Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 21, Number 17, Indianapolis, Marion County, 18 September 1861 — Page 2

WEEKLY SENTINEL.

WED1KSDAY EPTFHBEK 18 Petti ts Speech. We publish this Homing speech delivered by Hon. Jörn Pntit in Tippecanoe county, the 30th da v of August, on the present aspect of public affairs. Mr. PrrriT for a long period exercised a lending influence in the politics and public policy of Indiana, and for that reason, besides the intrinsic merits they may possess, we give his remarks. Mr. PrrrtT, while not agreeing with the political sentiments of the Administration, re cognizes Mr. Lincolx as the representative of the Government, and as a good citizen lie feels bound to sustain the Government and render obedience to its constituted authorities and its laws. He is for the vigorous prosecution of the war until those in rebellion ask for terms and peace, then he is willing to make any honorable adjustment of the existing grievances or protection for the anticipated difficulties of those who thought either or both a sufficient causes to seek a forcible remedy. The speech of Mr. Pkttit is somewhat pedantic and supercilious. While we defer to his great sagacity and wisdom and give him due credit for his reverence for the powers that be. we would suggest that in this Democratic country the people are in the habit of thinking for themselves and they judge of the acts and opinions of venerable Presidents and Cabinets and sage Judges more byheir intrinsic merit than the sources from which they come. Mr. PrrriT is disposed to look unfavorably umn this peculiar feature in Democratic institutions as one likely to render a Government unstable and insecure. We are inclined to think that Mr. Pkttit haa a decided partiality for a strong cen tral Government, and that he would favor the e construction of our own upon such a basis. We do not think the people are yet prepared for such a revolution, but a state of anarchy can grow out of the present war which may make such a change necessary to give adequate security and protection to property and lite. A Trial of !oparty Patriotism nnd Sincerity. The Republican party of Marion county and of the Slate of Indiana assert, whether with re.il or assumed patriotism we shall not say, that it is the duty of every citizen to suliordinate party issues and party nominations in lite present crisis of public affairs to the higher duty of supporting the Government. The Democracy of this county propose to test the sincerity of these patriotic propositions of our Republican friends and to present practical evidence that they are "prepared to sacrifice arty organizations und platforms upon the altar of their country." The Democratic Central Committee of this county, in to day's pa(er, make a proposition to the Republican Committee and party to withdraw the nominations made by each party to fill the county offices to be voted for at the ensuing October election, and to nominate a ticket to be sup ported in common by both parties. The Demo cratic Committee propose that Jou.x C. Nkw, Esq., a Republican and a competent and cfficiei.t officer, shall be substituted in the place of Mr. Wallace as a candidate for Clerk; that Poky Hosbrook, Esq., admitted by all to be a good man for the place, shall be the candidate r Commissioner, and that some good Republican shall be selected as the candidate for Representative to fill the vacancy made by Dr. Kk.ndsick. S uw here the Republicans have an opportunity presented them to test the siucerity of their no party professions and their willingness to ignore party spirit and party nominations during the continuance of a war, which they say is tenting the strength not only, but even the permanancy of the Government. Will the Republicans accept this proposition to subordinate party until the Union, under die Constitution, is restored, and "we become w'-.at we have always proudly believed we could become, the greatest and first nation on the earth?" As a platform for this union of parties for the sake of the Union, the following, which is the substance of the resolution adooted by the House of Representatives of the United States, at the called eeasiou, with only two dUoanting votes, might be adopted: That in this national emergency, we, the citizens of Marion county, without distinction of party, banishing all feeling of mere pan Hop or resentment, will recollect only our duty to the whole country; that this war is not waged upon our part in any spirit of oppression, not for any purpose of conquest or subjugation, nor for the purpose of overthrowing or interfering with the rights or established institutions of the States, but to defend nnd maintain the supremacy of the Constitution, and to preserve the Union with all the dignity, equality, and rights of the several States unimpaired; and that as soon as these ob jects are accomplished, the war ought to cease. Can there be a better opportunity for the patri otic and Union-loving Republicans of Marion county to attest their devotion to their country to prove that they are not only prepared, but that they are ready to "sacrifice part.v organisations and party platforms upon the altar of their country," or in other words, to form a union of all parties for the sake of the Union? The De mocracy go fully half way in the proposal to ignore party spirit, party nominations, and party contests during die war for the good of the country. Will the Republicans meet the proposition of the Democrats with the same lil.era! sjnrit and the same patriotic purpose to maintain the Constiiution and Union made bv our fathers? The Presiaeat Censures Fremont's Proclamation. The President has issued an order stating that he regards the clause in Gen. Frkmovt's pro. U mation relative to the confiscation of property and liberation of slaves as being objectionable for its non-conformity to the act of Congress passed the lth of" last Au-rust, and requiring that it. shall be modified, held and construed to conform thereto. This we regard as an exceedingly important step, and one in the right direction. It is the first in dication we have seen of a conservative policy on the part of the Administration ard it will give confidence and strength to the true Union sentiment of both the North and the South. It is said that the President signed the "act to confiscate property usjd for insurrectionary purposes" with great reluctance, and it sow seems he is determined that it shall not be so construed as to interfere with the Constitutional rights of the citizen or as a pretext to justify a scheme for the emancipation of negro property in the slave States. It appears thai Gen. Fremont was first requested by letter to modify hi proclamation as indicated, but he desired the President to make an open order for its modification. This the President has had the nerve to do. Wc houor him for his boldness and firmness in this regard, and it gives the country every assurance that the object of the war is solely for the restoration of the Union, under the Constitution. He will now draw to him a moral support for his Administration which it has not yet had, and thus add to his ability to prosecute the war with increased vigor, upo.i a basis which will satisfy die couaervati e men of the nation who have its trno interest at heart. It will, also, bare the effect to develop a Union sentiment in the seceded States, which will hasten the settlement of the ;niing difficulties of the country. We siucerely hope that the President will have the firmness to follow in the course indicated in his order for the modification of Fkemoxt's proclamation. But what becomes of the Path Finder? Will he submit to the censure of the President after his proclamation had the approval of a great many of the leading Republican papers? Or is he so tied down by his friends, who hope to reap a large profit from his present position, that he will le

-, ' - - - ,r ! compelled to submit to this rebuke? We know that his removal and the substitution of General

Mtios in hi command, will be bailed with delight by those whs) know and appreciate the two men, and give coaaWence in the prudont, economical, and successwl management of the intended operations of the army of tbe West We think that Fremont issued his proclamation with an eye to the Presidency, regardless whether the Administration sustained tum or not, and that in either event it would give him the sympathy of the abolition sentiment of the country. Such is the patriotism of many engaged in the war. A Witness. The Republican press generally have standing at the head of their editorial columns some of the sentiments of Dovolas uttered just before his death, in reference to the duty of the citizen in the present crisis of the Government. In bis last speech the deceased statesman remarked: " Who ever is not prepared to sacrifice party organiza tions and platforms on the altar of his country, does not deserve the support and countenance of honest people. Let him be marked as no true patriot who will not abandon all such issues in times like this." The Democracy are ever prepared to subordinate party organizations and platforms to the Constitution, which they regard as the sheet anchor of religious and civil liberty. This sentiment is a part of their political creed. Are the Republicans willing to occupy a similar position .' Are they prepared with the Democrats to sacrifice party organizations upon the altar of their country? Are the Republicans of Marion county ready to give a practical illustration of their pro' ..sious of iio-partyism, by erasing all party li.es and withdrawing all party candidates for polüical offices? If they are not, it is hypocrisy to keep standing at the head of their party press the sentiments to that effect from the last speech of Douglas. Where has rested the reponsibility for the present divided condition of the country ami the terrible calamity of civil war? We will bring their own witness to the stand to prove that the difficulties which brought the present troubles upon t'.ie nation could have been adjusted if the Republican monitors of the la ,t Congress, at its last session had been willing. But they refused to do so, teen use they were not prepared to surrender party organizations and platforms upon the altar of their country. Set. a tor Dolo las, in a speech which he delivered iu the United States Senate on the 3d of January, le"6l, thus charged the sole responsibility of not permitting an ami cable adjust ment upon the Republican members of Congress. In that speech lie said, in speaking of his proposition for compromise: I believe this to be a fair basis of amicable adjusituet t. If you of the Republican side are not willing to accept this, nor the proposition of the Sen-tor from Kentucky, Mr. Crittenden, pray tell us what you are willing to do? I address the inquiry to the Republicans alone, for the reason that in the Committee of Thirteen, a few days ago, every member from the South, including those from the cotton States, Messrs. Toombs and Da vis, expressed their readiness to accept the propo I sition of my venerable friend from Keutucku, Mr. Crittenden as a final sctlUmenl of the cmntroversy. if tendered and sustained by th Ripub j lican members. Hence, the sole responsibility of our aisajrermenl ami tne only difficulty i; the way of an amicable adjustment u with tlte Krpub lican party. Of course the Republicans can not deny the testimony of their own witness By him they stand coudemued for the present condition of public affairs and all the evils that may grow out of the sectiotial contest now raging trie magnitude of which the Administration have not yet been able to comprehend, or provide an adequate remedy. We give another extract from a letter, one of the last he wrote, in w hich Mr. DoWOl charged that the leading Republican Senators, to sustain a party or organization and platform, were willing to sacrifice the Uuion. It was written to the editor of the BpHngfloM Register. Read: The fact can no longer be detiied. that many ot the Republican Senators desire war and di union, under pretext of saving the Union. They wish to get rid of the Southern Senators, in order to have a majority in the Senate to confirm the appointments; and many of them think they can hold a permanent KepubhiMn ascendency in the Northern Suites, but not in the whale Union. For partisan reasons, therefore, they are anxious ; to dissolve the I'nion, if it can be done without ; making them responsible before the people. Again do the Republican party stand condemn ; ed by their own witness for precipitating a war ' upon the country to advance (uitisau schemes. We are rejoiced to sec Republicans manifesting a small degree of willingness to remedy, if -si I ble, the fearful condition of public affairs which has resulted from their love of party more tbau I country. The moment they "sacrifice party or- ; ganizations and party platforms upon the altar of their country," they will find the Democratic I party "prepared" to erase all party lines in their 1 support of the Constitution and the Union to abandon all party issues until the Government and country are rescued from its perils, and its flag is floating in triumph over every inch of Ameritvui soil. Union Sentiment Developed. We are happy to notice that the present exi gency of our public affairs is having one good ef- ; feet if no other. It has developed a strong Union sentiment from those it was least expected. All who are acquainted with the political history I of the country dunng i, the last thirtv vcars, can I . ' ,. mat a certam class of pohI not fail to remember ticians have been busy calculating the value of the Union, and the conclusion with them was ; that they did not desire its perpetuation unless slavery was aboli-lied. These men attempted to i demonstrate that the States which tolerated ! slavery were a burden to those that did not, and I that therefore a separation was desirable. We ! could reproduce any quantity of arguments to j that end, if it was necessary to sustain our posij tion, but it is not, as the fact is known to all who j arc versed in public affairs. We will, however, give two extracts from the speeches of men who occupy a high position in tbe Republican party ! to illustrate the disloyalty to the Uuion which ; has been prevalent for yeirs. Governor Banks, of Massachusetts, who was Sctker of the House of Represcsenta tives in 156, and who is uow a Major General under the appointment of Mr Lincoln, in a speech delivered in Maine in 1855 ! said:

Although I am not one of that class of men w .i";eij proiejseu: i nat is the I who cry for the preservation o, the Uuion; though j Programme; we shall see how faithfully it will be I am trilling, in a certain state af circumstances, observed. to let it slide, I have no fear for its perpetuation, j Mr. Giddinos says furtherBut let me say", if the chief object of the people .r k- v i of the countr'y be to maintaia and propagate i 'K it now too late to regain the high chattel propertv in man-in other words human ? Ä ' wmchrw-,s he, weeks since. ; slavery this Vnion can not anrf ouaht not to ' JT ir'Tc ConS' has lost us the stand sympathy of other nations, and paralyzed the e, , . ,atc v m i confidence of our army and of the people, and if Still later, in lo56, in a speech in Massachu- the advice now given by that body be carried out. setts, we find Mr. B.vsas turning prophet, and must result in the permanent dissolution of the predicting a "military dictatorial government'" l, A",d if lhe rebels succeed, they will owe ! . , u u a - it. ..... the1r nomph the jnefficiency f Congress " I in this couotrv. He had no faith m the stability T, , . . .. J "o". . ,, xi , 1 nat 18 Republican testimony. It is volunteer of "free institutions. He said: , . . . vumniecr- , , , , . ed by one of the strongest men of that oreanir I can conceive of a time when this Constitu- , .... . 6 . 1 organization shall not be in existence; wAe.t we shall hane Um; and Ul" becon,e8 Republicans to impeach an absolute military Government transmitted from their own witnes.

f . with men at its head who are made rulers by militafW commission or who claim an 1 hereditary right to govern those over whom they ; are placed. Hon. Joan P. Halk, United Stat-Js Senator. I i i . ,. , . ., . , . auu mug a leaning memwr oi mo nepuowcau and opposition parties, in a speech in the Senate a few years ago said: Let the consequences be what they may I am willing to place myself upon the great - riuciple of human right; to stand where the Word of God a ,,i my own conscience concur in placing me. and there bid defiance to all couseqoences. And in the end, if this Uuion, bound as it is to the hearts of the people by so many endearing associations, has no other principle of cement than the blood of human slavery, let it sunder. We might go on almost indefinitely and quote

similar extracts from tbe public speeches of SiwARD, Ginnums, Sinxn and other great Kghts of tbe Republican party, to prove that they contentplated with complacency tbe disruption of the Union, or, in tbe Innguage of Gov. Basks, "in a certain state of circumstances, to let H slide." But a sudden change has taken place in the minds of these individuals. All at once they have become impressed with the great value of the Union. They are no longer wiHing that it should be sundered, but express a determination to exhaust all tbe treasure and blood of the nation, if need be, to maintain it. The very stats of circumstances which they could tolerate but a tew years back, they now regard as treason and rebellion worthy of condign punishment. What a marvelous revolution! What a sudden conversion! The Union-haters, the very men who said "the Constitution of the United States is a league with hell and a cove nant with death," have become as suddenly converted as was Saul of Tarsus. Instead of being willing to let the Uuion slide, to let all the States that will go depart in peace, they ne w des;re to maintain it at any cost, at any sacrifice of men and money. Are we not right then in saying that if this war is attended with no other good, it will awaken, or rather it has awakened, n reverence for tbe Constitution and the Union which augurs well for the foture permanancy of the Government if we succeed in preserving it in its integrity and purity if we save it from the destruc tion which now threatens it. If tha love for the Constitution and the Union had burned as brightly as it should have done in the heart of every citizen, the present terrible fratricidal war would never have occurred. Even if our Republican friends had an uounced last winter in an authoritative form, as they have since done, that they were not in fluenced with "the purpose of overthrowing or interfiling with the rights or established institu tions of the States, but to defend and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution and to preserve the Union, with all the dignity, equality, and rights of the several States unimpaired," we should not have been compelled to witne-s the array of one section of a heretofore common

country against another in deadly strife. Where then rests the responsibility of the present suite of affairs? Do not the Republicans, by adopting the resolutions we have quoted, acknowledge it is with them? Indiana Legisn We notice in many parts of the State, espe cially in the counties bordering upon the Ohio river, military companies are being organized under the military law pissed at the recent extra session of the Legislature. The object in view is for home protection and home defense. A good deal of alarm is felt in the Southern part of the State in reference to the present aspect of affairs in Kentucky. It is altogether probable that the difficulties which have occurred in Missouri may be re enacted in Kentucky. In that event, the border towns may suffer from marauding parties unless their citizens have some adequate means for protection. And to secure this effectively, there must be organization, system and discipline. These objects can be attained by organizing military companies uiider the militia law. By this means, also, a large number of citizens -vho can not, without great sacrifices, vol uuteer in the army for the war, in case of emer gencies like tho:e to which we have referred, can render important public service. If there should be an invasion of the State, or trouble upon our Southern holders, a large body of military well drilled and equipped, could be rapidly concent rated, through the agency of the railroads, at any given point from all parts of the State. We BMMt sincerely hope that no such emergency may arise, but it is better to be prepared for whatever may occur, for we know not what danger a day or an hour may develop. We have already tat ei 1 that Major Love hits received the appoint ment of Major General in this service, and will immediately organize the divisions in the south western part of the State. He is a thorough ly educated military man, and is a gentleman of prudence and sagacity the right man in the right place. The military spirit of our people is thoroughly aroused and we expect that the Indiana Legion wili be soon organized for the purposes expressed in the law. In the present an archie. il state of the public mind the leirion may also become 'i important agency in suppressing insurrections and mobs, and protecting individual and public property from violence at the hands of the lawless, evidences of what may occur from such sources, we have already had, and which will probably incre.t-e it' the war should be of long continuance. Origin and Object of the No-Party Tlwvemcnt. Mr. Consul General Giddinos has been publish ing a letter setting forth the object, origin and se cret history of the no-party movement. It appears from Mr. Giddinos' narrative, that the noparty party was conceived in Washington, and it was appointed to first see light at the opening of the fall campaign. We quote from Mr. Giddings' letter, addressed to Ex-Governor Vance, of Ohio: At a moment, apparently more important than any other in our history, we are called on to turn aside from the support of the war now raging, to form a new political party, to abandon the Ad ministration whom we have elected, the principles on which the Union w;is founded, and unite in a new K)iti.-a! oigan.z ition, without avowing any cause for so extraordinary a movement, or asserting any principles or fundamental truth as the basis of this new party And as ihey retired l orn Congress, they united in recommending the disbandmeut of the friends w ho elected them to office tbe surrender of the principles on which they were elected and that we unite in a conglomerate party w ith slave catch ers and those who set our doctrines at defiance. Mr. Giudings testifies that this no-party party was projected and concocted, as it is now about to be set in motion, by Republican members of Congress, on the basis of a "surrender of principles." a union "with slave catchers" and the "abandonment of the Administration;" but "wthout asserting any principles of fundamental truth." It is all to be negative, there is to be no ' common bond, according to the original programi me, excepting a vague agreement that the memj bers of tbe no-party party are to 'abandon," repudiate and " surrender the principles" which they i t, iri ssitsaskaii asasiaat i ! r si mi . There is no doubt that the predominant rsaon which impelled the Republican Congressmen to predoora their party to destruction was the fact that its name had become so odious as to render a successful Administration impossible under it j au8Pice8- hence the7 sagaciously provided for a new name, while taking care to maintain the control of the new organization. It may so happen that they will fail to realize this most eher i8bed object of all their scheming. The Fortieth Rf.gimkxt. A telegraphic dispatch was received in the city yesterday from Capt. Bracken of the Indiana cavalry now in Virginia, saying that he would accept the Lieutenant Colonelcy of the 40th regiment which has been tendered him.

Speech of Hon. John Pcttil, at West Point, Tippecanoe County Indiana, Att(Ul ;tl ISA I. Mr President. Ladies and Gentlemen: I have been invited to address you upon the present condition of our once happy, but now distracted country, and the probable result or termination of our difficulties. This I shall proceed to do in plau and direct terms, such as be come aged and laid men and women, without a forked or deceptire tongue, and with no attempt at oratory or caatirsting rhetoric, reiuemfering that brevity, at a I times, is as desirable in speeches as in wit, and more especially so in times of war, w hen prouift action should take tbe place of prosy words. Speaking is an art, and to be interesting'' and successful, must be cultivated by much practice. Knowing this, tlough in former years I bad, as you know, consiierable practice, in latter ones having had none I may well fear that I shall fail to interest on I am truly glad to see so many of the faniliar faces of my old acquaintances here, ot d! shades of political parties, with apparent sitcere and earnest desire to hear whatever may besaid to elucidate our present difficulties, and poitt oat the way to our future happiness and peace. My frienda, sme desire, of late, has manifested itself to har me on these subjects, and some wonder expressed that I had not com for ward and voluuarily given to the public my vews. I have a number of good reasons for not doing so : I havenot before been asked to do so. I have been absert from the State on public business for two year last past, and did not think it comported with p riper modesty or reserve to rush back and force iryself to a front position, aud claim, unasked, U lead or direct you; besides, my cardinal doctrhe in governmental affairs is to obey the laws andthe magistrate within their respective a ppropriae spheres. Civil and free gov ernment can be miintained upon no other basis. We have the law aid the magistrate legally pla

ced in power; to them I yield my obedience. My friends, I promised you plain, unvarnished words; and first, as to the continuance of this war, 1 have to say that whatever the chance or propriety of settling the difficulties at an earlier period between the North and the South by peaceful adjustment. there is now no alternative left us but to fight. Honor, interest, pride, the maintenance of our Government, the safety of our Capital nnd the archives of the nation demand it. We have the wolf by the ears, and, though it may be troublesome to hold him, we can not, with safety to ourselves, let him go. The South is puffed to arrogance md insolence with their partial, but, I trust, temporary success over our arms, and the North is, to some degree, depressed and under ban from the same cause. Every candid mind feels aid knows this. Hence the call for an increase of our army and a more vigorous prosecution d' the war. Let it be done. Neither party is now in condition to make or accept proper terms of peace; nor will we be until we have regained what we have lost shown our selves not only their equals, but superiors in arms, and by our prowess wiped from our escutcheon and our flag the temporary tarnish that has been placed upon them. Hence, unlike Mr. White, who has needed me, I advise mv fellow citizens who are of the proper age and in the condition to do so, to freely enlist, obeying the law and the magistrate; go to the war. accomplish what ought to be accomplished, and then if if those in power, aid whose right it will be to determine, shall think we can honorably make or accept terms of peace, I shall rejoice und hail with pleasure their action and the day when neither honor nor interest shall require a coutinu- ; ance of the war, or a further sacrifice of human life. Until that time let the war rage. I feel now much is 1 did when out of the State during and after the Mexican war, the Indiana troops were charged with cowardice, and at other times when our State was charged with the dishonor of repudiating a public debt, though it had been improvidently and against my will made. Both sat like burnit blisters upon my face, and I would have been willing to be sold a slave for life to remove them. So now as a Northern man I feel humiliated am 1 want to see our reverses reversed. Let it be done. It is said that thewar is not properly or vigorously enough prosecuted, that the Minister of War, Mr. Cameron is an unfit person for that position, that he is dishonest and is stealing and misapplying the public funds; and petitions are in circulation for his removal and the appointment of the Hon. Joseph Holt in his stead. Of these things or their propriety I know but little, and have no charge to make. I have a personal acquaintance with the President, and believe him to be an honest, upright man that he does what he believes to be right and for the best that he has won and is fully entitled to the sobriquet which has been given him of "Honest Old Abe." That he will neither steal himself or knowingly allow others to do it. I will not flatter him or his friends by saying that he is the greatest man mentally that this country has ever produced, but I by no means mean to be understood as intimating that he is a weak man. If it were my province to give advice on the subject of the removal of Mr. Cameron and the appointment of his successor, I could say to the President, fill his place with the most honest and able Republican you can find, in order that your councils maybe harmonious n all other subjects as well as the war. Mr. Holt is an able and upright man, and under a Democratic Administration would make an efficient Secretary of War; but his presence in your Cabinet would be alike unpleasant and unprofitable to you, to him, the other members of the Cabinet and to the country. You, fellow citizens, and the country generally, seem to think it is a great wonder that this rebellion has broken out and that all the nations of the earth do not unite with us in sympathy, if not in arms, to put it down. To me there is no wonder as to either. I knew as well fifteen years ago that this trouble would be upon us, as I know it is upon us now, unless the practices, tones and sentiments of the extremists on both sides should cease, and milder manners and juster conduct prevail. If a number of you should form a neighborhood with adjoining farms running north and south, with an agreement that you shall live in harmony and kindness, promoting each other's interests and protecting each other's property and rights, while all these rights aud duties are carefully observed and fulfilled, peace und prosperity will prevail among you, but if the different parts of that neighborhood begin to annoy each other in every conceivable manner in their persons, property and character, both may be alike to blame; but it is no wonder the neighborhood has troubles and is ultimately broken up. But is a rebellion with us to be wondered at in view of the history and the antecedants of our own race? What is the history of man, and of what is it composed? Of its warriors and battle fields, its poets and sages; but the two latter sink into oblivion and forgetfulness when compared with the more enduring and impressive glare of the former. The Hebrews rebelled and ten tribes seceded; the Grecian States rebelled, and what would be known of them if it were not for Leonidus, Thermopylae, Militiades, Marathon and Platea? But for the battles of Marius, Scipio, Sylla. Pompey and Caesar, Roman history would be dry, if not lost, despite of her poets and the eloquence of Cicero. No one could tell that Carthage was if Hannibal had not lived. Napoleon, Austerlitz, Marengo and Waterloo form the most enduring pages of true history of France. And but for Marlborough, Nelson and Wellington what would be the pride of England? Of what does our own history consist of but Washington and Jackson, Bunker Hill. Saratoga, Yorktown and New Orleans. Rebellion may be said to form a part of our nature as a government and as a people. We rebelled against Great Britain, and I have always believed that that was a just and praise worthy rebellion, notwithstanding I have recently seen published in the Lafayette Courier, a resolution of a grave Presbyterian Synod, that civil government is an institution of God, and that any relellion or resistance to it is a great sin against God. I hold that there may be such a thing as a just and praise-worthy rebellion, und that rebellion to tyrants is an acceptable service to God. I do not hold that the present is such an one; but on the contrary, that there was not sufficient cause or ground for it. and that they ought to be punished for the course they have taken. Is it reasonably to be wondered at that Great Britain does not show a more warm and direct sympathy with us? We read byauthority. "The fathers have eaten our sour grapes, and the children's teeth are set on edge." And again: "Whatever you would that men should do unto you, do ye even so unto them." Or it may be rendered thus without irreverence: "As you do unto others so you may expect they will do unto you " we not only revolted from Great Britain ourselves, but we have encouraged and rejoiced in every effort, latent or patent, of the Irish to rebel against her, and would to-day rejoice to see it successfully done. We have tried many oisaus to induce the Canadas to revolt against her.fnd would readily lend their assistance if sacc was probable. Under the-e circumstance sitould we think it strange that Great Britain does hot show a lively sympathy for and with us? ' Ramember, "as yoe. do unto others, so you mry exiect they will do a -a r a . . ( unto you." Nor in my judgm n view of our untinrm action ever since wem' e been a nation, in regard to rebellioo everyifere, have we a reasonable ripht to expect the 1 My sympatny 01 nd sympathized other nations? We encouraged with Poland in her rebellioii gainst Russia ,

Prussia and Austria We gave

Ictive and open

aid and assistance to Greece against Tarkey. We encouraged in many ways Hungary against Austria, and seat a national v asset to bring her refugee rebel chief to this xntry , and here we openly caressed and made much of him. In the Late revolt in Italy, our whole sympathy was in the movement arid with its leader, Garibaldi. With the repeated rebellions in France, we have rejoiced. We sympathized with and in many in stances gave active aid to all Central and South America in their revolts against Spain and Portugal; and we have more than once, either directly or indirectly, sought to induce Cuba, the Queen of the Antilles, to rebel. How soon and how readily after Texas revolted with but a small population, and with but pale, sickly and flickering emblems of government or nationality, did we acknowledge her independence, and extend over her the broad panoply of our protection, disregarding the murmurs, complaints and protestations of Mexico, from whose parent trunk she had been forcibly torn? "As you do unto others, so you may expect they will do unto you." Our action and our course of conduct having been thus, is it strange that the nations of the earth do not sympathize with us in this, our great calamity? You ask me what, in my opinion, will be the result and end of our present difficulties. Had you asked me what I wish it would result in, I could more cheerfully answer, and it would be from my heart, that no one surpasses roe in reverence lor, or devotion to that creation indicated by these green letters suspended above me, and in front of this stand, UNION, and for its flag, the Stars and Stripes, majestically waving beside me. I have often sworn to support the Consti tution, and I now regard those oaths as obliga tory as when they were taken, and 1 earnestly de sire to see the Union reunited and cemented iu affection and love, with one national flag waving in peace and triumph over the whole of our territory; a Union of hearts and o- hands cordial, and enduring till the solid rocks shall become dis integrated and crumble to dust. And to accom plish so desirable an object, it is your duty to struggle and labor as your Government shall direct, remembering that it can only lie secured by equal and exact justice to all sections of the country. But you still ask what is my judgment as to the result, aud 1 am forced to answer that my judgment is we shall never again have such a I aMNB. Senator VYude, of Ohio, made a speech in Maine in 1 -(. and said the Union was then in fact dissolved. That there was no two people on the earth who more cordially hated each other than those of the Northern and Southern States. If this is true, and continues to be so, there can be no lasting or profitable Union of them. It will be an anon aly in the history of the world, if such an extent of country, with its resources and vast population, shall be reduced by war tu loe and kindness towards their conquerors, or to sub nii.-sion to any other laws than those of their own making. Yet I hold it is your duty, under the order of your Government, to try to restore the Union if ossible; and should you be successful, no one will more sincerely rejoice than I. But ii is said the President has violated the Constitution in many respect'. The rebels make this complaint with a poor grace; and if the President

has not, stnetly speaking, the constitutional right i to increase the army and navy, incur debts or liabilities on the nation, sustiend the writ of ha beas corpus, and incendiary newspapers, and to suppress incendiary speeches and speikcr-.. either in the pulpit or on the rostrum, I say if be has not, strictly speaking, this power under the Constitution, he ought to have it both in pc ice and in war. And the country will never have peace, quiet and order till that power is giveu to the President. He exercises it now in war and the jiower is no less necessary in time of peace to pre vent bringing ou war. And if the acts of the President in these respects shall form precedents for other Presidents to follow both in peace and war, I shall be satisfied. In my judgment, if all incendiary preachers, speakers and newspapers had been suppressed years ago, by authority of the Government, this war would not now be on hand to trouble us. It is impossible to imagine the extent of the injury done to the country by the ignorance and anoyance of some news paper editors. Some of them as soon as they have sloughed their swaddling cloth, and before they have read a page much much less a book, upon the rights and duties of man, auregate or single, formed into governments or in his native State mount the editorial stool and with one dash of their intuitively learned pen, sweep away or denounce as folly or wickedness, the wisdom and acts of aged Presidents, venerable Cabinets and sage Supreme Courts, and hold all as chaff before their potent wisdom. They remind me of the account Push-mat a ha, an Indian chief, gave of his origin. He said he had neither father nor mother, but was thus produced: "The clouds lowered, all above was or tentjal, the rain descended, the lightning Hashed, the thunder relied, a mountain oak was riven and out sprang Push mat a ha full grown and armed for the fight!" Much of the evil this country lias suffered and is now suffering has, no doubt, been brought alKJUt hv itniorance and fanaticism, and I shall hail the day when they are both put under surveillance nnd not allowed to speak, uncoil trolled, to mislead the country. The war is, however, on our hands, and it is our duty to sup press it. and in future take warning against the causes that have in the least degree tended to produce it, and in your exertions to do so, you have my cordial sympathy and earnest desire for your complete success. What u. Union Paper in Western Virginia. Sajr. The Daily Press, published in Wheeling, in Western Virginia is oni of the ablest L:nion papers to be found in any S'ate. It thus alludes iu Friday's issue to the efforts of the Republicans to force the Democracy into a coalition with them under the pain of being classed as traitors Unjust. The New York Tribune not content with throwing a fire brand into its own party, and thus attempt to disrupt the Cabinet, now and then attempts to create a division in the ranks of the Democratic party of the Empire State. Instead of devoting its energies and efforts to unite all iu the support of the Government, it seems to be better pleased in the groveling pursuit of creating dimension and disturbance. In its issue of the 4th inst. it holds the following language: "Henceforth there can only be two parties iu this country the party of the Union, the war and the integrity of the Republic on one side, and the party of the great Southern conspiracy on the other. "It is for the Democratic convention, which meets to-day at Syracuse, to decide to trAicA of these hostile parties it will attach itself. Hitherto its official leaders have shown a disposition to take, so far as prudence would permit, the side of Jeff. Davis and his associates in the nefarious scheme for desl roving the Government and and Constitution, and breaking the Nation to pieces." This is unjust, because untrue. While there are some iu that great State, as in other North em S ates who manifest an affiliation with the Southern Confederacy, by crying out "peace" on terms of humiliation, vet the nreat mass of De j mocracy ip New York, as well as in other States, ore jor ine ijonsiuttiion ana irte cniun anionui tinnally. They advocate the cause of the Union, because fhev love the Union, and not with the sordid motives that generally actuate " Massa 1 Greeley" the promotion of self Where are the toiling masses of this once proud party? Theedi ! tor of the Tribune will find them where Ar will never find courage to go in the ranks of the loy ml army! We should like to see what answer the Tri bune, or any other Republican paper, can make to this pointed rebuke from a Bonier State Union paper. Tlilitary Items. Tii f I mat tm Journal savs the friends of ! Captain Chris Millkr will urge his appointment as one of the officers of the 40th regiment, to oe I raised in this Congressional District. It is thought the Colonelcy will be tendered to Judge Blakk. 51 1 n k Naval Exfeiutions. "Since the brilliant conquest at Hatteras Inlet" says one of our exchanges "it ia aidd. the Government has resolved upon several other similar expeditions without loss of time." It is pleasant to know that since that affair, the Government has adopted so wise a resolution. It probably never occurred to tbe Government, nor to any of its illustrious civil or military officers, that such a thing was advisable. The "people have been wondering why it was not done; but the Government has just thought of it! Cin. Press, (Rep.) Vast Militakt MovrwEXTs. If reporters were to publish the arrivals of troops and mili tary movement bow transpiring here, the country would lie electrified. But ul! is done quietly and without publicity. Even tbe ostentatious displays of parades and music on the avenue are avoided, and troops march from the depot to Gen. McClellan's office through direct avenues and without music. By the large arrivals to-day not a citizen is disturbed, and few are aware of what is going on. rVaAin7wn Correspondence Philadelphia Press. Two hundred horses arrived on Saturday last for the armv of the United States.

Tram (tie Loot rill Courier. Hon. J. D. Bright, few weeks ago there was printed in the Cincinnati Enquirer the following introductory letter to President Jeff Davis from Hon. J. D. Bright. Mr- Lincoln was arrested in Cincinnati, without warrant, on suspicion of being a spy, or of sympathizing with tbe South, or for some other undefined crime of that sort, and is now in prison somewhere iu Ohio for this alleged offence. On his arrest his trunks were broken open and search el, and the following letter was found in his possession: WAMroraros, D. C. March 1, 1881. To His aaakaaf Jefertm Davis, trmHomt of the OtnttdtraiioH of .SSaUs: Mt Deak Sir: Allow me to introduce to your acquaintance my friend, Thomas B. Lincoln of Texas. He visits your capital mainly to dispose of what he regards as a great improvement in fire-arms. I commend him to your favorable consideration as a gentleman of the first re spectability, and reliable in every respect. Very truly yours Je&sx D. Brioht. Private and cunfldential.j From the publication of this letter, and the cir cumstances with it, tbe Abolitiou sheet have raised a howl against Mr. B., and sought to create suspicion on his fidelity to the Government. An old friend of his in this city where he was reared, addressed him a letter on the subject, sod we are this day permitted to publish his reply; it shows tii.it he is, wlnt he always has been, a true

patriot and a fir seeing statesmen; for there can be no question, lhat wdien the excitement of the hour shall have passed away, his views are true and sound. all will agree that Mapisox. Aug. 20, 1861. Hon. J. D. Bright Dear Sir: Permit me, an old friend, to call your attention to a letter which appeared in the Cincinnati Enquirer of the 16th inst., a copy of which I send you, purporting to lie from vou to Hon. Jeff. Davis, introducing to his acquaintance Mr. Thos. B. Lincoln, Ac. If you wrote this letter, of which mauy of your friend? express doubts, it is looked upon by some as an evidence of your sympathy and complicity with the Southern rebellion. Allow me to inquire whether this letter be genuine, aud, if so. under what circumstances it was given. Very truly, yours, J. Fitch. At my Farm, Sept. 7th, 1861. John Fitch, Baoy, Madison, lud. My Dear &tr. In reply to your favor of the asm, tust recr-ivei. 1 naTS H Bj tint I have . . i . V S. . a been personally acquainted with Mr. Lincoln for rrw.,.A tl,-,,, tnotilv l r I, A hi tini, I, nan nt !,., Iii i . ii in i 1 1 1 ..I , ., v. hu, iii i n.u I n Min I time a prominent merchant of vour citv, where I was then residinr, and was just entering on my career of life. He did me the favor to employ me as nis attorney , auu i auemieu generally to his legal business. 1 he letter to wh.ch you refer is no doubt ;;eii uine. I have no recol lection ot writing it. but it lr. L,u:co.n says 1 aio. men i am entirely satisfied ot the tact, for 1 am pnte sure I would have given, as a matter of course, just such a let ter of introduction to any friend who had asked it. So much for the letter. You say the impression is sought to be created. ! on account of this letter, that I am in complicity ! with the Southern ret el lion. I have so little re- ' gard indeed, such an utter contempt for abolitionism, which is Making, by every means in its power, to "CTiish out" every man who dares to dissent from the policy it prescribes, that if it ' were merelv to satisfy the corrupt partisans of I that doctrine, I would not take the trouble ot de : nying, or attempting to counteract this impres- ! sion. But for your sake, and the sake ot such I old. tried friends as you. I think it due to myself i to say. that 1 am, and always have been, for pre ' sen ing the integrity of this Union. I ws a ! lioriiig realously for its preservation, whrn these men. who are now so clamorous for its mainteu ance, were willing to "let it slide," rather than ab lie one iota of their unconstitutional doctrine of inequality; and no man regrets more than I the present condition of public affairs, or is more ' anxious to see peace, unity and fraternity retored. I do not lielieve the policy of this Admini istration is calculated to produce such results; ! so far from it, the inevitable tendency of it i measures is, in my opinion, to render the disrupj tion permanent and incurable. And hence, I : have opposed, and so long as my preseut convic tions last, shall continue to oppose the entire coj ervice policy of the Government. I hope this mav be satisfactory to my friends; for my ene mies, care not. Sincerely vours, Ac, J. D. Bright. !Vittional Loan-To th Citizens of Indiana. Your earnest attention is invited to the opportunity now ofl'erel of aidine the General Government in the suppression of the existing rebellion, by making a safe and profitable investment in her Treasury notes, bearing 7 3 in per cent, interest, to be issued in sums of $50, or upwards, to every citizen applying. These notes, for the payment of which the whole property of the country is bound, and ample provision made for the interest half yearly, fall due in three years; but as one year ago even the tire jer cent United States stocks were a6ore par, it is manifest that s eedily after this rebellion is overcome, as it is certain to be, they will be easily disposed of at a good advance above their face. In the meantime they are not subject to United States or State tax. An appeal to the whole people is made by the Keeret.irv of the Treasury. most of which is ' published below,) for their purchase of these i notes, and the first response thereto in subscribing j tor a 1U0 note was made by E. P. Wallace, a I slioemaker, in Massachusetts. The reliance of the Government for speedily conquering an honorable peace is as much on every loyal citizen furnishing a portion of his means, as it is on loyal volunteers offering their lives. A general investment, even in small sums, will carry the Government through sue cessfully. Books for receiving your subscriptions for the purchase of such Treasury notes, will be opened on the first Monday (the 7th) of October next, at the office of the Bank "f the State of Indiana, at Indianapolis, and closed on Wednesday, the 23d. Books will also be opened at several af the branches of the Bank of the State. James M. Rat, Agent for National Loan. Indianapolis, Sent. 16, 1661. Prom the Appeal to the People 0:' the United States, hy Hod. S. P. Chase, Secretary of tbe Treasury. Your national Government, compelled by a guilty conspiracy, culminating in a causeless insurrection, is engaged iu a war tor t' esecuri'.y of liberty, for the supremacy of law, for the defense of the Union and for the maintenance of popular institutions. For the means to defray the uecessarv exfenses of this war your Congress has di ! rected that an appeal be made to you, by opening ., nl..-intmii in a national loan of one hundred and Uky millions of dollars. Already the enlightened and patriotic capitalists of the great cities of New York, Philadelphia and Boston have manifested theirclear sense, both ot duty and interest, bv a subscription of $5'.000,000. Con ,rr.a 'nrW which the subscriotioii was received, wielv provided, however, that the advantages as : well is the patriotic satisfaction of a participation ' iu this loan shall be offered not to the capitalists i of the great cities only, but to the people of the uliol rnuiitrr. In older to secure a substantial reward for their public spirit to those whose patriotism prompts them in this hour of trial to place their means at the disposal of the Govern ment, Congress has directed that an interest of 7 3-10ths per centum be paid on tbe several I mounts subscribed, and interest not liable to Slate taxation, but constituting for subscribers a revenue not only certain in receipt, but greater in amount than can be expected from auy ordinary investment. And in ord-r to afford all citizens equal opportunities of part cipation in these advantages, Con gress has farther directed lhat subscriptions be received for sums as small as $50, as well as for large amounts, Jid that, should the subscriptions exceed the whole sum desired, the smaller be preferred in its distribution. Each subscriber, on payment of his subscription, will be entitled to receive Treasury notes, equal in amount to such denomination? as he mav prefer, whether of $50, $100. $500, $1,000, or $5,000. The iuterest at 7 .1-lOths per annum will be on the notes of $30, one cent; on $100. two cents; on $500, ten cents; on $1,000, twenty cents, and on $5,000, one dollar each day. All the treasury notes issued will bear date on the 19th of August, 1861, and will carry interest from that date. Each note will have coupons attached, expressing the several amounts of semi annual interest, which coupons may be detached from the notes and presented for payment separately. Each subscriber may pay the whole amount subscribed at the time of subscription, or, if he prefers to do -o, may pay one tenth at that time, and one third every twentieth day thereafter. At each payment, the accrued interest 011 the amount from the 19th of August to the date of payment must also be paid, und the amounts of interest thus paid will be reimbursed in the payment of the first coupon. In order to secure, beyond perad venture, the punctual payment of the interest, and tbe gradual reduction of the principal, Congress has pro tided by law for an annual revenue, amply suffi-

cieot, not only for these purpoe. but for tbe proapt payment ot all demands ou account of extraordinary expenditure. It will be seen at a fiance, that not onlv is the

whole pro party of the country pledged for the inna anal reimoursement ot tue losn. Out that an adequate and specific proportion of the annual production is set apart by taxation for the redemption of this pledge. Prompt payment be yond a contingency is thus in sored. Nor can this taxation be thought great, wbea compared with the magnitude of tbe objects ot the contest, or with the amount of property and production. The objects are Union. Pennauent peace and sorority at home and respect abroad are imperiled by this unprovoked rebel Ism. The intelligence of the people at once comprehends their magnitude. They rise above party they beloag tu no administration they concern die whole country during all time under every administration, and in every relation, foreign or domestic And the means for the attainment of these groat objects can be readily supplied from the property and productions of the country. Tbe real and personal values ot the United Slates resell the vast aggregate of $16,000,0110.000, and in the States now ioyal to the Union, this aggregate is til. -lKM),0(K),000. The yearly surplus earnings ot the loyal people are estimated by intelligent persons conversant with such investigations at more than $400.000,000. while the well considered judgment of mib tary men of the highest rank and repute warrant the confident expectation that if the war is prose cuted with enenrv. couraee and skill, it mx h brought to a termination before the close of the next spring, in which event the cost berevenue will hardlv exceed the f250.000.00i! authorized by Congress, and with a due economy in all branches of the public service, not more than the total expenditures of Great Britain or France in years of peace. A Touching Appeal for the I n inn l a Orrat and Uond I r i ml. The Russian Minister, Mr. De Stokckl, had an audience with the President, and read him the following dispatch: traxslatiox j St. IVntassi au, July 10. 1SC1 Ma. Dt Stofixl. &c, 4c. Sir: From the beginning of" the conflict w hich divides the I'uited Suites of America, you haie been desired to make known to the Federal Government the observing the development of a crisis which nuts uwn liner,--: in n lu-h mir um m.ot, . in question the prosperity and even the existence nf Iii trow, T .... ..- II .. - . - - r r 1 . .... - . . 0 1 if) see that the hope of a peaceful solution is not realized, and that American citizcus already in arms against each other are ready to let loose upon their country the most formidable of the M ur of political society a civil war. For the j more tha ejphtv vears that it has existed, the American Union owes its independence, its tower ing rise and its progress lo the concord of its j memhets, consecrated under the auspices of its i illustrious founder, bv institutions which have lieen able to reconcile union with lilerty. This 17 tion has been faithful. It has exhibited to the world the spectacle of a prosperity without example in the annals of history. It would be de plorable that, after so conclusive an experience, the United Suites should be hurried into a breech of the solemn compact which, up to this time, has made their power, in spite of the diversity of their Constitutions aud of their interests; and perhaps even because of this diversity Provideaoa seemed to urge them to draw closer the tradition al bond which is tbe Imsi nnd tlie very condition of their political existence. In any event, ttie sacrifice? which they might impose upoti themselves to maintain it are beyond comparison with those which a dissolution would bring after it. United, they perfect themselves. Isolated, they are paralyzed. The struggle which unhappily bas just arisen can neither be indefinitely prolonged nor lead to the total destruction of one of the parties. Sooner or later it will be necessary to come to some settlement, whatever it may I-. which may cause the divergent interests now actually in con flict to co exist. The American nation would then give proof of high political wisdom in seeking iu common such a settlement before a useless effusion of blood, a barren squandering of strength and of public riches, and acts of violence and reciprocal reprisals shall have come to deepen an abyss between the two parties of the Confederation, to end definitely in their mutual exhaustion, and in the ruin, perhaps irreparable, of their commercial and political power. Our august master cannot resign himself to admit such deplorable anticipations. His Imperial Majesty still places confidence in that practical good sense of the citizens of the Uuion who appreciate so judiciously their true interests. His Majesty is happy to believe that the members of tbe Federal Government and the influential men of the two parties will seize all occasions and will unite all their efforts to calm the effervescence of the passions. There are no interests so divergent that it may not be possible to reconcile them by laboring to , that end with zeal and perseverance in a spirit of . justice and moderation. If, within the limits of your friendly relations, your language and your counsels may contribute ! to this result, you will respond, sir, u the inten tions of his Majesty, the Lmperor, in devoting to j this the personal influence which you may have : been able to acquire dur'ng your long residence at vi ashingtoii, and f lie consideration which belongs to your character as the representative of a sovereign animated by the most friendly -entiments toward the American Union. This Union is not simply in our eyes an element essential to the uuiversal political equilibrium, it constitutes, besides, a nation t3 which our august master and . all Russia have pledged the most friendly inter ! ests; for tbe two countries, placed at the extrem ities of the two worlds, both in the ascending period of their development, appear called to a natural community of interests and of sympathies, of which they have already given mutual proofs to each other. I do not wish here to approath any of the questions which divide the j United States. We are not called upou to express ourselves in this contest. The preceding ! considerations have no other object than to attest the lively solicitude of the Emperor in presence ' of the dangers which menace the American : Union and the sincere wishes which His Majesty entertains for the maintenance of 1h.1t great work ; so laboriously raised, which appeared so rich in its future. It is in this sense, sir, that I desire you : to express yourself, as well to the members of the General Government, as to influential persons whom you may meet, giving them the ast.urane that in every event the American nation may count upon the most cordial sympathy on the part of our august master during the important crisis which it is passing through at present. Re ceive, sir, the expression of my very deep consideration. GoBTsrwAKorr. The Secretary of State has delivered to Mr. De Stoeckl the following acknowledgment: Dirimr.irr or Or at, i Warhikoto. Reptnubrr T, 1HS1 ) The Secretarv of State of the United States is authorized by the President to express to Mr De Stoeckl. Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Pls iotentiary of his Majesty the En.eror of Russia, ' his profound sense of the liberal, friendly, and ' magnanimous sentiments of his Majesty on the i subject of the internal differences which, for a time, have seemed to threaten the American Union, as they are communicated in tbe in structions from Prince GortschakofT to Mr. De Stoeckl, and by him read, by hi Majesty's direc1 tion, to the President of the United States and 1 Secretary of State. Mr. De Stoeckl will express to his Government the satisfaction with which j the President regard this new guarantee of a friendship letween the two countries, which had its beginning with the National existence of the United States. The Secretary of State offers to ; Mr. De Stoec kl renewed assurances of his high : consideration. William H. Sewaid. Ma. EnwARn nt Stoecel, kc., kc. dieaeral Heraolas. I . .A a .a m m . m m at sir. ioiion, a t napium 01 tne 14th Jnou regiment, arrived at Indianapolis a few days sines from Western Virginia. He mjt: General Reynolds has perfected his arrangements so admirably that he is able to concentrate his entire brigade at any assailable point in six hoars, and haa sliown himself in every movement so prudent and skillful, that he possesses ths entire confidence of his men. He has held his difficult post with masterly ability, and so improved its defense that ha has made Western Virginia safe from any at tack in his direction. He has (.one the State credit, and himself such honor as his friends may be proud of. We have always felt great conn deuce that be would show himself equal to any emergency, and so far he has done so." Mr. Cotton is full of praises of ths General and thinks that in his remote position, be has received too little of the attention and applause of the public. Laf. Jour. CJfCattle for slaughtering in this market now bring from 1J, to 3c per pound gross. Sheep are worth from $1 to $1 50. There is.a vast consumption of beef now by the volunteers generally, aud as long as the demand lasts and the cattle can be procured the gallant men will not go hungry.