northern fanaticism denounced the court, refused to abide by its constitutional law, and boldly threatened to re or gnnize die court, so that it should hereafter decide as anti slavety men wished it. All this, by no means, justified rebellion at the South. No, but this madness of the North placed in the hands of the disunion men of the South precisely the weapons they wanted. They made it the call to organize a Southern party. They rallied around them many of the best and noblest men of the Suuth, wbo really believed that this Northern anti-slavery element would come into their homes and devour their substance, while it freed their slaves. In the midst of this terrible excitement, an ex citement on which patriots and calm men looked with awe and horrible forebodings, the Republican party came into existence and strode rapidly to power. Its lenders were unscrupulous men, who sought political success at any cost. The anti-slavery excitement was a capital political ally. The marriage was formed. Men who were in the party and were not Abolitionists, could not precisely understand where they were or what they were. The orators of the party, on plat forms, howled their denunciations of slavery to catch the anti-sfavery vote. The newspapers of the party reiterated the anti-slavery cries charging the slaveholder with all crimes and shames, "tbe sum of all villainies," but the party as a party never indorsed any of these fanatical propositions and claimed to be free from them. The object of the Southern disunionists, tbe fear of Washington and of all the patriots down to the lately honored dead of Kentucky and Massachusetts, was realized. A sectional party was formed, and its triumph was the excuse for another sectional party to plunge ii.to rebellion i against the Government. While we stood shouting to the North that they were putting into the hands of tbe Southern disunion men the very weapon thty desired to accomplish their ends, we but met the derisive laughter of the men who now charge on slavery the war into which their folly permitted a few disunionists to plunge tbe nation. Look back two years. Who warned anti slave 1 UJCal ttitUw nivjf w ri rj IU1III9UIIIC a uva ok i es t --n B WT man tk n rlA- sinea f -. I M sw I ffVv.. . ...... fl tionT s,,,, Union meu M)i saveliold , rt-u.. t l, v j : , . j r: n ihj uctuuii. too a. oiiuviu iiuuiuisui Mn. i to cut loose their alio! item allies and save the naj tion? Southern Union men and slaveholders! j Who most loudly, longingly, begged, prayed, be sought the Republican party to pause in their career of triumph, and concede something to enable them to save the South from the wiles of the small and weak party of disunionists? Southern slaveholders, who would have died for tbe Union then as bravely and as joyously as any of us to- . day. We make no excuse for the rebellion. We do not pretend to say that it was justified by any act ot the .Northern States, or Northern people. It was conceived in sin and horn in iniquity. But if the mother was a Southern party, or was slavery, the father was Northern fanaticism and anti slavery, and the child of shame bears more resemblance to the father than the mother. For slavery was the protege, tbe adopted child of the Ossmtitution, while anti slavery was tbe avowed enemy of the Constitution, and bore on its flags, its newspapers, on its very forehead the marks of that enmity which are now assumed by the Southern rebellion. It is hardly probable that we have convinced the World that slavery is not responsible for the war. but we have endeavored courteously to answer a question that was courteously put. We do not attempt to "whitewash" slavery. We but defend the founders of the Constitution. They pledged us, as their posterity, to support that institution just as long as any State desires it. We believe the trntli to be as p'ain as Jaylight, that if Northern States and Northern anti-slavery men had observed the pledgee of the Constitution to ward slavery, the Southern disunionists would have remained impotent; and we also believe that Northern fanaticism, playing into the hands of Southern disunionism, is the cause of the war, while slavery, recognized by the Constitution, has been the silent subject which designing men of both parties have used to produce the terrible re suits we are now experiencing. .tV. Y. Journal of Commerce. A fiery ortteal. To be a General is to expose oneself to a great variety of mishaps; but thus far the casualties experienced have not all been inflicted by the enemy, by any means The record of the war stands something as follows: Lieut. (-Jen. Scott, broken down by excessive exertion. Geu. Fremont, letired into privacy on account of insubordination, or incompetence. Geu. Pierce, extinguished by the battle of Great Bethel. Gen. Lyon, "sacrificed." Col. Baker, ditto. Gen. McClellan, persecuted by the AbolitionGen. Sherman, condemned by the Anti slavery propagandists. Gen Phelps, pronounced "insane" on account of the extraordinary proclamation from Ship Island. Col. Stone, charged Vita outrageonsly insulting a United States Senator. Gen. Sigel, resigns on account of alleged shab by treatment. Goo. McKiostry, under arrest for alleged mis behavior. Several others, like Gen. Patterson and Gen. Benham. have been the subjects of severe criti- j cism. Nor has the Navy wholly escaped from similar misfortunes. The Cost. or Was The expenses of the Gov I eminent, according to tbe ew l ork tribune . are ever fk.l,000,0(s) per day. This is at the rate of about fifteen cents daily for everv man. woman u:ia ; ,u. 1C - a... , . .... I t iiiu Ulli ill .11 i. in win ii omii79. IX viiis RiO) the war costs Wisconsin over f 1 lb, Olsi every ua and nearly $10,00(1 every hour, and over $ I. w everv minute between sunrise and sunset. The whofe expease for one year would build a com fortable bouse for every family in the Northern States. It would pay the ordinary expenses of all tbe State Govern met. ts for twenty years. It would buy nearly one half of all the farms in the Northern' States' It would tike all the wheat; produced In Wisconsin for three years to pay Its proportlou twelve months. Snch is the cost of war. Miltronkee Nriro.

The Wstr not the Culmination of the Political Differeacea of the laat Tweaff Year. We replied yesterday to tbe 'alter part of tbe World's remarks by answering their request to Uta what were, in our opinion, the causes of the war. We did not intend to avoid a distinct reply to their argument, designed to show that slavery was the responsible cause, but we reserved such a reply aud propose to make it now. It is deserving of careful attention, for not only our cotetnporary, but many others have been mis led by this error, which mistakes a mere succession of events for a logical sequence ol cause and efffrt. The proposition is that "tbe rebellion is the culmination of a controversy which commenced with the annexation of Texas, and continued almost without interruption down to tbe inauguration of President Lincoln." Of this proposition the World aaka the Journal "to make either an explicit admission or an explicit denial." Ws deny it explicitly. The rebellion is but an event occurring in the course of years after the

various events in the great controversy between the Democratic party and their opponents. That y . controversy was national, in Maine as strong ash Louisiana. To charge that the culmination of that controversy is the present war, is to charge the rebellion on the Democratic party, and to fffiffe fSThosts, who have bean the immense ma jority in many parts of the North a well as tbe South for tbe past fifteen years, responsible for this revolt, which was accomplished by a handful of designing men, aided in getting up a rebellion by a furious party in the North whose very motto was that the Union was S compact with hell. The. men who were in what the World calls 'the interest of slavery" were, throughout this controversy, the defenders of tbe Constitution against the assaults of its enemies. Had tbey succeeded in controlling the nation, the rebellion would never have been heard of, except as it had been for forty years, in Northern anti-slavery meetings thinly attended, and in Soutlrn Ilights Conventions which were hardly esteemed worth reporting. It is a favorite way of avoiding tbe effect of this view, to charge that tbe Democratic party were working for slavery. The charge is false, as the world now knows. The Democratic party found that slavery bad constitutional rights. If Northern fan nie- had never attacked those rights, it would never have become necessary to select them out from other constitutional provisions for especial defense and support. There were other constitutional rights which all men conceded, and no man attacked. If a party had been raised to attack the right of tri-d by jury, or to claim for Slates sovereign powers delegated to t.ie General Government by the Constitution, or to urge any other opposition to that instrument, either the Democratic party, or some other party, would have risen to the dofonse of the Constitution. The constitutional rights of the slave owner, as it happened, were selected for special attack, and. true to their ancient principles, the Democrats stood by the Constitution: aud this controversy, which has been carried on for twenty years, has been a controversy on their side for the Constitution and the Union, and on the other, to say tbe very least, a determination to deprive slavery of every right which ingenuity could take away from its constitutional guarantee-, and to embarrass and render valueless, by pamonal liberty bills and otherwise, its enjoy ment of those rights which no ingenuity could take wholly away from it. In what respect can it be claimed that the great division of parties for the past twenty years had what is called " a culmination " in the war? As if the two parties had steadfastly differed, until they finally took up arms, and proceeded to fight about their differences! The fallacy of the idea is manifest from his tory. The Democratic party, who were on the constitutione, side of the controversy, are certainly not the rebels. More than this, the rebellion was not begun for tbe defense of Democratic principles. It was the work of men who avowed disunion as their object, and used nntislavery ns their means of rallying forces. Nor were Southern Democrats on the side of the rebellion. Virginia would not join it. North Carolina would not join it. Tennessee would not join it. South Carolina was the only SHate in the South where there is any reason to believe there was a majority in favor of disunion one year ago. There were more Southerners and advocates of slavery in the South a year ago who were oippoeed to the rebellion than who favored it. It has been Stated a hundred times by every Northern paper, sud no one doubts it, that "slavery" was actually, in majority, for the Union. It is hardly worth while, In the face of that fact, to call the rebellion a "culmination" of tbe controversy of the past twenty years. let any man carry himself buck to the position one year ago, and ask, is the rebellion now in 1 gress the culmination of party differences? bona of slaveholders were then standing up for the Union. They warned tbe nation that among the Southern people were disunionists who gained strength out of Norlhern fanaticisms. They be sought the North for help against rebellion in tones that will ring with melancholy cadence down the future ages of our national life. They pleaded with the Northern States in terms that might have moved the hearts of rocks, to send them assurances that the Constitution would be upheld, and Southern rights respected. Did Masichusetts repiy? Did New York reply? What were their replies? They asked arguments with which to save the South Irom the wiles of the disunionists. They said, "Repeal your personal liberty bills, dc anything by which we can prove that you are not the fanatics these disunionists among us say that you are" Were those men, the large majority of the Southern slaveholders, the men who had beer, active for years in the controversy of which the World speaks, were these men rebels, and was tbe rebellion they were reeking to quell the "culmination" of their side of the controversy? The idea is untenable, and history will not accept it We look back at tbe Peace Convention of last snriDg with indescribable sorrow. There were in it good true Southern men, ready to sacrifice life, property, anything for the Union, who begged with tears for some help against the disunionists among them at the South. There were men there from the North, wh& scoffed at their tears, derided their forebodings, had engagements in court, when the final vote to save or sink tbe Union came on; and perhaps we ought not to be surprised if Northern members of that Convention are now found circulating petitions for universal emancipation, and teaching that the Constitution is already dissolved! Here is the point where the historical connec tion fails. The men ot the South who helped to annex Texas, to repeal the Missouri Comoro mise, to do all the other acts that are charged on slavery, were opposed in majority, to the rebellion, and were only silenced by the vigor of a minority. Now what becomes of the sequence of events? It is plain that all the events) and acts charged had no necessary effect in producing re hellion; that they did not grow to rebellion, nor were they the seed, or the stem, from which it sprung; and it is equally plain that the supporters of slavery were, not even in mnjoaity. for re bei li. m. What then has besome of the argument that slavery is responsible for the rebellion? It is. perhaps, vain to attempt tbe conversion of any man from his views on this subject which have been formed during these trying times. We. alt of ns, tlvnk quickly, but we think strong It, and find it difficult to get rid of our ideas once formed. Hut to our minds, it is the height of injustice to charge on the Democratic party that its principles have culminated in this rebellion, when the truth stares us in the face that for years a Northern party denounced the Constitution, and demanded its overthrow, and Democratic principles, North and South, have been sternly set against that party. W bare said, and we repeat, that the rebellion is the child of sin. But that it was begotten of Abolitionism, nursed by Abolitionism, educated, fed, clothed, and at last turned loose on the world by Abolitionism to perform its horrible mission, is a truth that to written on its very visage. We fear the child will not be removed to deserved death, till its father and Its nurses, from whom it derives it- ' ief support to day, are either re moved or inverted into loyal, constitutional cMmm. iV. Y Journal of Commerce HF""'i ins Democrats who met in Con vention at Indianapolis, on the 8th inst., ought to be all sent to Fort Lifayett n Fort Warren, for talking as pfaia ss tbey did on tbe subject of the war. Wonder if ther will be so disposed of. Toiedm (O H reals!.

1 1 land iihani asf Tlnson anal nft. dell. In tbe House of Representatives on the 7th of Jaiiuitrv, lbs Hon. Mr. Vallandigham said: Mr. Vallandigham (Detnocrat) ot Ohio, said I avail myself, sir. of this the earliest opportunity offered to express my utter sad strong co idemnation, as one of the representatives of the people, of the act of the Administration in surrendering np Messrs. Mason and Slidell to the British Gov emment. For six weeks, sir, they were heW in close custody as traitors, in a fortress of the United States, by order of the Secretary of Slate, and with the approval and applause of the press, of the public men. of tbe Navy Department, of this House, sad of the peorie of the United States, with a full knowledge 01 the manner and all the circumstances of their capture, and yet in six days after the imperious and peremptory de mand of Great Britain, tbey were abjectly surrendered upon the mere rumor even of the approach of a hostile fleet, and thus for the first time in our national history have we strutted insoleutly into a quarrel without right, and then basariy crept out ot it without honor; and thus for the first time has the American Eagle I. .1 .i. xi..i t been made to cower before the British Lion Sir, a vassal or fettered and terror stricken press, or servile and sycopliantie politicians in this House or out tf it, mar applaud the act, aad fawn and (latter and lick tbshand which has smitten down our honor in the dust; nut the people, now or hereafter, will demand a terrible reckoning for this most unmanly surrender. But I do not trust my sei I to speak of it as I propose some day to speak. I rose only to put on record my emphatic protest against it, and to express my deep conviction that tbe very war which theother day might have been avoided by combined wisdom and firmness is now Inevitable. Sir the surrender ma v be no fault of the Secretary of State, but be has sown, I fear, the dragon's teeth by tins, his fatal d:patch, and armed war will spring from it. In tbe name of God, sir, what does England want with Mason and Slidell? It was a surrender of the claim of the right to seize them on board bor ships, under her flag, that she de munded, und yet this is the vary thing that Mr. Seward pertinacionsly refuses, and he osly condemns Captain Wilkes, because he did not enforce this asserted right with greater severity against the offending neutral ship. Why, sir, upon the principles of this dispatch, if a merchant vessel, as at first intended, had been employed to carry these men out from Fort Warren to England, she might today hare been arrested on the high seas and they dragged from her deck, provided only she were forthwith brought back to the port of Boston for confiscation. But more than this, England needs, I do not say want, a war, but she must and will hare it, and this Administration has scted from the beginning as if it was their : purpose to oblige her in it to the utmost. Look 1 into your diplomatic correspondence. Look at I your Stone fleet. But let that pass. Wbo, I ask among all the millions of this country, or even j in the House or tbe Senate, or the Administra- . tion itself, in the midst of the dead calm of stolid security which seems now to rest over all, has ' reflected for a moment upon the significancy of the events of the passing hour ? A British man-of-war bears to the shores ol England, there to , j be received in triumph ami with shouts ofexultation as martyrs and heroes, and with the gustos j of tbe people of England and as the proteqet of their ministers, tbe verv men who, but for the rash act ot Captain Wilkes, and the still more rash indorsement of the Administration and the country, would six weeks ago have been quietly landed from a private ship in quiet security as rebels aud refugees. All Europe echoes now with their names. All Europe will rise up to do them honor, and yet you surrendered them, did you, to escape the recognition by England of the Confederate States; and your Secretary of State, with Christian resignation or stoic philosophy, calmly rejoices that the effectual check upon and waning proportions of the insurrection, as well as tbe comparative unimportance, when weighed dispassionately, of the persons concerned, happily enable the Administration, after six weeks of experiment, cheerfully to liberate them, and thus to remove this trterima causi belli. Sit, give me leave to say that the moment they (Mason and Slidell) stepped upon the deck j of a British man of wvr, your prisoners of State, whom the other day you would have consigned to felon's cells, became indeed the envoys and embassadors of a recognized independent State, and I predict here to day, in spite of this deep national humiliation, or rather, perhaps, because of it, and in spite, too, of the surrender without protest of the Monroe doctrine, for fortr years the cherished and proud policy of this Government, in less than three months you will be at war with Great Britain, or else in the meantime will have tamely submitted to the recognition of the Confederate States and the breaking up of the j blockade; and if ai war then, with hearts nn j strung and hands unnerved by this very surrender. Courage: courage' courage! sir, is tne first ana best ot peacemakers. I ltnow well, of course, sir, that like all similar predictions for some years past, in regard to our public affairs, you will treat this one also with scoffing and incredulity; but nevertheless I put it on record here to-day. "The prudent man foreseeth the evil and hideth himself, but the simple pass on and are punished." Dei orratlc State Convention In View llanipahlre. The Democracy of New Hampshire met in Convention on the 8th inst., and nominated a straight-out Democratic ticket. General George Starke was nominated by acclamation for Governor and with a shout that shook the hall. The Republicans had previously held a Convention under the new cognomen ot Union party, but tbe disguise is too apparent to deceive the Democ- ! racy of the Granite State. Colonel Geouoe, on ' taking the chair, made a humorous and telling ! speech. Tbe following is a report of his remarks j upon tbe occasion: He spoke of the Republican Convention last week as one composed of gentlemen who former ly were known by tbe name ot Whigs. Afterward they came to be known as Know Nothings, and a little later they dignified themselves by tbe name of Americans. Then they changed to American Republicans, and finally they came out as the full blown Abolition Republican party. Cheers. Last week tbey met under a new name the People's Union party. Now, this People's Union arrangement was nothing but a big box trap to catch Democrats in. Laughter and cheers The patriotic Hale, the wire Clark and the distinguished Rollins, with other savane of the party, attended it, standing around it like mourneis around a coffin. Cheers. It was open at both ends and had a swivel in the middle. Laughter. It was baited with all the cheese in the party. Renewed laughter. It was expected that a grand rush of Democrats into this trap would be effected by tbe savory and attractive smell. "Walk in and take a bite," was the po lite invitation. A few Democrats went up aad smelled the cheese, but did not go in. Oue or two nibbed, but did not spring the trap. By -and-by the Convention sprung itself, and found they had caught only one little mouse, and he had eaten up all the cheese. Loud laughter aud cheers Democrats, under these circumstances, did not sec fit to become back seat Republicans, ami j they had come there on that day, the anniversary of the batlle of New Orleans, to renew their et- i forts for tbe preservation of the Union under the Constitution. Loud spplause struck. Their Colors, Win . Llovd Garrison's Liberator, which for thirty years has carried tbe motto at its hsdde daring the Constitution of the United Slate to be a "covenant with death and a league with hell,'' has taken down the offensive aud treason able device from the head of its columns. While the tone of the paper indicates no change of views, and we presume there is none with the editors who control its columns, still we hail this as another unmistakable sign that the conservative sentiment of the cor n try is making itself felt even in the strongholc , the very citadel of Abolitionism. Verily, tbt world moves. Will broth er Greelev please make a note of it. Detroit Free Press. NscaoKh o.v thk Costinext. It if estimated that there are some 14,000,000 persons of African descent on this continent. In the United States ther number 4,500,000; Brazil, 4.150.000; ! Cuba, 1,500,000, South and Central American I Republics, 1,900,000; Hard. 2,000,000. British: Possessions, 800,000; French 250,000; Dutch, Danish and Mexican, 200,000. In this category the Abolitionists are not counted.

Prediction of Mr. on the Murrender

Democratic state Convention Opin -tasj lost of the Democratic press. Tux i.rkat DxaocaATic Movuskwt. Tester dsj ws spread before our readers the resolutions of the Indiana Democratic State Convention, just heW at Indianapolis; to day we spread before them the resolutions of the New Hampshire Democratic State Convention, just held at Concord. Though these conventions have convened more than a thousand miles apart, aud though the members of lite two bodies had held no eommu

nication with each other, their resolutions are i identical in tone, sentiment, doctrine and purpose. Had like conventions been held on tbe same day in all tbe loyal States, the same distinguishing would have appeared which we note as ig tbe Indiana and New Hampshire conventions: the tone, sentiment, doctrine and purpose of all would have been identical. And this is nothing novel. It was always so. It has come of tbe Democratic party being a national party, whose principles are as broad as tbe Republic. And though this is nothing novel, it is refresh ing, these Democratic re unions. They seem like harbingers, and t xey are tbe only harbingers, of hope for the country in the future. They are signs, and about tbe only signs, of vitality in the old Union. They disclose a power, which lies nowhere else, to save, even in this extremity, the Constitution. The Indiana and New Hampshire Conventions have comprehended this mission of the Demo rsatit party, and have hence treated abolition and sseession as common enemies. "We are utterly opposed." is tbe language of the Indiana Democ racy, "to tbe twin heresies Northern sectionalism and Southern secession as inimical to the Constitution; and that freemen, as tbey value the boon of civil liberty and the peace of the country, should frown indignantly upon them." "We de nounce," is the language of the New Hampshire Democracy, "Norlhern abolitionism and South sion as the co-opsraung sources of our calamities alike treasonable to the Con stitution and mimical to tbe Union. The only way to a restored union and a respected Con stiiution, with returning peace and prosperity, is through the overthrow of the enemies to both " Thus the campaign is opened in the North a political campaign, upon the event of which the fate of the Union just as much depends as upon the event of the military campaign against the South. Military successes against the South em rebels will be worth nothing unless political successes can be bad against the Northern abolitionists. If the Constitution is be destroyed, it may as well be done by Southern as Northern haters of it. Every Democrat will feel re animated by the proceetlings of these Conventions. They have i'uriushed the key-note ot the grand contest. They are a breakwater to the waves ot tanat which seemed about ready to break over .nJ ea gulf the land. The Democruev of other States will speedily move in the same direction and with the same majestic power as the Indiana and New Hampshire Democracy, and it will be a move ment altogether which no patriot, whatever his political antecedents, should permit to pass him without going with it. Chicago Times. The Statte Convextio. Yesterday we gave the proceedings of our Democratic State Conven lion. To-day we give an abstract of the eloquent speech of Mr. Hendricks, President of tbe Convention, on taking the char. It was one of the best conventions ever held in the State, composed of the be-t, truest and most loyal and patriotic men, whose wie object was to preserve tbe Union and Constitution, and maintain ti.e Democratic party the sheet-anchor of our national safety. The past divisions of the party were forgotten in the common determination to wrest the Government from the (roths and Vandals into whose hands it has fallen, and to avert the certain destruction which their policy, if persevered in, willjbring upon it; and tbe whole proceedings were marked in an unusual degree with hirmony and good feeling. The resolutions are eminently sound and veil timed, and form a platform on which we can rally with the assurance of undoubted uuoosm. Fart Wayne Timet. Democuats or Ixoiaha! Your brethem in every part of tbe country are turning their eyes with anxious solicitude to your State. Your convention, held ou the glorious eighth of January, has laid down a noble and patriotic platform, filled with sentiments of sincere devotion to the Union and the Constitution, and have indicated the only way by which they can be sustained and perpetuated to tbe latest generations. In this you have done a grand and patriotic work. It now only remains for you to go to work and give it the sanction of a popular vote. We are not unaware of the difficulties under which you will labor. You will be taunted a "traitors" for being true to your coiuciences. You will be stigmatized as "secessionists" be cause your opponents choose to assert that jpur course is approved by the South. But all this matters nothing. It is your duty to be true to tbe best interests of your country, no matter who opposes or disapproves. Each man must stand or fall for himself. We believe a victory is within the grasp of the Democracy of Indiana, if they will go into the contest with a will. The power of truth is so great when bold ly and bravely presented, that it can hardly fail of success. The unconstitutional acts of the present Administration its usurpations of power, and the ig antic and uuparallelled frauds perpetrated un er its rule, must convince the people of the uter incapacity of the Republican party to manage uccesslully the aff drs of the nation, and of the pressing necessity of at once taking steps to oust it from power. The present deplorable condition of the countrv one section arrayed against the other in arm ed hostilit v ; the Constitution trampled under foot; the freedom of speech and the press abridged; the writ of hnhrat corpus suspended; the imprisonment of men and women without trial or even the pre ferred charges again -t them; the accumulation of a heavy national debt; enormous taxes, a ruined commerce, and a bankiupt country can not be charged to the Democratic party . Under its administration tbe country prospered and grew to power. What required it many years to build up, sectional fanaticism has torn down in a few months. The fell spirit of Abolitionism, which for thirty years has been sowing the seeds of mischief, is the primary cause of all our troubles. It is not to be expected that wrongs would not hare been committed on both sides, but in order to get at the real cause of our difficulties, we must go back to the period when these Stetes all lived together as brethren, bound together in the bonds of fraternal feeling, and marching, whenever danger appeared, shoulder to shoulder to meet it. Let us insist that in order to get a permanent peace we must go back to these old land-marks of our forefathers, and to be brief, firmly declare that this is a white man's Union and a white man's Government. When this is fixed, and the modern Abolition heresy put down, we shall glide into the haven of peace and prosperity without a ripple upon the waters. This was the great harbor of safety that our fathers prepared for us, and it is only because we have left it that we have encountered gales, and and storms, and shipwrecks. Democrats of Indiana, as the day of your State election approaches, let the word go forth into every village and hamlet of your commonwealth 0XGA5IXE ! l ou will monev of vour State and have the power and the National Admiuis tration to contend against, but send forth information, enlighten the voters upon tbe real questions m issue, and all will be well. You now have the chance to make the name of Indiana immortal, to write her brightest page of history. In your glorious and patriotic undertaking, yon have the best wishes and the prayers or your friends in other States, for your success. May your efforts to redeem Indiana be crowned with a triumph as signal as that which the lion hearted Jackson won the plains of New Orleans, forty seven years ago. Dsjfsn Empire Ixdiaxa Dtwocwatic Stats Conte.vtios. This bodv, which convened at Indianapolis on Wedtrssdar last, adjourned the following dav, aftcr having placed in nomination an excellent ticket. Although the Convention was largely attended, being composed of delegates from nearly ev cry count v in the State, its proceedings were marked with great onanimity, and a platform was laid down which will, without great reservation, commend to itself the approval of tbe entire Democracy of the country. With these principles inscribed upon their banners, we doubt not, the Democracy of our sister State will make a gallant fight, and that the nommees will nave an easy triumph Nprtngficld IU.) Reoisttr.

the ; ncinnau Price Current. Jan 16.

Financial ana Coaaaaoretal Saaaaeary . far the Past Week. Tbe advanced rates of prices for gold and starling exchange in New York, and a pressing de mand which existed for both during the whole of last week op to Friday, kept our money market in a continual state of agitation, (fold went up to 4c premium, though tbe demand for it aas very fight, and whilst bankers refused to sell at less than this rate to any extent, they would not buy it at over lc premium The conflict which seemed to be pending Le i ween the Government and tbe New York bankers since our last, added greatly to the unsettled state os affairs and increased the want of conti deuce in tbe future. Towards tbe close of tbe week a committee deputed by tbe New York bankers wett to Washington and have been in conference with tbe Secretary of tbe Treasury and tbe House Committee on Ways and Means, and the indications are that a plan for raising funds and sustaining tbe credit of the Government wilt be agreed upon, mutually acceptable, which will be similar to that noticed in our last; namely, the issue of treasury notes to a sufficient extent to meet the demand of the war, making them redeemable in ten year United Stales 6 or 7 percent stocks. The bank era and capitalists want a twenty year 7 per cent, stock, for reasons which are obvious, but tbe Government refuses to issues any stock bearing over 6 per cent, of a longer date than ten years The floating debt of the Government is now over one hundred million dollars. The treasury notes will be made a legal tender, ami there can be no doubt that they will become the currency of the country, and we understand that the Attorney Gene ral and other lawyers have given it as their opinson that the fact of making these notes a legal tender is not contrary to tbe spirit of tbe Cotwfjtution. The Ohio b-inkers are pressing the Legislature for permission to suspend specie payment and it will doubtless be granted, aa the bill has already pawed the lower Exouss. It should be stipulated when they shall resume, in order to prevent them from flooding the Slate with their notes, which will be done if the time of suspension is not made short and specific by fixing tbe date of resumption within the current year at least. The expenses of tbe Government are enormous, and this will lead to acts of taxation not yet intimated, if the war continues for tao years, or even one year longer There are some aomU ihe Secretary of the Treasnry seems lo have overlooked, namely : that it does not cost aa much to keep an army in tlie field as to put it there; that the present war has destroyed an immense amount of tbe basis of taxation he draws from the last cenus, and that the act of taxation, in many cases, destroys tbe basis of that taxation, or the source from whence the revenue is expected to be derived. The demand for money continues very light, and strictly first class paper is taken at 10(312 per cent; but owing to an extreme scarcity of urrenev. the ability of bankers to do business in j the discount line has been greatly circumscribed. I his scarcity of currency is attributable to the large nmouut of Treasury notes sent East some ten days ago. the witbdrawl of the Indiana. Kentucky and Ohio currency, which has been sunt home for redemption, aud the large amount going into the interior in payment for pork. The market for exchange has been extremely dull, ami rates declined to dis. and par buying rates, and par to !8 prem. selling rates. Gold is bought by the bankers at 1 prem. and sold at 2K,(it'.,. but the advices that tbe Boston banks had thrown out the demand TreasuryNotes euuaed more firmness in the market at the close. It seems to be an assumed fact with the mercantile community that additional duties will be placed on ail descriptions of foreign goods, and hence a general speculative movement in such goods has prevailed in New York and other Eastern cities the past week, and prices have generally advanced. Spices and all kinds of foreign drugs have largely advanced. Tin and teas are higher. Coffee is lc per pound higher in New York than it was a week ago; and as it is deemed certain that whisky will be taxed, prices advanced in New York to 27c and tn this market to 20c, with a sweeping speculative demand, until Saturday, when a reaction set in, and prices declined 4c in New York and 5c here per gallon. This article will bear a tax of 25c per gallon as well as 5c, if a drawback is allowed on all the alcohol exported, but if this is not allowed the manufacture will fall off one half, and this should be borne in mind by the Secretary and Committee on Ways and Means. The weaiher has been quite changeable, but generally cold enough for pork packing. There have been rain and sleet and snow, and, at tbe close, cold, freezing weather, the thermometer down lo 17 degrees. The receipts of hogs the past week have been quite liberal, and the de mand being but moderate, prices declined the first three days of the week under review fully 25c per cental ; but subsequently- this decline was recovered, and tbe closing quotations are the same they were a week ago. Tuasdav (vesterday) this demand continued The sales and prices were again 5c were: higher. 300 averaging 200 500 " 200f;210 85 255 180 365 270 " 260 144 " 230 .120 " 335 Vib " 240 114 " 230 100 " 175 125 25(1 lbs 25 25 35 371. 32 C 30 35 35 30 37 , af:(l have The receipts for the week, the ssasoi comparatively, for same previous seasons been as follows: Total for the week . Previously reported 49,312 361.265 Total for the 410,577 397,067 4em,651 Same time 1860-61. do 1859-60. Pork packing, with some exceptions, is gen erally close i in this city, about this date, so that we cannot give our comparison further back than the above. It is pretty clear that packing will be continued on till in February. Last year the season did not close uutil the 30th of January. The demaud for the hog product has been quite brisk. For mess pork there was quite a large speculative demand from various parties not in tbe trade, chiefly citizens of this city, but in many cases parties from other places bought freely. One man from Philadelphia loughi 2,000 brls. in the early part of tbe week at $9 25$9 37 and $9 50 fur fair to tbe best city brands, whilst or uinarv citv and countrv packed sold at $9(29 1 '21 ., and $9 15. Tbe sales made the past week add up 4.500 barrels, all taken by speculators. This article seems to be a favorite one for investment with parties having idle capital, in all trades and pro fessione, anil the demand from such parties hr been so resrular and so pressing that there is but a very light stock now in the bands of packers. At the close fair to good brands were held at $9 25S .9 50, but we think there were no buyers disposed to pay over $9 25. Lard has been in good demand from Aev 1 ork, and the sales have been large at bl.,c lor countrv and 6c for citv, but the dimcuitv in shipping 1 slackened this demaud at the close. The pack ers have sold out very close, so that there is uot much in their bauds now. Head and gut is sailing at 6c. Greeu meats were very dull about ibe middle of the week, and dec! mod to 2 and 3c for shoulders and hams and 3fc. for sides , but toward tbe close Shoulders were a 4c higher, aud hams .c. and sides were bold at 3c. with a fair demand. In bulk meat there has been very little done. 11 ere is no demaud for shoulders or hams, and bi t a limited one for sides, die latter are held at 4c. with no buyers at over 3c. Flour has been exceedingly dull throughout the week, aud nothing beyond a local demand at $3 9i b.t $4 for superfine, nnd $4(& 4 10 for extra Wbeat "8 dull, sad decliiitd te, closing t 6183c for red and ö3Ä88c for white. Corn in good demand at 28c. Oats advanced to 2bc. in the fore pert of tbe week, but again declined to 27c. Rye scarce and father advanced to 52 reo 53c , and in good demand. Bariev unchanged; spring 40j43c. and fall 48t50c. A large speculative demand for whisky, aud prices advanced 6c per gal., reaching 20c on Friday. Saturday the market was weak and unsettled, and Monday the whole advance was lost, tbe price declining to 1 5c. Yesterday tbe demand was good at this rat. An impression prevailed , at tne close, that in case a taxis lam upon the I article, that in store, as well a that distilled sul-

sequsntly, will be tabj acted to it. which we Hinsene is not saleable, owing to the

of aM kmds are kigkar. The quo ta lions will be found in oar ragatat market report. Beef cattle are fullv 25c par cental bigtssr. em to the pressing demand for tb army Sheep are also higher. In the grocery markc snge of importance. The jobbui( demand to fair, at very full prices. Our dispatch from New York roport aa aa vance of lc per lb. in coffee there yesterda pnme Rio being quoted at 21c This i here ii Resolution of New Hampshire nrrntir Sitate CsBVeBtfM. The following resolutions were unanimously adopted by tbe Sum Coo toi tion of tbe Democ racy of New Hampshire bold on the 8ta inst Tbe Boston Post sayg "tbe attendance was large and the proceedings were marked by one of the best gatherings of the party ever held in the Stem." We call attention to the sentiments and spirit ol tbe resolutions which are al most identical with those passed by tbe Domo cratic State Convention of our own State on the same day. The is remarks ble. Tbe principle ecu by those two Convention, are those upon the banners of the which will be placed Northern Dem n r.tcy . and under which they will rugg.e In :i.c ,.es ervatiou of the Goverm tbe Constitution and the restoration of tne Union as it was. Tbe language of the President of the New Hampshire Convention. Judge Jackson. upon taking the chair, we reiterate most cordially : "It i time for action, not for talking, and that acUon is to preserve tbe Constitution our flag. Let us preserve our liberties or in the attempt." SnOLVTIOMS. Resolved, That we adhere to the old landmarks of tbe Democratic faith, as expounded by the school of Jefferson, Madison and Jackson, vis: a strict coustructian of tbe Constitution; econo my in public expenditures; tbe prelection of tbe rights of tbe Slates and the liberties of tbe peo pie; no consolidation of power in the Federal Government; no United States Bank; and no impost system except for tbe purposes ot reve nue. Resolved, That we denounce Northern aboli tiontsm and Southern recession as the co operatreasonable to the Constitution aud inimical to the Union. The only way to a restored Union and a respected Constitution, with returning peace and prosperity, is through the overthrow of tbe enemies to both. Rrtoloed, That tbe Constitution is tbe supreme law of the land, and no State has the right to secede therefrom, and dissolve its connection with tbe Union which that Ceastitution was made to secure, except for causes which will justify revolution. Resolved, That the duty of tbe General Gov emmant to suppress all attempts to dissolve the Union, is imperative and can not be evaded. Resolved, That neither the Präsident nor Con gress can constitutionally entertain any tion winch has lor its object the dismomhsru of the Government or tbe dissolution of Uaioa. Resolved, That in this national banishing all feelings of mere passion or resentment, tbe Democracy of New Hampshire will recollect onlv their duty to the wi that this war should not be waged in any spirit of oppression, or for any purpose of conquest or sub jugation, or for the purpose of authorizing or in terfering with the righto or established i Shafts -tlons of any of tbe Biotas, bat to defend aad maintain the supremacy of the Constitution, and the rights of all the States in the Union, and to preserve the Union; and that as soon aa these ob jeets are accomplished tbe war will close. Remained, That, in tbe language of Andrew Jackson, "Tbe Federal Union must and shall bo preserved." Resolved, That in the loyal States now exempt from the presence of troops aad the necessity of military government, we do not believe io tbe right nor the expediency of abolishing due freedom of speech and the press by force, whether ex srcised bv the Govern ment or tbe mob, nor im prisoning men by letters de catchet or mandates ir any form issued by tbe President of the United States or Secretary of State without tbe authority of law, and depriving them of tbe right of legal examination and trial, and the benefit of the law of habeas corpus, justly regarded by all true friends of personal freedom as the great writ of liberty; and that we consider all auch acts un warranted by the Constitution and as tending to despotism, by familiarizing the people with tbe acts and instruments of despotism Reaoload, That the complete arrest of the profligate sad corrupt expenditures of the pub lie moneys, in our National and State adminis trations, exposed by the recent Congressional in vestigation and by other disclosures, the entire discontinuance of unnecessary offices and ageti cies, with their exorbitant compensations for par tv rewards and private gain, and the most strict accountability and economy in National aad affairs, are imperative duties, the faithful mance of which alone can save us from bankrupt cy and subsequent defeat, and render the exces sive burdens of the present contest tolerable to tbe people. Resolved. That we houor tbe brave men who, with patriotic motives, have left their homes to encounter the privations and perils of the war. and it is one of tbe first duties of our friends in the several cities and towns of the State, by private benefactions, to provide that that their fa mi lies come to no want in their absence Resolved, That we approve of the action of tbe President in the matter of tbe Trent, and ooly regret that a decision right in itself was delayed tor a peremptory demand from Groat Britain. Resolved. That tbe Democracy, having bean always true and faithful to the Union, maintain ing its interests and dignity in war and in peace, against the assaults of foreign foes and the machinations of downright traitors, in order to become a "Union Party ' it is not necessary for them to abandon their organitatioa nor abjure their name; that if any party should abandon its organization it is that party which has besa m tbe wrong, and which now retains in it embrace and fellowship the elements of Abolition treason which to as fatal to the existence of tbe Union as Secession treason; that we believe thai tbe Union cannot be restored until the principles and spirit of Democracy prevail in the administration of the Federal Government and among tao niaaart of tbe people. That the triumph of tbe Demo cratic party offers the only hope of awakening the Union sentiment of the' South, which can be aroused only by the assurance of safety aad pro tection in the Union; therefore we invite tbe true ami patriotic of all parties to rally under the flag of the Democracy as tbe only sure means by which the present war can be brought to an lion ot-a hie close Resolved, That taking our position resolutely upon these principles we give our banner to tbe hl Otze with honor for our guide and Stark and Cheney for our leaders. Ge. BrumtPBs's ExritpiTiov Tbe important expedition which has yet sailed for tbe South left Fortress Monroe on Saturttav butt Tbe secret of its destination has bean well kept from the rebels, it to believed , as well as from the North It is tnrmosed to be not farther i than North Carolina, but within that there is such a wealth of sligfhto) s'.r käiig ihe euemv that tin limitation to not definite. Tbe public suspense, bow ever, will be short, as before another day has passed we shall probably be able to give our readers newt of tbe landing. Albemarle and Pamlico Sounds offer opanstsgo to the richest district of North Carolina, aad a place to cut tbe rebellion in twain, aad this pub lie rumor bas settled upon as tha point. It to mid that Magmder to expecting tbem ea York river, and on to Richmond bv that route It is supposed that the expedition to ' formidable enough to eater tbe country wherever it may land , and take its part in tbe gi and movement. It eosts fl 10 per day to maintain the ers at Fort Warren