Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 21, Number 34, Indianapolis, Marion County, 13 January 1862 — Page 1

I EL. VOL. XXI, NO. U. INDIANAPOLIS, IND., MONDAY, JANUARY 13, 1802. WHOLE NO. 1,175.

THE INDIANA STATE

SENT

WEEKLY STATE SENTINEL. rTD aid rviuau hut win wit at tub EW SENTINEL OFFICE, 90. 2 SOUTH XKR1MAS 8TUKKT, OF PUS IT K THE POSTOt FILE.

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Announcing candidates .'or offices of every description to he charged at the rate of $1 541 for each uaim in the Daily, and $2 in the Daily and Weekly, the fasse to be, in all eases, paid in advance. Legal advertisement inserted at the expense of the attorney ordering, and not iteiayable fur the legal proceedings, but collectable at our usual time Publishers not accountable for the accuracy of legal advertisements beyond the amoant charged for their publication. ELDER, BARENESS A IWNOHAM. Proprietors Indiana Stale Sentinel. J. M. TH.FORD, President Indianapolis Journal Company. TMXM DArLY STTTsTTIZSTRT, Will be sent by mail or exprea to subscribers at any point for fifty cents a month, or six dollars a year. All subscriptions invariably in advance. Address ELDER, IIAKKXKSS k BINGHAM. lnd'plU. Democratic State Convention. nasi dat. The Convention, assembled in Metropolitan Hall, yesterday, January hth, was called to order at 10'4 o'clock by Colonel Nathan B. Palmer, Chairman of the Central Committee. Colonel Palmer said: Fellow Democ-sats: In accordance with the uniform usage of the Democratic party of Indiana, you hare been railed to meet in Convention on this 8th January of glorious memory, on thin anniversary day of the great and brilliant victory of New Orleans, and of that great and patriotic man General Jackson and the brave soldiers under hin command a day ever kept in grateful remembrance by every patriotic heart, more especially by the Democracy throughout the land. There has been some diversity of opinion among the Democracy as to the proper time of holding the Convention in the present peculiar condition of the country; but as the matter of holding the Convention on this or another day is only a matter of expediency, not involving any principle, it can not be doubted but the spirit of harmony which is called for on the occasion, and which it is hoped will characterize the action of the Convention through all its deliberations, will overcome and allay all feelings and scruples which may have been entertained in this regard. It will be the province of the Convention to determine its scope of action whether it shall perform all that is usual on such occasions or postpone a portion to another time. I desire to make a few brief remarks before the Convention organizes. The Democratic party claim to be a conservative party aloval party devoted to the Constitution and the Union as it has been handed down from our fathers. We are not for a Union without a Constitution. No, a Union without a Constitution is impossible rend the Constitution, trample under foot its most sacred provisions and guarantees in a word de troy the sacred instrument and the Union is no more. But the Democratic party is for the Con titution and the Union, one and inseparable, and for the m lintenanre of this the Democracy is ready to devote itself in counsel and in battle. And has it not given sufficient earnest of this spirit in the legions of patriotic Democrats which have gone to the war and are now on the battle field battling for their country and the Constitution? But the Democracy can not perjure itself by any sanction to acts subversive of that Con titution which it has in its heart sworn to sustain and preserve In view of these sentiments and integrity of he Democratic party, I pray that no act of this Convention may even seem to give sanction or countenance to acts destructive of the Constitu tion under any pretext whatever. It will now he in order for the Convention to proceed to its organization. Mr. Harrington, of Jefferson, moved that the Hon. Joseph W. Chapman, of the same county, be chosen temporary Chairman. Carried. Mr. Chapman, on taking the Chair, said tint he had neither any remarks or any suggestions to make, save that it was time now for the Convention to proceed to business, and the first thing in order, after the appointment of a temporary Secretary, would be the election of permanent On motion, Jos. J. Bingham, of Marion, was chosen temj)orary Secretary. Grafton E. Cookerly. of Vigo, nominated Hon. Thomas A. Hendricks for permanent President of the Convention. Hon. John G. Davis, of Parke, and R. L. Walpole of Marion, were also pat in nomination. After some debate as to whether a Committee of one from each Coagreasional District should to appointed to select permanent officers, or whether the Convention should directly select ef them Mr. Darts, thanking the friends wh- bad put 'im in nomination, withdrew his name Jonathan Listoti, of M.srion, withdrew the name of R. L. Walpole. Whet eu;!i . the ( "onvetition, on motion of Hon. Joseph B. McDonald, of Marion, by acclamation called upon Mr. Hendricks to preside. The Chairman appointed Hon. Joseph E. McDonald, and Hon. John Pettit, to conduct the Preatslent elect to the chair. Being introduced bj Mr. Pettit, Mr. Hendricks poke a) follows: Gkntlekcs: I thank yon for the honor confer re I in calling upon me to preside over your de liler .iiM.ua It w purest int to the nsvtjre of our parts, that this Con anuoM of delegate, sent np from H portions oi the Hute, at new m session. A custom, innocent in itsef and found tobenseiul, ou;rhtnot to to hastily toswtooed, nor without cause, at assy tioM, aa4 egseeiallv when the exigencies of the time demand He etoervance. 1 1 his been the ptsNSiire and will oi the Deist? race of this State, hi times past, that chosen dele-p.re-dvould sit in council, en each revolving KiL'iith of January, to deliberate upon all matters I or important to the party organisation, niK toe public weal. To m tint. tin th.tt I raise mv voice, and srive aar rote this day. I am not prone to attach importance or sanctity to particular days, except so far as our religion to prescribed, yet to see it mmm asset and proper that the day made memorable by the patriotism and heroism of our great leader, Andrew Jack on, and his gallant army , should net to forgotten, now that our country ie is her greatest peril, but that it should be observed by Me political children Hi aontisneota of fidelity to hie winciptea, and in deeds of devotion to our country.

It is now nearly half a century since the Eighth of January became, to us as a people, a great day, among all the days of the year; and I feel the allusion to it brings up in your minds sad and foreboding contrasts; that the pride and glory of the past stand aide by aide with the humiliation and abasement of the present. Forty seven years ago our Fathers were united; united not alone by the forms of law, and the obligations of the Constitution, but by that houest, fraternal lov s that made them indeed oue people; and when the January sun lighted up this land, the earnest inquiry was upon every tongue, what will be the fate of New Orleans 'this day? Will that Capital of our late acquisition become the prey of a soldiery imbruted by the war cry of " booty and beauty?" The sett'ng sun of' that day threw back his rays upon the banner of our country floating over a victorious field; and as the news ran from the bordur settlements over the towns and cities and States, a wild shout of joy went up, from a people of one heart. As deep and earnest as was the love of that day, so profound aud implacable is becoming the enmity of the present. Fanaticism, bicotrv and sectional ha

tred are doing their work of evil upon a great, a j generous and a i ohle people. The propriety and policy of holding this Convention have been much discussed; but to me it haa seemed most proper and politic. The Democratic party, with a well defined system of political principles, und animated by an intense devo tion to the interests and honor of the country, comes down to us from the early days of the Republic, with a history intimately identified with our progress, and the greatness we have achieved as a people. Bold, confident, and determined, the Democratic p .rty has always assumed and occupied its position opon every question, affecting either the honor of the Government, or the prosperity of the people. It has Lever sought to avoid the responsibility which, because of its influence and its power, of right belonged to it; and when its mighty weight has been thrown lor or against any particular system of public policy, it has been felt throughout the whole framework of government. I do not mention these things to boast thereof, but that, as we stand in the presence of the past, invoking its spirit, and feeling its power, we nny be stimulated to follow where duty beckons, whatever dangers beset the way. Do we not now hear the wailing cry of our country? And does not the sobbing voice of civil literty, coming from out the ruins of a violated Constitution, and the broken pillars of our institions, call us to the rescue? Then let the word pass aloug the serried ranks ot the Democracy: Every man to his post, every man for his country. If the Democratic organization be not maintained, then where are the hundreds of thousands of honest, conservative and patriotic citizens who have heretofore acted with the Republican party, but who now regard the success of that party as a public calamity, to go, that their influence may be exerted for the salvation of theconntiy? They will go with ns, if we but maintain our organization, and occupy a wise and patriotic position. But if we abandon our organization, under the false cry of no party, in whose handsdo we leave the State and Federal Government, and the rights and interests of the people? In the hands of the leaders of the Republican party, the most proscriptive and intollerent ever known to the conn try tlie very men who for years have labore I to Ouild up a sectional party who lor the sake of political power, and by the art.- and appeals of the demagogue, hate taught the people of the North that they have separate and opposing interests to the people of the South who, by appeals to sectional pride and prejudice, have excited, first jealousy, and then hatred , until now the power of the sections is embodied iu terrible armies, ready to join in the death grapple who, as late as last winter and spring, wheu the storm was coming, and the sky waa growing black, refused and spurned every proposition of adjustment, that would have quelled the storm, swept the dark clouds away and again let in the bright sunshine of peace who, wheu Virginia and Kentucky called for a peace Congress, that terms of conciliation and peace might to made, refused to re spond in the spirit of the call, and disregarding the democratic k conservative sentiment of the North, appointed a controling number of the delegates distinguished for their party rancor, and known to be opposed to all conciliation and compromise. Can we then, as patriots, without an effort to save it, surrender our country to the control of a par ty, whose history, thus far, is written in failure, in corruption, aud in public ruin? May I not say in failure, wheu in vain I ask for one good act of that party, one single measure of its adoption that adds to the prosperity of the people, or to the greatness of the country? All men will say in failure, when the results of Republican rule are examined by the light ot promises made before the election when the good times promised are compared with the hard times brought. May 1 not say iu corruption, when the factions of that party contend in mutual accusations of more enormous fraud aud peculations when the supporters of Fremont throw back the charges preferred and proven against him, by the extraordinary defense, that the sappers and miners, at and about Washington, the Camerous.the Weeds, the Weileses, the Morgans and the Cummiugses, are more flagrant plunderers of the treasury than the camp followers of Fremont when this reeking corruption is not confined to the miserable wretche, who sell hospital stores, or give short weights, or adulter ate the food and drink of the soldier, but crawls upon the very council table of the President, and mingles in Cabinet deliberations, and is now brought to the knowledge of the President hy in dubitable and record evidence, and yet the public wroug is not righted; when to such astounding lengths these things have goue that, the Time$ newspaper of Cincinnati, a bitter opponent of the Demos-racy, in a recent article, has been compelled to say: 'God help the ration if these things are to continue. We must confess we are losing our patience. The Congressional reports show that the War Department, at least, is in the hands of thieves. The masterly inactivity of the Administration is broken only when it comes to the plundering of the Treasury The report of the Congressional Investigating Committee thrills every honest man with horror. It is the saddest exosiiion of our national history. "It exhibits a decree of corruption in the War and Navy Departments, uot expected in this crit k-al hour. The public treasury is in the hands of thieves, whose only solicitude is plunder. If Congress was houest, as it ought to be, Simon Chidtod would have been hurled from his office in disgrace before this, and Ft. Lafayette crowded j with the Weeds, the Cinntnitigse, the Morgans, and tlie host of plunderers proved guilty by that ! investigation. But even this terrible exhibition I does not seem to have created a sensation in Congress. Does the plunder conspiracy extend even there?" In this connection, it is right that honorable j mention, and exception be made, of the Cabinet ! officer from Indiana, and as an Indianian, I thank , him that his official conduct allows me this pletsure. I said the history of the Republic m party is being written iu public ruin; ami does any man I hesitate to believe it It so let me refer him to broken institutions to a disturbed commerce and i interrupted trade to a deranged currency, and j the luw prices of all our valuable ;roductions and let me ask, is public ruin not marked upon 1 all? In what single thing tint we value, are we j now ns secure, as we were before the Republican . party came into power? Is it individual j wealth, or public credit? Your depre'-iafed es tales, and the bonds of Indiana reiused in the ni-trket, at eighty cents on the dollar, furnish the answer I? it individual security, and lilicrtv? Hear the response, in the groans of men confined i without a charge, and dennd the privilege of a trial. Is it the honor of the nation ? The surrender of Mason and Slidell tells ns, that we have, for the first time in our history, bent tto knee to our ancient foe. The rimes never so demanded a thorough and efficient organization of the Democratic party as at the present. Throw out the banner, and upon I its ample folds let the people see inscribed their time honored principles, ami they will gladly rally around it, as of yore. A civil war is noon as. For Ha existence the Democratic party is not responsible. For many years we have admonished those who favored a sectional party of its danger in the sentiments of Washington's farewell address, that the greatest danger t he apprehended to onr country, wathe formation of geographical parties we have advocated "those doctrines which we believed fair and equal to ail sections; and which could hare been adopted without wounding the pride, or stimulating the arrogance of either." Our appeals were disregarded. Sectional pride, prejudice, aad hatred in one section produced the c sentiments m the other; nfl ot tins sec

tional strife was begotten our present tromblcs. The war is upon us "wickedly provoked on the one side, aad in folly and sin, and without sufficient cause, commenced on the other." With secession upon the one hand, and sectional interference with Southern ritrhts upon the other, we hold no sympathy. Our most earnest desire is for the restoration of the Union, uon the la-i of the (' ntitutiou. and, for myself. I will give an honest support to ah constitutional and proier

measures, adopted by the Administration to that end; and I wul as 04 -needy oppose all acta in violation of the constitution, and in suppression of liberty, because of mv veneration for that solemn compact of our fathers, and because such policy renders the Union impossible, by obliterating the Union sentiment of the South, and giving aid and comfort to its enemies. What are we to do with the negroes of the South, in connection with the war. is asked upon every hand. Before answering that, let me ask, for what purpose is the war waged? If, as the President does profess, and the soldiers in the field believe, it is to suppress a rebellion, to restore the Union, and establish the Constitution and the supremacy of the laws, then 1 answer, with the negro slave and his condition, we have nothing to do; nothing whatever, either as a purpose, in cident or consequence of the war. If the Cor stitution be restored, in its authority, over all the States, then the Constitution itself refers the condition of the colored race to the authority of the Stare and by its own provisions excludes : Federal jurisdkHrm. But hrvoird that, how isi the negro to be made an element of strength for the suppression of the rebellion? Cameron, and his supporter of the Republican party say, put amis in their hands. For what purpose? Are there not s many men in the North ready to fiht as we can arm and feed and clothe and pity? Or is it true, that outnumbering the South, near ly as three to one, the North falters and fails aud mut call the negro to the rescue? I would call upon my countrymen to visit with universal in dignatiou and scorn the miscreant who entertains so base an opinion of Northern strength, and Northern courage. Ignorant of the use of arms, and lacking those hi.!, intellectual and moral qualities, that make the efficient soldier, the ne gro can win no battles where the men of the North are driven back. What General would go into battle trusting to black regiments for his strength? and what regiment, made up of the proud men of Indiana, would stand in a battle, where they must lean for support upon armed negroes? Another class, too cowardly to fight, and too malevolent to be gratified by the results of civilized warfare, demand a carnival of blood, and feast of horrors, amid scenes of servile insurrection. Our fathers detested the foe that would in cite the forest savage to scenes of midnight mas sacre, und the judgment of enlightened and civilized humanity condemns an appeal to the cu pidity or lust of the soldiery. Shall we, then, who have in keeping the honorable memories of our fathers; who are amenable to the judgment of the civilized nations, shall we invoke to our aid the negroes of the South, calling up the foul spirit of insurrection, and making indiscriminate and uncontrolled war upon men, women, and children, amid scenes too horrible to be described, and too wicked to bring a bl essing. As I believe our soidiers are strong and brave, I denotiuce it asvan insult to them; and as I am jealous of our good name and fair fame, I would make proclamation of it as a thing so atrocious as to consign us to infamy, in the eyes of the civilized world. There is yet another class who demand, some as a purpose, and others as a consequence of the war, the emancipation of the slaves. In a military point of view, there is weakne-s embarrassment, and burthen, in the proposition, ar.d no strength. Without emancipation and it, evils, the slaves, found in the neighborhood of the camps, may be used to relieve the soldiers of exhausting labor. Owing service to their mas ters, they may be required to render that service to the Government; but if made free, it will be at their discretion and pleasure whether they re lieve the soldiers in the trenches and upon the breastworks; at least such is the view of the Administration, as expounded by the Secretary ot War, who iays, "The Government has no power to hold slaves, none to restrain a slave of his liberty, or to exact his service. It has the right, however, to use the voluntary services of slaves, liberated by war from their rebel masters." If the slaves be freed bv the act of the Government, and the masters thereby discharged from the care and responsibility of their maintenance, that burthen at once falls upon the Government. That is the doctrine of the Administration. In his last message, President Lincoln says : " Under and by virtue of the act of oimcss cntitl d an act to confiscate projierty used for insurrectionary purposes, approved August 6, 1861, the legal claims of certain persons to the labor and service of certain other persons, have become forfeited ; and numbers of the latter, thus liberated, are already dependent on the United States, and must be provided for in some way." The anrument of the Secretary of War and the President amount to just this : By the authority and act of the Government, the slaves arc made free, because of the rebellion of the masters, and being free, the Government cannot exact their services ; involuntary- service would make them slaves, and the Government cannot hold slaves; but being free by her act, they are dependent upon the United States, "and must be provided for in some way." That is the emancipation policy of the Administration. As a war measure, to give strength to the North, what do you think of it ? You will observe wo cannot ' exact service " from the manumitted slave he is to work or not work as suits his pleasure. That alternative deing presented, the negro does not work. But he is to be "provided for in some way." What will that provision cost, when more than 'I tWW C (C clavftsa Kr I - r rri n t meatarc m-Ka r. with the South, are liberated ? That will depend lnrgelv upon the number of Republican rommissaries detailed to the service, and whether the present per cent of profit is continued, and upon the number of missionaries that are sent among this interes'ing people, to prepare them for "liberty, equality, and fraternity. But Mr. Lincoln is not content with an advocacy of emancipation by the United States, but he proposes to encourage the States to adopt the same policy. He goes on to say : "Besides this, it is not impossible that some of the States will pass similar enactments for their own benefit respectively, and bv operation of which, persons of the same class will be thrown upon them for disposal. In such case, I recommend that Contnress provide for acceptine snch persons from such States, according to some mode of valuation, in lieu, pro tanto, of direct taxes, or upon some other plan 10 be agreed on with such States respectively; that such persons, on such acceptance hv the General Government, be at once deemed free." The proposition amounts to just ' this : The public expenditures are now so enormous that p. direct tax is inevitable ; the Consti-1 tntion of the United States, Article 1, section 2, provides that "direct taxes shall be apportioned I among the several States, which may be included within this Union, according to their respective j numbers;" the tax must be so apportioned and ! imposed, but when we come to colect the taxes, j if any 8tate. as or instance Kentucky, will free ; tto negroes, we will receive such freed neproein payment ol her portion of the tax, according to ; their value, to be ascertained by appraisement. A I fair construction of the Constitution requires, not nnlv that flip d'rnw tat thall l i mrwsl ntsnn . . . a. l i" & a. -i li i - . a .lit. " " r . j. the States equally, but that it shall also be collected from them equally, in pro portion to their numbers. According to the President's recommendation Indiana would par her tax in money. I to be used for the common benefit, but Kentucky might pay in the slaves nf her people, at a valuation, but as soon as so received they are to "be at once deemed free." Such is the war policy of j the Administration, defeating revenue, instead of furnishing it. But the question recurs, in what way are we to provide for the manumitted slaves; thev will he j j i ' v luv i 1 i ii.t, sal i as u lata hwj n v v. m iiv v nasi rt come dependent upon us, and "must be provided for in some way, the President says. Me gives us his plan. Alter recommending that negroes be takeu from States in payment of the direct tax, he goes on to recommend "that in any event steps be taken for colonising both classes, (or the one first mentioned, if the other shall not 'te brought into existence,) at some place or places, in a climate congenial for them. To carry ont the plan of colonization nrav in volve the acquiring of territory, and also the apfrropriation of money beyond that to be expended n the territorial acquisition." President Lincoln does not inform us, on what part of the globe we arSto purchase the territory for the free negroej, except thnt he UL'sests, that it must be where the i M mate wifl be congenial. 'Knew vr the UmI nflhe c.lsrsnd vine niief the fowrt rrr Mot so m, th besuiP evr thine,

Where the citron and olive are fairest et fruit . Ami the voice of the nightingale never is mate; Where the tints of the earth and the toes of the sky, In color though varied, in beauty may vie. Tis dhne of the South; 'tis the land ef the imn." What think you of this descriraJon of the modern Eden, the Elysium, which the President would have us bay for the weary children of Afric .? But what is to be tto cost of its a -

nuisition? Perhaps only a few hundred millions, This presents the disagreeable and embarrassing suggestion which Mr Lincoln has not met, that we may not have the -old on nana mat we can conveniently spare. But perhaps we can buy with Treasury notes, and they may to multiplied as the leaves on the trees, or the sands upon the (ashore. But if John Bull should be the own er he is not in temper with us just now, and may prove churl enough to say, I will keep mv land of orange groves where the nightingales ever sing, rather than take your promises to pay. Clay and Jackson and Webster, aud statesmen of that class regarded the colonization of the ne groes as a work of such enormous cost, as not to be undertaken by the Government, even when at peace, and free of debt; but in the midst of a civil war trade and commerce disturbed our sources of revenue impaired with out industry paralized, and a national debt accumulating t the rate ot nearly two millions per d.iv, the wisdom nn l statesmanship, that now public affair, commends it as feasible and desirable When we see ?nch stupein: . folly united to most abandoned corruption and wickedness we can not too earnestly strive to rescue the Govern ment from such control. Emancipation, then, as a war measure, is weakness and not strength a burthen and not a support, and can to adopted onlv hs a means of re venge to destroy the South, bit not to restore the Union and to that aspect of the question I call j your attention . As a party, the Democracy of the Northwest ! have not been sectional, bat have advocated equality of rights and privileges to all and thus j far have even conceded that New Eigland and Pennsylvania might have the revenue policy of the United States so adjusted as to give them an j advantage of from twenty to forty percent, upon I their lab -, more than could be given to our la- I bor. But we are now being so crushed, that if we and our children are not to become the "hew : ers of wood and drawers of water" for the capitalists of New England and Pennsylvania, we must look to the interests of our section; and for the first time in my life I intend to speak as a sectional man. We are not a uianufacturri? people, and can not well become such; our wealth must come from the cultivation of the soil, and ia of those1 heavy and bulky articles that require a convenient market and cheapness of transportation. A foreign demand will enrich those regions from which there is convenient and cheap approach to the ocear, but it can not greatly benefit us; our corn and wheat, hogs and cattle are so weighty and bulky that before they reach the sea coast much of their value is lost in the cost of transportation. And this must continue, for railroad transportation can not become cheap. The ma lien policy of the party now in power 5 the enactment of the taritT of last summer, which in ordinary times will be probibitorv and defeat revenue, and which makes us buy at high prices and sell at low prices, and which will impair our foreign market. bis heretofore been partially defeated by the short crops in Europe, causing a larger foreign demand for breadstufl's than we have enjoyed perhaps since 1P47; yet, with an extraordinary foreign demand for all we hate to sell, what is our condition '.' Compare the nresent with our condition sixteen months since, and we have the answer. Our hogs were then worth from four to five dollars per hundred; they are bow worth from two to two dollars and fifty cents. Our corn and wheat aud cattle have fallen almost in like proportion. And further to the West I understand the losses are still greater, to that degree that in some localities in Illinois the useful and valuable article of corn is used as the cheapest fuel. To estimate our losses in Indiana for this year is difficult; but we may assume upon pork the following: Upon each 100 pounds $2, and an average weight nf 250 lbs. gives a loss of $5 on each hog. Upon one railroad there hure been shipped 100,000 head, and assuming that Pi be one-tenth of the hogs in the Slate, the entire stock for market in the State for this vear is 1,000.000, and our losses upon pork $5,000,000. It is probably safe to assume an equal loss upon each of the articles of corn, wheat, and other stock, making the loss to the agricultural interests of Indiana $90,000,000. These estimates are not reliable, and are not given as such, but rather as illustrations. The main fact is that our losses are enormous. In the reflective mind the inquiry aries, why is this so? It is not for the want of a foreign demand; we have that in an increased degree; it is not in the scarcity of money that is abundant for all the wants of our trade but the answer is in the fact that we are cut off from our Southern market. It is a stri king fact in contrast, that the Eastern States, du ring the last nine months, have accumulated more wealth than during the same time at any period of their history. For the want of the Southern market, the men of Indiana lose nearly one half the rewards of their labor. Wny that market is of such value to us, is apparent upon a moments reflection; the transportation of our heavy and bulky products upon the rivers is easy and cheap it is the interest of the South mrinly to employ her labor in the production of rice, sugar, hemp, tobacco and cotton (.articles which we do not produce) and to depend upon and buy from us the production of our lands and labor. To encoui-ape and stimulate the people of the South in the production of their peculiar commodities, that they may be large buyers from us, has been, and so long as "rrass crows and water : runs" wi" .be tl,,p wet; "? th:lt P" true interest of the Iiorth tieal partv that would destroy that market is our greatest foe. Most earnestly, then, do I call upon the men of Indiana to consider wht President Lincoln seems to favor, what Cameron urges, what the Republican members of Congress, in caucus.have i determined upon, ar.d what bills now pending in Congress contemplate the freedom of the negroes j iu the rebel States in a wtvd. the destruction of ! Southern labor, and the rem, for ever, of our rich trale and the value of ur products. Impelled by a false philanthropy, England has made her rich islands a luxuriant waste and wilderness, the trade of which is worth no more than one of the jewels in the Queen's crown. Are we now, who have for ourselves and the generations yet to c roe, such important interests involved, to consent to such policy towards the great and fertile regions upon the Gulf of Mexico? The first and highest interest ol the North west is in the restoration and preservation of the Union upon the basis of the Constitution and the deep devotion of Iter Democracy to the cause of the Union is shown by its fidelity in the past; but if the failure and folly and wickedness of the party in power render a union impossible, then 'he mighty Northwest must take care of herself and her own interests. She must not allow the arts and the finesse of New Englantl to dispoil tor of her richest commerce and trade, and to render her labor wholly subservient to an eastern, sectional, and selfish policy Eastern Inst of power, commerce, and gain. I know the potent appeal that has been made to onr prejudice, upon the charge that slave labor j, jn competition with the free la?Kr of the North; but I know also that it is not founded in fart. The cultivation of rice, sugar, cotton, tobacco, and hemp is not ha competition with our labor, but in aid and support of h. With the gold which the Southerner receive for the sale of his crops, he purchases our products, and thus secures to our labor its high rewards. But if we disturb the institations, as our father approved them if we free the negroes of the South, what are the consequences upon ust Large nnmher of the negyoes would seek the North, expecting to meet a peculiar sympathy, and one of two re . . m . . . a.. i i era I to tUlU lUUt w a vituv a wivi rw v aa i t i t a -in.. and thus be supported out of the earnings of our sults would follow; either thev would not -work. labor; or they would come dnrctly in com pet i tion with our labor: and being of an inferior class. and not competent to do as mach work, nor do it aa well as the white man. onr labor would be degraded and cheapened ; and the white man w ould be driven to seek employment in competition with the -negro, and to accept as the reward of his labor, the standard of prices which that competition would fix? Mi. Cookerly moved that each Congressional District elect a person to act as one ot the Vice Presidents of the meeting. Mr. Pettit opposed. He thought auch offices unnecessary. The President, If at any time he desired to leave the chsir. could call upon any delegate temporarily to fill It-

Mr. Cookerly replied that it bad been the cus torn to hare such officers. Mr. Cookerly 's motion was lost and the Convention declined appointing Vice Presidents. On motion of Hon. David Studebaker. of Allen, Joseph J. Bingham was chosen principal Secretary, and R S. Hastings, of Tippecanoe, assistant. Hon. Simeon K. Wolle, of Harrison, offered the following, (amended during the reading on motion of Mr. Chapman.) which, after debate, waa adop ed. Rrtoiord, That a committee of one from each Congressional District be appointed by the delegates thereof, and the same reported to the Con ven tion, to report a series of resolutions for the action of the Convention, and that all resolutions

on the subject of a Platform be referred to ucb j aoacommittee without reading or debate. Cuttos H. Y. m. r i r w i ... Jacob Strong, M. L

nut. vvutual, vl jBurjjaii, hum eu tuat me Secretary call the Convention by districts and that each district as called designate the person to represent it on the Committee on Resolutions. Carried, and the Secretary proceeded with the call, the districts responding as follows: COMMITTAL OH RESOLUTIONS. First District. W. E. Niblack. Second District. Simeon K Wolfe. Third District. Joseph W. Chapman. Fourth District. Dr. George Berry. Fifth District. Lafe. Develin. Sixth District. J . E. McDonald. Seventh District. Archibald Johnson. Eighth District S. C Wilson Ninth District. John Brownfield. Tenth District. J. D.G.Nelson. Eleventh District. L P. Mulligan. A. H Davidson, of Mariou, moved that two additional committeemen for the State at large be appointed. M-. Chapman opposed, and Mr. Davidson's motion was withdrawn. On motion it was ordered that each district sehnt a member of the Sute Central Committe, the Central District, the Sixth, selecting two. Mr Develin, of Wayne, offered the following: Reaoltxd, That this Convention will not go into the nomination of candidates until after the adoption of the resolutions. Col. Miller, of Gibson, opposed the resolution. We had met here to do all the work that was to be done, to make nominations as well as resolutions. Mr. Liston supported the resolution. He was for an old fashioned Democratic platform, and he wanted the nominees to stand upon it. Sink or awim. let us stand by our principles. Let us have the platform first, and the candidates afterwards Judge Burt, of Daviess, offered the following in amendment to Mr. Develin's resolution. "Aud that, immediately on the adoption of the platform, the Convention proceed to the nomination of candidate." A division of the question being called, the first part ot the resolution as amended wag adopted by consent. On the second part (Judge Burt's amendment) the vote was taken by counties and decided in the affirmative, as follows: Yeas Adams 4; Allen 13; Bartholomew 8; Boone?; Blackford 2: Brown 3; Clay 7; Clin ton 6; Daviess G; Dearborn 10, Decatur 7; De Kab 6; Elkhart 8; Fayette 4; Fountain 6; Ful t"n 4; Franklin 9; Gibson?; Grant 5; Greene 6; Hamilton 5; Hancock 6; Hendricks 6; Henry 5. Howard 4; Huntington 6; Jackson 9; Jay 4; Jen nings 5; Johnson T; Knox 7; Kosciusko 6; Lagrange 3 ; Laporte 8 ; Lawrence 6 ; Madi son 8 ; Marion 13 ; Marshall 6 ; Martin 4; Montgomery 9; Morgan 6; Newton 1; Noble 5; Ohio '3 ; Orange 7 ; Owen 6; Parke 6; Pike 4; Porter 4; Posey 7; Putnam 9; Randolph 5; Ripley 7; Rush 7; Shelby 8; Spencer 6; St. Joseph 6; Sullivan 8; Switxerland 6; Tippenanoe 10; Tipton 3; Vanderbr.rg 8; Ver million 3; Vigo 10; Warren 3; Warrick 7; Wayne 8; Wells 4; Whitlev 4 Total 421. Navs Carroll 6; Ca 8; Clark 10; Crawford 4; Delaware 5; Floyd 9; Harrison 8; Jefferson 7; Monroe 5; Perry 5; Pulaski 3; Scott3; Stark 1 Total 72. On motion, candidates for nomination for the several State offices were then named, as follows : KOR SECBETABY OK STATE. Charles I. Barker, of Madison; B. F. Jones, of Bartholomew ; Dr. J. F. Henderson, of Howard; ' Dr. J. S. Athon, of Marion; W. B Beach, of Marion; Wm. H. Jones, of Allen; John P, Duun, of Laporte. AVDITOB Or STATE. Joseph Ristine, of Fountain; Willis D. Hargrove, of Gibson; Scott Noel, of Parke; Joseph V. Bemnsdaffer. of Decatur, John C. Loots, of Wayne; Ben. F. Douglas, of Harrison, (withdrawn.) TREASURES Of STATE. Matthew L. Brett. of Daviess; W. H. Talbott, of Marion. ATTOBNEY OCNERAL. Bayless W. Hanna, of Vigo; J. C. Applegate, of Carroll; Jeremiah Smith, ot Randolph; E. Johnson, of Henry; John Baker, of Knox; Jas. A. Scott, of Putnam; Ooar B. Hord, of Decatur, withdrawn subsequently.) SrPKMWTEXDEWT OF PUBLIC IKSTSrCTIOW. Alex. J. Douglass, of Whitley. E. CL Hibben, of Rush, Saml. L. R;zc, of Allen, Milton B. Hopkins, of Clinton, E. M. Weaver, of Tippecanoe (withdrawn). Mr. Pettit moved that each Congressional District report to the Convention its nomination for representation on the State Central Committee. Carried. Hon. Delana R. Eckels, of Putnam, offered the following, which was adopted i ÄmoW, That when met for the transaction of business, the Sixth Congressional District shall have hnt one vote on the Central Committee. On motion, the Convention took a recess until 2 P. M. AFTERNOON. The Convention was called to order by the President, who annouueed the first butaneas in order to be the completion of the report ol the districts with regard to the Slate Central Com mittee, in accordance with Mr. Pettit's motion in the morning. All the districts had been heard from but the Sixth. The Sixth dit-trict being ready, the report from the several districts was unanimously approved, nominating the following STATE l' EXTRA L COMMITTEE. First District. J unes D Williams, of Knox. Second District M. C. Kerr, of Floyd. Thirl District M. W. Shields, nf Jackson. Fourth District (iso. Hibbeai, of Rnsh. Fifth District Edmund Johnson, of Henry. Sixth District. J. J. Biugham. Geo McOuat, of Marion. Seventh District Thos. Dowling, of Viev. Eighth District R. 8. Hastings, of Tipp. Ninth District. J. A- Taylor, ol Cass. Tenth District S. W. Sprott, of DeKalb. Eleventh District J. R. Coffroth, of Hunt'n Lists of the delegates from th several roun ties, atordinb to the previous request of the President, sere sent to the Secretary's desk as follows: Akams David Studabaker and John McCon ML Allxn B. Troutman, D. 3. Litchfield, Hoi man Hamilton, O. Bird, D H. Colerick, Wm. Fleming, Wm. W. Carson, G F Stinchcomt, M. Jenkinson, Alex. Wiley, H. Dickerson, James D. Worden. J. D. G. Nelson. Bartholomew T. G. Lee, Samuel Slue key, James How, Samuel Taylor, Beatty MeClellan, Wm. Moo n ev, R. W. Prather, A. E. 3 Lone. Boone rferrrv Lucas, Robt. WcCann, Wut. M Wilson, Dr W N. Dugan John F Steen

son. John M. Craig. Hon. H. M. Marvin.

Gipaon, James H. Potts, Willism Parr. Dr. R. Trowbridge, Miltou Hopkins, B W. Shelbourne, Eli Titus. W. P. Clements, Joseph E. Campbell, J. MeWorkraan. Blacktokd John Beath, R. C. Anderson, Thomas Brown, Henry Huffman. Beowm James Arwine, C. Moser, J. A McKinnev, L. Proauar. Cassoll--James Odell. F J. Mattler. J ' Applegate, T. Donovan, George Robertson, Wm. Guthrie. Cass J. A. Tavlor, C. B. Knowlton, S. A. Hll. Claui T. i. Howard, J. G. Caldwell. Asa Abbott, F. H. C. Honneus, T. S Bellowa- W. S. Ferrier, C. G. Badger, J. R. Mouroe, C. P. Fer guson, M. Y. McC.tnn Clat John Murbarger, James W. Modesett. A. W. Knight, James Ferguson, C. M. Thomp Morrison, F. D. Caldwell, Martin, Samuel Menett, M Jfj eoby. CsAwroap Simeon K. Wolfe, Wm. P. Swift (Others not reported.) Davis W: S. Turner, R. A. Clements, Jr. F. P. Bradley, M F. Burke. N. S. Giran LH arbors M. Lew. K. L. Slater, w m. w . Tilley. Wm Giardon, L Vauweddina. Dr. Gatch, J. D English, Wm. Green, W. Tebbs, James W. Gaff. Dkcatt James B. Foley, J. De Armand. W E. Dobyeirs, O B. Hord' A. L. Underwood, Joseph Hughes, Joha Cheek. Dlkalb S. W. Sprott, G. Easier, Freeman Kelley, John Ralston, Mile Watei man. Dllawark Adam Wolf. S tmuel Orr, Cbas. Carter. W.J. McCormick. L. Moffat. Di bois (Not reported.; Klejiabt Matthew Rippv. J. D. Elses, S. R. Miller, Geo. G ntner, O H Main, J. H. Schell. D. Logan, B. Wood worth. Fatettk W . P. Applegate, A. G. Smith, G. Lewis, Alex. Heron. Flotp M. C. Kerr, Samuel H Owens, H. J. M Crawford. (Others not re;ortd Fulton A. H. Robbins. A. J. Holmes, Jesse Shields. Fountain H. Reynolds, J. W. King. Isaac Orahord, W illiam Kerr, Jesse Marvin, William Hi Kail. Franklin Dr. Georpe Berrv, M. Batzner, W. H Smith, F. A. Bauer, J. H. Kinkeir, vf. fi Qu'ck, L. Jeffries. L W. Buckingham, Jno. M. Crisweil. Gibson Smith Miller, John Hargrove. S. M Barton, A. G. Boswell. W. F. Stilwell. Leroy M i ,S M. Holcombe Grant Jams Swsetser. Howard Coe, Dr. John Foster, Alex. Duun. 11 H Reeves. Garra: A. Humphreys, E. R Buckner, J. D. Killiam, Jesse Crul), John J. Milan, W. G M'"Hamilton N. Daubenspeck, R. Fisher, Geo. Messick, Samuel Forse, J. A. Messick. Harrison (Not reported J Hancock J. L. Mason. B. W Cooper, E. S. Cooper, David Keller, Noble Wurruni. B. Laeev, M. Marsh, Tlsat CM lass, A G ilnndv. S S Chandler, John Collins, Joseph Wright, J. P. Banks, J. Tyner. Wm. Caldwell, K Stokes, J. B. Lipscomb, R. Barnard. Hlndricks Tilberry Reed, John Trotter, Jas. licLaiu, J. R. Weishams. Asa White, J. R. Wilson. Henby Edmund Johnson, D. Millikan, F. Hooter, C. T foagfc, E. T Ice. Howard D Yanlaningham. J . H. Hank.W. W.Garr, Thomas Couius. Huntinuio.v J. R Coffroth, L. P. Milligau, S. McCaughey, Samuel Emlev, G W. Helm. Jackson. J. W. Holmes, M. W. 8hields, John Allen, Isaac Laras a v. A. J. Hamilton, J. S. Tanuer, D. Bain. Geo. R. Rader. Jaspeb. Georpe W. Spitler. John Letter. Jay Rob't Huey, Geo. H. Moore, Ira Denney. Jefferson. J. W. Chapman, H. W. Harrington, J. S. Xeal. f. McCormick, E.G. Lei and , A. Kirowell, Geo. Benson. Jevxings J. D. New, J. H. Vawter, D. C. Jones, M. Wilder, John Condrv, Rhev Elliott. Knox. W. E". Niblack. B. Knahi'ram. G. E. Green, J. B. Patterson, P. E. Laplant, W. A. Jones, H. S. Cauthron, H. D. Wise. J. D. Williams, James Reynolds, John Caldwell, J. J. Mc Kenny. Johnson. John A. Polk, Win. Demmaree. W. M. Pritchard, George Cutsseucer, H. N. Puiney, T. W. Woolen, C. F.M. Nutt. Kosciusko. V. J. C ird, J. G Loiur, B. Thom as, M J. Long, T. W. Strain. F. V. Long. Lauranoe A. B. Kennedy, A. Ellison, J. F. McDevitt. Laporte. T.D. Lemon, Hugh Donally, A. C. Hall, J. Dudley, Jesse Coleman, J. P. Dunn, Au gust Herring, Henry Miller. LawRENCh J. P. Foster, John Owens, Henry Erivald, A. B. Carl ton, Thos. Dixon, J. P. Parks, J. Sappington. Madison J. Hollingsworth, S. Fennimore, McCiiyat Francis, J. W. Sansberrv. N. Hentsing er, Andrew Jackson, R. Biddle, W. H. Ebert. Marion. Hon. T. A. Hendricks, Hon, J. E. McDonald, J.J. Bingham, N. B. Taylor, AH. Davidson. A. H. Ayres, Aquilla Jones. Jonathan Liston, Jesse Price. Jacob Kunkie, Joseph Ixf ton, Elijah James, Eurick Hannah, Henry Brady, James S. Browu. Marshall W. C. Edwards, J. B. N. Klinger, C. H. Reeve, Wm. Hughs, M. A. 0. Packard. Martin R. C. Stephens, C. O'Brien, W. H. Montgomery. Monhoe P. L. D. Mitchell, John Hendrick son, B. F. Rogers. Montgomery (Not reported.) Morgan Jonathan Asher, Wm. Hvnds, H. Johnson, O. R. Dougherty, David Williams, Jacob Adams, Jr. Newton N. Wrest. Noble Enos Fenton, J. McConnell, 8. E. Alvord, Owen Black, Jerome Sweet. hio Alexander Johnston. Okakob W. F. Sherrod, W. W. Chiahsm, D. S. Hulfstetter. Owen W. M. Franklin. J. S. Lucas, D. Newnivre, J. L. Stutz, B. F. Hars. "Parke H. J. Rice. P. S. Cornelius, David Elder, John G. Davis, R. C. McWUliams, Scott Noel, John Overman, J. W. Russell Perky- A. P. Batson, Alfred Vaughan, Thos. Sandege. J. C. Shoemaker. Pike W. H. DeWolf. Portkb J L. Rock. T. J. Merrifield, D. Hu ghart, Amos Ch i m .ers. Poskt M. T. Carnahan. Pulaski J. B. Apnew, O T. Wickersham. Futnam D. K. Eckles, W. D. Allen, Arcb. Johnston, S. Gardner, J. H. Farmer, Sol. Aken, J. B. Mayhall, James Gordon. James Darraugb. Randolph D. B. Miller. D. Heaston, Joseph Crouse, Miles Hunt, W P. Debolt. Ripley Dr. B. F. Mullen. Cant. B H. Myers, Geo. Shook, M. Beuham, Thomas W. Luuman, C N. Shook, J. M. Mvers. Rt-SHGeorge Hibben. Wm S. Hall. S. 8. Mc Bride, Cheno with Robinson, .I;ime A. rrv. j James McDonald, Thomas itracken, jr. Scott Hon. W. H. English, non. 1 . M uin van. Dr. W. 1) H'itchtnps. Shelby J. W. Brown. E. Cooper, Jaoob Muts, E. L. Davidson, Isaac Odell, Frank Amus, J. M. Sleeth, John McConnell. Spfnceb C Jones. Starrs 8 0 Whttson. M.Joseph John Brownfield. Lot Df. jr.. Win. Taylor, Mathias Stover, John Druliner St iLiVAN H. K. Wilson. J. M Hanna, E. Price. F Basler. R. K Hamill. John Shields. I Jacob Shields. Orson Moore. SWITZERLAND J . C AtK IISOn. TirrtCANOK S A. Cunningham, P. C. Hig ley, John Shaw, M. N. Sherry. John Taylor, O. j Bush, R S Hastings, John Ball. John Pettit, L. B Stockton. Tipton Squire Tucker. J. A. Lewis, J. V. Cox. Union John MVCrav, Thnniison Oshom, D. M Rider. Vandesblboh Richard Raleigh, W. H. Klus man, A. T. Whittlesy, Christ HeMerick. Vebmillion W. A. Smith. Vigo Thaw. Dowling, O. F. Cookerlv. Jacob W. Ovler, C H Bailer, B. W Hanna. 8 D Ba kar, John K O'Boyle, Joseph H. Blake, James M. Talbot, F. Bursdorf, N. F Cunningham. Wabash W. B Barlow, W. B Smith, B. Nick len . Warren Jacob Hanes, Cbas. McAlistcr, Jno. Benson. Warrick S. F. Baker. Watne Lafe Develin, James Elder. Jacob Mason, E C Nudd. W H. Owynn, John Kepler ' Joshua Dye, E. Matone. Wells B. M Elkins, Joseph Meredith White Jona. Harbott, 9. K. Timona. Whitlkt A. J Douglas, H D. Wilson. A.l W. Myers, E W. Brown.

Hon. John G. Dark., in toe absence of the Committee on Resolutions, was called upon to address the Convention. He said he felt honored by being thus invited tf his fellow ciuasm. but if he was unequal to the task of doing justice to the subject, perhaps the inability might arise be cause of his recent visit to Richmond. Vs., by way of Hopkinsville, Ky. Laughter If b had known beforehand that he was about to take that trip, he would have been happy so have been bearer of despatches from Democrats ol the North to their friends in the South. Cheers and laughter If he had made that trip, he probably would navs it in hi power to state that his old personal friend, J eff. Davis, was in good health, and sent his kind regards to his many friends in Indiana, whose name perhaps it would not be prudent to mention, for lie did net want them hung. The worthy President of the Convention might be oue, ami we could not spare o valuable a spoke from the whod of Democracy! He ( Mr Davis) had been abused by the pre bis life threatened by the black abolition party. He defied them. There were wt two parties in the country, the Conservative aad the Abolitionists. The' battle now being waged was between the friends of the Constitution and the Union on the one side, and the Abolitionists on the other Threats could not intimidate him. He intended to speak his sentiaseot. They raipht burn bis property might take him to the block be would asceud tl.e aeafiold with a firm step but in de

nance of them all he would ex on matter tclative to th He was charged villi leing a i forsooth, he was not an Abolitionist. The standard bv which the Republicans judged a man was this: If you were a friend of Old Abe and his Administration you were a good Union nan, but if vou sought Pi maintain the Constitution and the Union, you were a sciionist. The Southern men were much to blame in that controversy. They had done many tilings which had tended to bring upon the country tins dire calamity. But the blame did not all rest with them The ground takeu by the Abolition party of the North was the corner stone ot all our difficulties. If they had let tin- slavery question alone the sun wouid today have risen ou a tree, prosperous and united people. Tiiis party, last wiuter in Congress, could have settled our difficulties if they had been disposed 1 bey weighed the Chicago platform and the Union oue against the other, and conclu ded to uke the Chicago platform and let fa Vnwn lidr I Every one of the peace propositions coming from the South was voted down by a solid Ke publican vole in both branches in Congress. In view of the dangers which stared us then in the face, with civil war in prospect, these Republi cans csBse up and voted solidly against compromise, against concession, against agreement with brothers. Dissolution of the Union was the con sequence and all the dire calamities of dissolution are now upon ns. He had said in some of hi speeches during the summer that tins war wouid cost $300.00G.fHMi per annum. For that he had been branded as a demagogue. He now believed it would cost more than $1 ,000.000,'aJO per annum. Who pay the Government this money? It comes out of the hard earnings of the tax payers. The interest alone on this sum would, at 10 per cent., be $70,000,1100 per annum After exhaustinr all the other resources of the Government there would remain of this immense sunt ($1.000,000, 000,; $140,000,000 to be raised by direct tax tion. Indiana's share of this would be some $7.0OO.0U0, to be raised, be repeated, by direct taxation. How is it to be paid, looking at the depreciation of property? ot the value of horse, corn, wheat, lands. Doe not this thing, with this enormous depreciation of property look like com ing down with a crushing weight upon us? He had predicted war with England when our troubles began. For this he had been denounced a a demagogue. If it had not teen for the cow ardice of those controlling the Government ne would now be involved in a war with England. The capture of Mason and Slidell had been indorsed by the Republicans everywhere. Yet in face of this, in face ot a solemn vote in Congrans indorsing Commander Wilkes, when the Bri tish lion roared this miserable, crouching, corrupt Administration quailed backed down. He was no advocate of the recognition of the Southern Confederacy, but the surrender of Ma son and Slidell was more bumuliating than would be such recognition. These Abolitionists are brave at a distance; brave about hanging honest men aud mobbing printing presses; but when the British lion roared they crouched ! What did these Abolitionists recommend? What did Cameron report, before modified by the President, recommend? The arming of the slaves for the slaughter of their masters! And yet this man was retained by Lincoln in hi Cabi net. Oh! for one hour of General Jackson at Washington. Tremendous applause Wouldn't there be a rattling of dry bones among the pickers and stealers and plunderers of the people there congregated? Nt one-half of the money poured into the public treasury by the people goes to defray the expenses of the war. It is stolen by the cormorants at Washington. Would Jackson have tolerated these thieves f Would Jackson for one hour permit a man to remain a member of bit Cabinet who had recommended the rising of the lave to cut bis master's throat ? John Cochrane, who hold a commission under the Secretary of War, had avowed like atrocious sentiments. Neither he nor Cameron, nor any other malignant abolitionist, was removed by the President; and all these things proved cbnJusively that the ultimate intention of the Republican partv was the liberation oi the slaves of the South. He predicted the success of the Democracy if the right kind of a platform was adopted . He wonld vote for no platform endorsing this Administration. He would vote for no platfoim which would pledge the people to an umcemdi ttoxai prosecution of this war. He never intended to endorse anything which came out of that miserable Nazareth, this Republican Administration. You might talk to him sltout the honesty of Abe Lincoln about his conservatism on the slavery question. He was as corrupt as tboe who surround him, and, unfortunately, the small est toad in the puddle ! He was, although at the time he might be politic, as corrupt a 84son Cameron, who ough: to have been hung when he was a little boy ! They might talk about hanging him (Davie) for expressing these sentiments, but let them first gvj and hang the editors of their own papers who had said the same thing. He would lav down bis life for the restoration of peace and prosperity to thecouutrj. He would lay it down on this spot. But be did not he'iea r the Union could be preserved by coercion by force. He wa for preserving the Union by prop om lions of peace. He stood in this regard on Andrew Jackson's ground, but they said there was nobody to compromise Sooth. Lincoln had aid a majority of the osople there re Union aaesi. If the Crittenden Compromise had been adopted there would to day have been no such thing as secession in the South. Virginia, Ten nessee and North Carolina had all voted to stay in the Union, but after the rejection of the Crit tendeti Compromise their vote wsjreYweerd That all the Border States were not loyal sft day was owing solely to the action of the Republican Prtj. He (Davie) had been charged with being a member of a secret society of the M. P. S , bj lying Republicai; editors 1 nere ti word of truth in the charge ln-fught : in this connection. He never wis a niibaa of a secret politic! rmocwüoii. There was so aerret political association among toe LHmocrey ot In Yet this ehar-e came from drippinc with the Enow NtHiiiiiRism. If there were secret political organisations in Indiana the? existed aasoMg the Abolition Rqrubln ;ns themselves. But task Rentry raised the cry of no pasty' Was there a Democrat ill India ua that was not a Union man? Not one! No party! Do the acts of these men come up to their Siren song of no party? How many Democrat's hads had beer brought to the block by kM Adminuli in es take nay for plundeung partisan? We aut ha ve nothing but a Union party . they say ! Is nut the Democratic party a good enough liuon par ty? Iftbis Government is to be saved from irre trievable wreck the Democratic party awast sie it From the moment of the defeat of the Democrat ic party you could date the downfall of our ooun try, Its 'institutions, the Constitution and tie Union Democrats had warned the country ef the ruin which would overtake use bad hi sae event of the triumph of a sectional partv. All of their predictions were now being fulfilled The policy of this Administration, its 'Ccrrsve v fta seal 1