Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 20, Number 46, Indianapolis, Marion County, 10 April 1861 — Page 2

WEEKLY SENTINEL WEKIEXBAT APRIL 10 IWI The Atlanta (Georgia) Commnnmalk says : "The Constitution, having been ratified by five

i, is now the supreme law of the land." It Effect. We have repeatedly said that a coercive policy Woald unite all the slave States. Can there be am doubt of it, when the almost unanimous feel Iii is expressed throughout Virginia, as the tele graph spreads the new of Mr. Lixcotx's -new policy, that the Mother of States and Presidents must now go out of the Union? Is Mr. Lixcolx determined to divide the slave and free States into two Confederacies? Is he anxious for the title of Union splitter? Httve Von near from Little Rhody! The ball is rolling. The Democracy and Union men of Rhode Island have made a clean sweep. Governor SraaecB is re-elected by a large majority. The Legislature is Union and Democratic and two members of Congress of thesame character are elect.! over the late Republi can members. The people every where, when they get the opportunity, express themselves in favor of a compromise of the political difficulties of the country, and if a direct vote could be had upon that issue, the majority would be overwhelming. an-on Tne lorclfu Annaintoea. The Albany Argu$, speaking of Mr Lincoln's appointees, says: "We do not envy these gentle men their mission abroad. What do they represent? The American name, the Republican prin ciple, a great and powerful nation? No; but a tleracy broken bv follv and fanaticism, and wnicu uaie nut w nmnnmi, is ux bigoted to conciliate dissent, and too feeble to assert authority. These gentlemen go abroad to represent the degeneracy of the Republic, and to encounter the covert sneers and the mock sym of our enemies, and the wondering inter - ies of those who have believed in the power of men tor self-government, and have been accus to med to cite us as a proof and illustration of their creed. What humiliating positions!" The Radi cm la 1st the Ascendant. i The South will see little in the appointments by the administration to give it confidence that j administration means to slide ofT the Chicago platform. The appointments are very generally of the most radical men of the party. Giodixos has a good place; Schikz has another; four of the editors of the disunion newspapers in New York have places; and so on. Mr. Breckixrid;b commented upon all this in the Senate the other day. "If," said he "the party gives up a fort, it does so with tears, and declares that it is done i not for civil but for military reasons. For the government the most radical and aggressive men her been selected. For the cabinet, for foreign lesions, for Senators and other officers, the most radical men have been chosen The Senate had leen confirming every day men who have trampled the Constitution under their feet, and refused to recognize the obligation to return fugitives from labor mi n who have boosted on the floor of the Hvuse of Representative and elsewhere that they I ad been personally concerned in running off .laves." This is one way of holding the border States in the Union and winning back the cotton States. Tke Sarins; K lection in Indiana. " e returns from the township elections throughout the State indicate that the conservative sentiment is largely in the ascendant. In Montgomery county, for instance, we are infarmed that the Democrats and Union men have elected the trustees in every township. In Lafayette we notice that the same party elected their trustees by about a hundred majority. Generally the elections did not involve political issues, and we may siy t'it there were but very few rajes in which party hues were closely drawn; but still the drift ..-'.early manifest that the people of Indiana are conservative, and are decidedly in favor of the adjustment of the unfortunate sectional difficulties between the North and South by any honorable compromise which would heal those divisions and restore harmony to the nation. There can be no doubt if the Cbittkxokx amendment had been submitted to a vote of the people at the elections on the 1st hist., it would have carried by an overwhelming majority. A vote of that character would have gone far to have secured the reconstruction of the Government upon a satisfactory basis. A proposition of that kind was, however, voted down by the Republican Legislature. The Republican members of that body seemed to prefer disunion to union, and were unwilling to take any steps looking to concession and conciliation, without which it is useless to even think of restoring the relations which have heretofore existed between the different sections of the country. Has Lincoln Decided upon a Policy! Mr. J. D. Df.fr ees. Superintendent of Public Printing, arrived at home on Friday evening and reports that President Lincoln has decided upon a policy. He states that the Administration at Washington have determined upon the re inforce ment of Forts Sumter and Pickens at all hazards, the blockade of the Southern ports and the collection of revenue on ship board, outside the ports of the Confederated Slates. If this be true, and the activity displayed in fift'n- out vessels at all the .-ottnern navy yards and the concentrating of tie ops at all those points give some confirmation to the report, we may expect that a collision will soon Lake place and civil war be inaugurated. If Mr. Lincoln attempts the re inforceroent of Sumter and Pickens and blockades the Southern ports, by his act hostilities will commence. Without molestation and openly, seven States have organized a Government and adopted a Constitution. Not a step has been taken, not even a protest has been -nade by the Federal Government in opposition to this action of the Confederated States. The New York Tribune, the organ of the radical wing of the Hepublican party, admits the right of a respectable number of States to secede from the Union and organize an independent Government, if they consider they have unredressed grievances of sufficient importance in the opinion of the people of those State- to take that step, aad that the Federal Government could not deny thm that right, without violating the principles upon which the Union is based as set forth in the Declaration of Independence. And the Journal, the organ of the Republican party of this State, took equally high ground against coetriag Needing States into snbseiegion. In the strongest language it has taker, position against civil war and in favor of a peacable separation, if the antagonisms between the two sec tie as could not be adjusted by mutual agreement. This is its record, urgently advocated as the true policy of the Northern States. Why tan cha.te of policy? Has Mr. Lincoln found authority for the course which his friends say be has determined to adopt? Why this vacillation? It was announced to he country that Fort Sumter was to be evacuated to avoid the or apology even for collision. And the President has given repeated assurances to the Union men of the South that no attempt would be made to enforce the collection of the revenues, or precipitate a collision. Even the Commissioners of the Confederate States were assured that the policy of the Administration was and should be pacific. It cannot be denied if the last reports be true as to the present intention of the Administration that duplicity has been practiced, or else since its advent into power it has had no policy, but all has been uncertainty aad doubt, driven hither and thither as the pre vailing political wind happened to blow. What excuse can the President offer for his vacillating course? Will be say that "lies have ac ta.illy been twisted out of him? Will he offer the same apology that he did to Mr. Denny, the applicant for the Daytcn postoffice? When he presented his application Mr. Denny says the follow -lowing conversation took placet I told him that I confided in his integrity and fairness, and that believed he would examine the paper and do right, To this he responded "I

will try." He remarked that his labors were excessive; that the pressure of office-seekers was so great, that promises had been extorted from him, that he was afterward unable to perform; that 'lie had been actually twitted out of Aim." Ue, however said that he did not mean to lie, but, nevertheless, he had unwittingly made contradictory statement. And what was the result? Let Mr. Di:sy tell his own storv:

I then left him, feeling certain that no malign influence would sway his judgment, liecause I had his royal word, that 'he would "investigate and do riykt." I did not believe that Abraham Lincoln would be guilty of duplicity, or that when he had taken a position, he could be forced out of it by the manipulations ot an adroit ana ooiu man. i ue sequel shows that I was mistaken. In less than twentv minutes after I had left the President, the tempter came, and "Old Abe" succumbed, thus giving evidence that, under strong pressure, and confronted by a man of indomitable energy and iron will, he was weak enough to again have "a lie twitted out of him!" Does not this statement fnlly explain the con tradictory reports which come from Washington? Is it not evklent that the destinies of the countryhave fallen into the hands of a weak, vacillating and unreliable man, incapable of grasping the questions at issue, and without the firmness to execute a policy, if he had one? It is not the President, bnt tbe men who, for the time being, have the royal far, that will control the action of the Govern me it. If tlie policy of the Administration be as Mr. Dekrt.kk represents, what necessity for concealment for secresy? Is the Government so weak and de moralized that it dare not proclaim to the country the policy it has determined upon? Or is the future still in doubt? Is this course to be pursued by a Governmen' which emanates from the people and which rests for its support upon the popular will? Or does oar Republican Adminis trillion attempt to ape the desists of Europe and act without considering the interests and sentiments of the peopUT Id it the object of the Administration to paralize the efforts of the gallant men in the border slave States who have been nobly battling for the Union, and force those States to unite their destinies with the Southern Confederacy? We all know, or should know, that there is no hope for reunion except in compromise and conciliation The most moderate of the Union men of the slave States demand certain guarantees similar to those proposed by sir. Lrit texdkx, as the condition of their remaining in the Union. If these h?d been granted, or should even now be, Mr. Stephens expresses the opin ion that there is every hope of a reconstruction of the Government. These denied and hostile demonstrations made upon the seceded States, we can see no other result than a consolidation of the Southern States into a separate Government. In such an event how long would the Lixcolx Administration remain in ashmgton? Would there not be a sudden demand for Scotch plaid caps ami long military cloaks? And what sympathy would the Northern agricultural States have for a government with an onerous revenue system to them, having for its object the aggran dizement of the cotton lords of New England, and the iron masters of Pennsylvania? The circumstances of the country demand that the conservative men of Indiana should stand firm. The coercive policy of Mr. Lincoln can not be maintained without the cordial approval of the conservative citizens of the North. They be lieve that this Government can not be m-iiiitained by force. They have no sympathy with the abolition and radical sentiment which is forcing Mr. Lixcolx into collision with the South for the emancipation and enfranchisement of the negro race. They do not believe in the doctrine of an "irrepressible conflict," but that the States can continue in a harmonious Union, part slave and part free. We have so existed for near a century, ami if the same spirit which animated the Fathers of the Republic, and out of which the Union was formed, controls ths people of the present day, there is no reason why the Um m should not be perpetual. The present state of affairs has grown out of a false philanthrophy for the negro and a sickly sentimentality about human rights. Certainly we are not wiser, more honest, or patriotic, than our fathers were. They formed the Government ami adopted the institutions which have made us prosperous and powerful. Let us adhere to them with a firm purpose. It is already demonstrated that the experiment of carrying on the Government upon Republican principles is a failure. The administration will have to abancjn its schemes, or else be left without a party to sustain it. There can be no doubt but that, in the present crisis, it is the duty of all patriotic citizens to withhold aid and comfort from the administration if it adopt a co ercive policy a policy which, if successful, will not only confirm thedivision which now exists, but will drive the other Southern States into one confederate Government. It is their duty to adhere to that line of policy, which, by concession, compromise and conciliation, will adjust the political difficulties which have caused the present di visions, keep the border slave States within the Union, and finally bring all back into a reconstructed government upon a basis which will make it stronger than ever, ami continue the American name, as it has been, the proud title of every citizen whether at home or abroad. If Mr. Lincoln has no policy, it should be the effort of etery conservative citizen to foree a policy upon the administration having such ends in view. Have We a (iavernmrnl! Mr. Douglas, in his speech on the täte of the Union. U the Senate, on the 15th of March, made an eloquent and appropriate response to the ques tion propounded by the Republican.- "Have we a Government'.'" We q uote that portion of his remarks, and also his view of the duty of the North in the present crisis, as well adapted to the present state of public affairs. Mr. Douglas said : But we are told, and we hear it repeated everywhere, that we must find out whether we hat s t-ot a Government. "Have we a Government':' is the question; and we are told we must test that question by using the military power to put down all discontented spirits. S'r, this question, "hai e we a Government?" has been propounded by every tyrant who has tried to keep his feet on the necks of the people since the world began. When the Barons demanded Magna Charta from King John at Runnymede. he exclaimed, "have M government?" and called for his army to put down the discontented barons. When Charles I. attempted to collect the ship money in violation of the Constitution ot England, and in disre of the rights of the people, and was re.-i-t-them, he exclaimed, "have we a government'.' We can not treat with rebels; put down the trait ors; we must show that we have a government." When James II. was driven from the throne of England for trampling on the liberties of the (coole, he called for his army, and exclaimed, "let us show that we have a government!" When George III. called upon his army to put down the rebellion in America, Lord North cried lustily, "no compromise with traitors; let us demonstrate that we have a government." When, in 1-1-, the people rose upon their tyrants all over Europe and demanded guarantees ibr their rights, every crowned head exclaimed, "have we a irovernment?" and appealed to the army to vindicate their authority and to enforce the law. Sir, the history of the world nMS not fail to condemn the follv, weakness and i.kcdiiess 0f that Government which drew its sword upon it.own people when they demanded guarantees for their rights. This cry, that we must have a Government, is merely following the example of the besotted Bourbon, who never learned anything hf misfortune, never forgave an injury, never forgot an affront. Must we demonstrate that we lu ve got a Government, and coerce obedience withcut reference to the justice or injustice of the complaints? Sir, whenever ten million people proclaim to you, with one unanimous voice, that they apprehend their rights, their tire-sides, and their family altars are in danger, it becomes a wise Government to listen to the appeal, and to remove the apprehension. History does not record an ex ample where any human government has been strong enough to crush ten million people into subjection when they Itelieved their rights anil liberties were imperiled, without first converting the Government itself into a despotism, and destroying the last vestige of freedom. The people of the South !clieve they are in danger. They believe that you meditate an invasion of their constitutional rights. They be lieve that you intend to stir up servile insurrection, and stimulate their slaves to cut the throats of their masters, and their wives and children. Believing this, they will act ujton that belief, unless you will remove all cause of apprehension. If this apprehension be ill-founded, if there is no cause for it. you are bound to remove it. If it be well founded, you have no right to refuse to redress their grievances. Then, in either event, it is our duty to adopt such amendments to the Constitution as will in-

sure the domestic tranquility, safety, and equality of the States of the Union. Do that , and the Union will be restored nnd preserved to future TThIm.i .J.. ; flid.inmn id inevlf.

& y ""' - .-. . ... i able: whether oeaceablv or by cut nr. wott uiuv can tell. The true way to prove that we nae Government, is promptly to redress all griev an. -es and to quiet all apprehensions. In this country, Our Constitution has provided the mode for doing this. The clause which authorizes the amendment of the Coutsitution was inserted for the express purpose of enabling the people to do quietly asjd peacefully that which in other coun tries can be done only by revolution and blood. Let us Uike warning from the examples of the past. Wherever a Government has refused to listen to the complaints of their people, and have attempted to put down their murmurs by the bay out, thev have paid the penaltv. Of all those who listened to the people in 1S4S, and granted charters of liberty, and took an oath to support them, only one "has been faithful; and that one has been rewarded for his fidelity, and the others will pay the penalty of their perfidy. The King of Sardinia granted a constitution, took an oath to support rt, and never violated his oath, ana today he is King of Italy. If George III had listened to the murmurs of our fathers, and granted their just demands, the war of the Revo lution would have beer averted, and the blood that was snilled would have been saved. If we consider this question calmly, and make euch amendments as will convince the people oi the Southern States that they are safe and secure in their persons, in their propertv, and in their family relations, within the Union, we can restore mms .a an . . Mand preserve it. ft we can not satisfy the peopie oi the border States that thev mav remain in the Union with safety, dissolution is inevitable. Then the simple question comes back, what shall be the policy of the Union men of tins country Shall it be peace, or shall it be war? The Piesi dent of the United States holds the destiny of this countrv in his hands. 1 believe he means Dcace. and war will be averted, unless he is over ruled bv the disunion portion of his oartv. We all know the irrepressible conflict is going on in their camp; even debating whether Fort Sumter shall be surrendered when it is impossible to hold it; whether Major Anderson shall be kept there until he starves to death, or applies the torch with his own hand to the match that blows him it Tin ms mam a i im m c t,. ir that somebody of the Republican party might say you had backed down. What man in all America, with a heart in his bosom, who know the facts connected with Fort Sumter, can hesitate in saying that duty, honor, patriotism, humanity, re quire that Anderson and his gallant band should be instantly withdrawn? Sir, I am not afraid to sav so. 1 would scorn to take a partv advantage or manufacture partisan capital out of an act of patriotism. Then , throw asid? this petty squabble about how roe are to get along with vour pledges be fore election; meet the issues :-.s they are presented; do what dutv, honor, and patriotism require, and appeal to the people to sustain you. Peace is the only policy that can save the country or save your party. L.et peace be proclaimed as the policy, and you will find that a thrill of joy will animate the heart of every patriot in the land; confidence will be restored; business will be revived; jov will gladden every heart; bonfires will blaze upon the hill-tops and in the valleys, and the church beils will proclaim the glad tidings in every city, town, and village in America, and the applause ot a gratelul people will greet von . er v where. Pro claim thepoiicv of war. and there will be gloom and sadness and despair pictured upon the face of everv patriot in the land. A war of kindred, lam ily and friends; father against son, mother against daughter, brother against brother, to subjugate one half of this country into obedience to the other half; if you do not mean this, if you mean pea OB, let this resolution be adopted, and give the President the opportunity, through the Secretary of War, to speak the word "peace," and thirty million people will bless him with their prayers, and honor him with their shouts ot joy. "Wanted A Folicy." Under this caption a remarkable article appears in the New York Times, the edi tor of which has just secured the appointment of Consul to Paris The Times has been regarded as the exponent of Mr. Sewarp. and against the radical element in the Hepublican party represented by the New York Tribune. These facts give the article more than ordinary significance in its condemnation of the do-nothing policy of Mr. Iixcolx, permitting public affairs to use its language "to drift to float along without guidance or impulse of anykind. " The strictures of the Times are so just and forcible that we reproduce a portion of them that our readers may see what an intelligent and leading Republicanpaper thinks of the adminis tration of the Government since the advent of Mr Lincoln and his Republican confreres. We quote one paragraph in full, in which theefficieti cy of the two Governments is graphically por trayed, and the character and sagacity of the men who control each. The Times says: It is idle to conceal the fact that the Adminis tration time far has not met public expectation The country feels no more assurance as to the future knows nothing more of the probable re sults of the secession movement than it did on the day Mr. Buchanan left Washington. It sees no indications of an administrative policy ade quatc to the emergency, or, indeed, of any policy beyond that ot listless waiting to see what may "turn up." There are times when such a policymay be wise, but not in presence of an active, resolute and determined enemy. The new Confederacy is moving forward, toward the consummation of its plans, with a degree of vigor, intel ligence ami success, of which, we are sorry to say, we see no indications on the part of the Government at Washington, in spite of the immense difficulties with which they have to contend the poverty of the country its utter lack of commerce, of an army and navy, and of credit the iio-tility of its fundamental principles to the sen timent of the Christian world, the utter hollowness of its reasons for revolution, and the universal distrust which it encounters everywhere in spite of all these obstacles and discouragements wc can not conceal the fact that the new Govern ment of which Jefferson Davis is at the head, has evinced a marvelous degree of energy, and is rapidly assuming the proportions of a solid and formidable I'ower. Within less than six months they have adopted a Constitution, organized a Government, put all its machinery ifKo working order, established a commercial svstem ami put it :: operation, laid the basis of a financial department, organized an army, secured enorm.xis st. .-.- and mumticm-i of war, and put themselves in a position to offer :t very formidable resistance to any attempted coercion on the part of the United States. And what has been done on our part against them? What single step has been taken by our Govern ment, either to resist their movements from without, or to appeal with vigor and effect to the loyalty which still lives within their bsjffcff J Jefferson Davis will soon have an organize! army of HO.HilO men at his command supjxse he decides to march into Mexico, or Virginia, or upon Washington what organized means have we to resist and defeat his schemes? They have adopted a revenue system for the express purpose of depleting and damaging our commerce what have we done to offset it? With a blindness and a stolidity without a parallel in the history of intelligent statesmanship, we have done everything in our power to aid their efforts, and crown their hostile endeavors with complete success. The reader must remember that this criticism comes from a Republican source. If a Demo critic paper had thus censured the Administra tion ami referred in as favorable terms to the efficiency of the Government of the Confederate Slate-s, it would hav e been charged as being go erned by political prejudices and with sympathy for the seceeding States. We quote another paragraph: Mr. Lincoln should reserve his thoughts and his strength for nobler duties than presiding over the wrunglings of hungry and selfish hunters for patronage and place. He wastes powers that belong to the nation he squanders opportunities which millions upon millions of gold will never bring back, for rescuing the nation from the most fearful .erils. We shall not be suspected of any but the most friendly sentiments toward the President of the United States, when to tell him, what the courtiers who hang upon his favor will not dare to whisper that he must go up to a higher level than he has yet reached, before he can see and realize the high duties to which he has been called. He has spent time and strength in feeding rapacious and selfish partisans, which should have been lestowed upon saving the Union and maintaining the authority of the Constitution he has solemnly sworn tefend. He has not done what he was expected to do as soon as he should as-ume the reins of power summon back by word and act, the loyalty of the American people to the flag and the Government of their common country. The Union is weaker now than it was a month ago. Its foes have gained courage and its friends have lost heart. Step by step the new Confederacy marches forward toward solid and secure foundations and day by day the bright hopes of the lovers W the Union fade and die away. The rebuke of the Times is no less just than severe. Never, perhaps, was there a more mercenary and hungry crew assembled than have been congregated at Washington since the advent of the Hepublican administration. In contrast, the Goths and Vandals, in their forays uoii .southern Europe, were patriots and heroes. From all parts of the North myriads of spoil hunters, carpet bags in hand, have invaded Washington, with but one ide i office regardless of the momentous interest- involved in the a tion of the new admin istration. And what ha- been the result ?

The Cabinet has employed its energies and time in distributing patronage, while the Government at Montgomery has been rapidly

nrir:inizincr. nnd with woiulerlul energy and c er statesmanship, in comparison with which the Government at Washington sinks into insignificance, has made ample preparations to maintain its independence. The Montgomery Government has a policy, far-seeing and far-reaching, while Seward, Lincoln & Co., have been floating about upon the sea of uncertainty without well defined, if any at all, purposes or objects. The noble old ship whose successful career has excited the admiration of the civilized world, in the hands of a strange crew, incapable of managing her, has well nigh foundered. This ( the judg ment of those who put the vessel in the hands of those w"'0 now control her. Wc quote again from the same source : The administration must have a policy of action clear and definite in the end it aims at, wise and resolute in the means employed, and proclaimed to the people as the standard around which they can rallv. What it should be, it is not for ns to say. That is a matter requiring wise and careful deliberation on the part of those who aie responsible; but it should be decided upon promptly, and then carried into effect with steady and dauntless resolution. The President has to decide whether he will enforce the law at the hazard of civil war, or whether he will waive the execution of the law, and appeal to the people of the seced. ' States on behalf of the Union. One or the other of these courses he should lose no time in adopting, sim ply because every day lost renders less possible the success of cither. If he decides to enforce the laws, let him call Congress together, and demand the means of doing it. If he decides upon peace, let him proclaim his purpose, and seek at once the confidence and favor of the people whom he desires to win. Let him first disarm the fears of war which now unite, by outward pressure, the Southern people and then let him proceed to organize a Union par ty in every Southern State, and to strengthen and encourage it by all the legi'imate means at his disposal. Whv ha siam Houston of Texas, beeu left to tight the battle of the L nion alone with out a word of encouragement, or promise of a . i , . 1 . . Mr t man or a uouar iroin tue irovernmeni at v asnington? Why have the Union men ia Louisiana been abandoned without an effort, to the despotism of the minority which has usurped control of their affairs'.' Why have the noble hearted chain pions of the Union and the Constitiaion in Vir ginia and Tennessee and Kentucky, been ignored utterly in the use of Executive patronage and in all the public action of the Federal Government? Simply, in our judgment, because the admiuistra tion has decided upon no me.ius of meeting the secession movement because it has no Polict It is going on blindly living from hind to mouth trusting in the chances of the futire for deliverance from present and impending vrils. We trust this period of indecision, of inaction, of fatal indifference, will have a speedy end. Unless it does, we may bid farewell to all hope of saving the Union from destiuction and the coun try from anarchy. A mariner mighias well face the tempest without compass or helm, as an administration put to sea amid such storms as now darken our skies, without a clear anddetinite plan of public conduct. The country looks eagerly to President Lincoln for the dispersion of the dark mystery that hangs over our public affairs. The people want something to be decided on some standard raised some policy put forward, which shall serve as a rallying point fee the abundant but discouraged loyalty of the American heart. Ina great crisis like this, there is no policy so fatal as that of having no policy at all. It is evident that the Administration is not equal to the emergency to the circumstances in which the country is placed. Mr. Lincoln has no policy. He is a mere novice in statesmanship. His administration commenced with an unpardonable blunder. As it is said of the Bourbons, he neither learns nor forgets. A revenue system is adopted, borrowed from old Whiggery, prejudicial to the interests of a large majority of even the Northern States, and which at once arrays against his administration the sympathies and interests of European Governments. Could a more fatal error have been made? And more than that, the blunder is persisted in. It seems as though Stwarp, Lincoln &l Co. were bound to alienate the loyalty of our own citizens and the alliances of the leading Powers of the Old World. The issue of slavery is no longer discussed where it has been an absorbing theme. Commercial interests absorb all other questions, and when philanthropy and trade are placet! in the balances, the former kicks the beam. What say the English journals, the great exponents of British sentiment? The London Telegraph says "notwithstanding all the sympathy for tlie free States, we cannot suffer our industry to be cut up by the roots in order that a slaveholding faction may be prostrated," And it adds "France and England will no doubt combine to thwart the Cabinet at Washington in any efforts it may undertake to coerce the cotton States by shutting them off from the trade of Europe." And in reviewing the sug ge-tioii of Mr. Lincoln in favor of blockading the Southern ports, the Telegraph says: We can not afford to seethe Southern ports blockaded for a month, a week, a day. If Mr Lincoln attempts to blockade them, the European laws of blockade will be put in force, and the navy of the republic will be at once powerless upon the seas." The other London papers are equally emphatic in reiterating these sentiments. The Time says "instead of ignoring the secession of the South and determining to treat it as non avenu, the President ought to recognize it a-i a reality," and "he is rendering an evil service to his country if he does not deal with things as they are, instead as they ougot to be." And in reference to the prospects of a re-union it adds: "It is difficult to lielieve that such a reunion can take pljce; it is difficult to believe that it is even desired. The South has shown no sign of any wish to return on any ternw into the Confederacy it has left; and the North has employed the short interval of secession to raise up a new barrier against re union in the shape of an illib eral tariff, all the benefits of which will be on one si.le and all the burthens on the other." In view of all these facts, can it be said that Mr. Lincoln has any policy which looks to reunion? The administration seems determined to prevent reunion, u ÜM Times remarks, bv raising a barrier which will confirm the division, and dissatisfy the great agricultural interests of the North. ITIteBjB be said Mr. Lincoln has any polity, it is to alienate the two sections of the country, and enl'st in behalf of the Confederate States the sympathies and aid, if necessary, of all the European Governments. Circumstances will soon force a policy upon the Administration. It can not much longer evade the issue. It must be met, but we fear from the indecision thus far manifested it will be too late to avert the evils which seem to be Uon he c iii'ttry au 1 which a wise and firm policy might have prevented. The Adminiktratlon VI oil of I. inlion. The appointment of the great high priest of Abolitionism on the Ohio Western Reserve Josiu a R. GipniNos to the resonsible and lucrative post of Consul General to the British Provinces, is justly regarded by the Southern piess as giving a practical denial to all the professions of conciliation and peace that have been put forth by the President with so much apparent earnestness and sincerity. They have sub stantial ground for complaint that the man whose life has leeu passed in maligning Southern institutions should be thus singled out for executive favor. An appointment more distasteful, if not positively insulting to the South, could not possibly have been made. From one of Mr. Gidpings' publi.-hed speeches we quote the following atrocious sentiment: I look forward to the day when there shall be a servile insurrection in the South; when the black man, armed with British bayonets end led on by British officers, shall assert his freedom, and wage a war of extermination against his master; when the birch of the incendiary shall light up the towns and cities of the South, and blot out the last vestige of slavery. And though I may not mock at their calamity, nor laugh when their fear conieth. yet I will hail it as the dawn of a political millenium. CyMr. Critti:mi.n, at Frankfort the other day, in speaking of his resolutions of compromise said: "I believe if these measures, thus offered had been at a suitable time promptly adopted by the Congress of the United States, it would have checked the progress of the rebellion and revolution, and saved the Union." We believe truer words were never soken. The folly, ignorance and recklessness of the Hepul.li. in Ir.n'.i ers in Congress would neither accept them nor allow the people a chance to -a wln thir they would accept them.

A Good Point. That was a good point made by Mr. Stethenr in his speech at Savannah the other day when speak'iDg of the policy of the Republican party toward the secession movement. "While it is a fixed principle with them," he said, "never to allow the increase of a foot of slave territory, they seem to be equally determined not to part with an inch 'of the accursed soil.' Notwithstanding their clamor against the institution, they seem to be equally opposed to getting more, or letting go what they have got. They were ready to fight on the accession of Texas, and arc equally readyto fight now on her secession. Why is this? How can this strange paradox be accountel for? There seems to be but one rational solution, and that is, notwithstanding their professions of humanity,

thev are disinclined to give up the benefits they derive from slave lalKr." The Hereto FiMtmastor. The fierce struggle is over for the important and valuable position of Postmaster of this city, and A. H. Conner, Esq., is the lucky man. Our distinguished and very influential Congressman, it appeals, was nowhere in the fight. He has neither character, position or nerve enough to control the appointments which properly belonged to him. What else could have been expected from one who pinches every five center that passes through his fingers? A man can not exert much influence in any political organization who has but little manliness, and less generosity. Enough is shown by the distribution of patronage in this city that the Congressman from the Metropolitan district of the State is a mere cypher in the estimation of te Hepublican Administration. The new postmaster is a genial gentleman, and has but little, if any, sympathy with the irrepressible wing of the Republican army. We have no doubt he w ill make every effort to become a pop ular and efficient officer We understand he is detained in Washington City by illness. We rather admire the dogged pertinacity with which the Secretary of the Interior sticks to his friends. The Southern Tariff. Our readers are genertll v aware, we presume that the Confederate States have adopted no tariff, the consideration of the subject being post poned until the next session of the MontgomeryCongress in May. The bill suggested has no authority beyond the recommendation of a single member of the Congress, at whose request it was published for consideration. It has not even the indorsement of the Committee on Finance or of Wavs an 1 Means. "These facts," (says the Charleston Mercury) "we mention merely to disabuse the public mind of erroneous impressions. There are many who think the scale of duties in this proposed scheme too high, and we are of the number. Vi'c learn that when the Congress meets agate the subject will be taken up, and that a tariff of a lower schedule is likely to be adopted, embracing classifications of five, ten, fifteen and twenty per cent, ad valorem, articles of luxury embraced for the highest grade, and the necessities of life in the lowest. Such a tariff would af ford an abundant revenue, and, while reducing prices and relieving our people from burdensome taxation, tend greatly to promote the good fee! iaa of Europe nations, and establish direct trade with the South." ITIIlea Am Bradley. By reference to the proceedings of the Crimi nal Court this morning, it will be seen that the motion of the counsel in the altove case to obmm a new trial, and also the motion in arrest of judgment, were this morning submitted to the Court and overruled. This effectually and finally disposes of the case, and Mr. Bradley will have to wear the livery ot the penitentiary tor some years, in accordance with his sentence. Every exertion has been made to procure a new trial, and the best counsel that could be obtiined was secured for the prisoner. The numerous friends and the wife of the accused have awaited with great intere-t and anxiety the final decision just made. St. Louis News. The conviction of Braoley is owing, in a great measure, to the efforts of J. T. Henley, Esq., of St. Louis, and ex-Auditor Donn the latter of whom has been untiring in his efforts to ferrett out the Boone County Bank fravds and convict those engaged in that affair. The business community is largely indebted to these gentlemen, for if the fraudulent issues of the Boone Couuty Bunk notes had not been nipped in the bud, a large amount would have been put in circulation and they would have found their way into the hands of those engage! in trade. The parties engaged in that swindle have for a long time made it a business to start bogus banks. Their puni-li ment will put an end to further operations of the kind on their part, and will have the effect to di.'terothers from engaging in similar trinsactions Brapley had long been identified with fraudulent bank operations, but until now he has minajred to commit no criminal offense. The same talent and energy which he has displayed in swindling bank operations, could have made him wealthy and respectable, if they had been applied to some legitimate business. His punishment is a hard one, especially to his family nnd friends, but it is deserved. The way of the transgressor is hard. We Protest. The Detroit Fret Press says we protest, again, against the Republicans holding Mr. Bi ch anan insible for the necessity which they allege the Administration is under of abandoning Fort Sumter. Mr. Bi ch anan is responsible for enough wrong, and it is scandalous to cast sins upon him which do not belong at his doer. Says the New York Evening Post: "Mr. Bich anan, by taking timely measures, might have filled Fort Moultrie with troop-, and strengthened it against at tacks; he might have garrisoned Castle Pinckncy, and occupied Fort Sumter with all the soldiery necessary for its defense, and we -h mid in that case have held to this moment the command of the harbor of Charleston. Mr. Bi chanan was well aware of this. The exposed condition of Moultrie and Castle Pinckncy was fully stated in the newspapers it was matter of common talk." Now who does not remember that even so late as sonic time subsequent to the secession of South Carolina the Hepublican papers and the Hepublicans in Congress insisted that "there was not going to be much of a shower" that secession was only a passing cloud; and that it would not be six months before South Carolina herself would be knocking for re admission to the Union? Who does not remember that Mr. Si w ard, in his A-tor llou.-e speech, in the month of January, predicted that the crisis would be r.iswed within sixty days? Who does not remeui bar how for a long while the Hepublicans everywhere ridiculed secession as insignificant and ridiculous and absurd? Such having l.een the Republican view of se cession, what right have Republicans to say that If it, , ami -hould have held a different view. and acted upon a different view ? The whole responsibility for the abandonment of Fort Sumter re-Ls, first, with the late Repubcan Congress, and nest, with Mr. Lincoln's administration. The Republican Congress did ??ot furnish the mean to hold the fort, and Mr. Lino'i has failed to call an extra session of Congress that he might be furnished the means. How about Fort Picken- '.' 11 s not the administration the means to re-in!orce and hold this fort ? It certainly has. Rut we shall see that it will not employ them. Approprlotfoufi of the fonlrderato State. The Montgomery papers of the 2th contain the following summary of appropriations made for each department of the Government of the Confederate States : liTrislativf Kxcoutivr Department of State Treasury Department War Department. Navy Department IVstnflice I lepartment Judiciary Mint and Independent Treasury , Foreifrn Intercourse Lighthouse Kxpeuaes uf colli-etiinc revenue. Executive mansion Misrelhineoii- . .V..710 njiff 44,-.00 n.soa 59.000 I7,:w njm 80,000 100.000 UMffl &45,000 5,000 . 200,000 IMfaVIM Total . tST All should not fail to read the advei ti-c ment of Prof. Wc xl in to-day's paper.

For the Daily State Sentinel. The C'nnr unit the Itemed) . The present sad condition of our countrv ought to awake the people to thoughtful attention. Whence has come its distraction, its shattered state? I find that, immediately after the election of Lincoln, it commenced falling to pieces. Up to that date it existed intact. What was the cause of the breaking off of State after State in the South, after that event? Fear a sense of the necessity of self-preservation. Fear of what? Why the alarm ? The answer is plain. Aboli

tionism, then, after a continuous struggle ofthirty years, ascended to power. It had originated in hostility to the South; it had organized a system of war upon the rights and institutions of that section; the Democracy of the North had strusled DO against its assaults had attempted to stem its desolating torrent had been denounced as dough faced by Northern Abolitionism, till at last that great constitutional party was overlionie, and Abolition triumphed in the election of Lincoln. Then, asVell she might, did the South lose hope, confidence, and in her just alarm, seek safety in retreat secession. Now, what will bring her back? Why, the answer is plain. Restore to power that noble constitutional, right-defending party, hurl Abolitionism from power as soon as may be, and, in the mean time, hold it back from aggressiou on the South: let that outraged section see that the North is ready to do her portion to give her her rights, and confidence being thus restored, she will return, and again we will live in harmouy. But, as the advent to power of Abolitionism separated the Union, the expelling of Abolitionism from power must restore it. Jackson. fur the Daily State Sentinel. HiHtorjr of Abolitionism. Our glorious Union, ere it has reached the age of man. is dissolved, and civil war is close upon us. Business is paralyzed, propeity is depreciated, labor is unemployed, the jioor are crying for bread, and crime, riots and mobs must follow in the train. Whence comes this condition of things? Who is responsible for it? Who is to bear the curses which are surely in store for its authors? Thee are questions which, by and by, will have a terri ble import, and must be answered by the truth of history. To that source of truth it is time the public eye was being earnestly, steadily directed. In lit were inaugurated the first President and Vice President of the United States George Washington, a slaveholder of Virginia, and John Adams, a non slaveholder of Massachusetts. The two sections of the Union the slaveholding and noii-slaveholdiiig represented by these noble patriots, stood upon equality, were mutually re garded with fraternal affection, and the citizens of each as standing morally, religiously, politi cally, socially and intellectually, upon an equallyelevated platform. All was harmony, happiness, prosperity, and advancement to national and in dividual greatness and glory. What has wrought the wonderful, the disastrous, the melanch l change that yve behold? That is the question. Let history answer it. That answer will be found in the history of Northern fanaticism, of anti slaveryism, AI .litioni-m, modern Republicanism, synonymous terms, which should be at once written by some competeut hand, and disseminated among the people. 1. I recollect when a boy of hearing and reading of Abolition societies, Anti Slavery societies, county. State, and national, as they called themselves, ufiilated all over the Northern States, holding meetings, establishing newspajHirs, paying lecturers to travel over the free States, Ac; and what was their avowed object? Why simply to poison the North against the South to hold up the latter as soul murderers, God-forsaken, heathenish tyrants, and prepare the North to exer eise her power to abolish slavery in the Southern States by law. I remember well of hearing the names of Arthur Tappan, Gerret Smith, Slade of Vermont, Lovejoy of Illinois, Birney, Morris, Chase, Oiddings, and others of Ohio, Julian, Harding, Robinson, Ovid Butler and others of Indiana, Sumner, C. F. Adams and others of Ma-.-achusetts, being engaged in these societies. Was this the way to treat equals in the Union, and preserve fraternal feeling? 2. I remember that the Northern opposition commenced through these organizations, to continually flood Congress with most gross and insulting petitions, followed up with most irritating and scurrilous speeches on the part of those presenting them, for the abolition of slavery by that body. Thus was the South irritated and abused session after session by these threatening attempts to accomplish an unjust and unconstitutional invasion of their rights. Was this the course to treat equals in the Union, and preserve fraternal feeling? I remember that they then proceeded to flood the mails with incendiary- documents, including offensive and irritating pictures and representations calculated to insult and wound the feelings of the white person to whom they were sent, and incite the slaves to deeds of murder and insurrection. This abuse was carried so far that Gen. Jackson, in his last annual message but one, brought the subject earnestly before Congress, and asked legislation to protect the South from this in .-t dangerous outrage. In connection with the-e documents they sent secret agents to distribute them among the slaves; but the South was was able to avert this part of the outrage by seizing and punishing the offenders, of whom I recollect Crandall was one. Was such the course for the North to pursue toward the South if she loved the Union and re )uth to forevr submit to guch treatment. 4. At length these fanatics got possession of a portion of the churches of the North, and expelled all Southerners from their communion on the gro"r;.l iiiat erery slave holder was a child of hell and could not be a Christian! Was this the way to preserve the Union of these States? Following up t':c strain, the preachers of these churches all turned political crusaders against the South, Peters the hermit, and denounced all slave holders as infidels, with whom no faith was to be kept, KfMtttd the Union to be a league with hell, and called up the voters in their churches to payno regard to the Constitution if it stood in the way of abolishing slavery putting it speedily "in the proce-s of ultimate extinction." And this they did right in the face of the bible, which sanctioned slavery and forbid interference with it. I have now before me a Greek, a Latin and an English testament. I find the word translated ssrrant from the Greek is doulos. I find the word translated sirrant from the Latin is semis. I find both these words in the original magnagea mean rlare, and tint they are the same words, which, in all profane authors, are translated slnre. See numerous examples collected in Becker's Chronicles. The fanatical preachers, then, were acting directly againt the commands of God, in urging the Northern people to disregard the Constitution and override the South. B. I remember that when Missouri asked ad mi-sion into the I'nion, when Arkansas asked admission, when Florida, Louisiana and Texas asked admission, they were opposed to the death by those fanatics because they were slave holding, though such opposition was nn insult to the feelings and an outrage iiK)ii the rights of the South. I remember, also, the continued stealing of -l.a . obstructing the fugitive slave law. passing per Riaal liberty bills all to outrage the rights of the South. 6. 1 remember that these fanat;cs legan bychanging their organization from a moral anti re ligious, to a political one, determined to obt tin political power, and accomplish, in fact, w hat they argued for in their moral and relijrious as -ociations. They nominated a Presidential ticket of .Vorthern men in f40, and have perseveringly adhered to it, till finally it: 160, they succeeded, under the name of Republicans, in arhieving their object. And was not the South justified bv the law of self preservation, the first law of in turc. in seeking to escape from the threatened action of these itorseverinir fanatics of thirty years standing and effort, ami threats? Iet the ! reader judge Many more outrages might be brought forward, especially the greit outrage-of excluding them from our common territories, but I must close. Jimi:. Tlirhia-an I lei iinn. The returns of the municipal and township elections held in this St ite on Mond iv indie ite a very decided reaction in the public mind. Wh it ever there I -of this reaction is spontaneous It comes from the people of their own volition. The Democratic party, as a Si ite organization, pre rented no candidate for Judge of the Supreme Court, nor did it urge contests on the local tickets in the cities and towns. It was deemed better that no candidate for Judge should be presented .and it was as much in obedience to this judgment as in pursuance of his own iersonal inclinations that Mr. Walker declined to run; and it was, too, deem ed better that, whatever might be the popular action in the cities and townships, it should be toluntiry and without any general concert. The reason of this was that the Democratic party has no desire to hasten the xpular repe.it ance of Republicanism in Mic higan, which is sure to come within a few months. The people here, as elsewhere, have to work out their own salvation from the miseries which .they have brought upon them-ehes. and their contrition will le all the more heartfelt and lasting as it shall ie de liberate and voluntary. The times are hanl now, aa the consequence of the triumph of Republi canism, but thev will be a good deal harder h next December, and a world ofgotjs will fie done to thousands of people by having their noses held upon the grimistone for some time to come. Des perate remedies are required for desperate diseases, and if alwlition fanaticism is not a dcsfierate dis rase we know not what is. We are entirely con tent to await the natural cour.-e of things in Michigan. Detroit Free Pre.

Vir. Hriirhi en Coercion. During the debate in the Senate, on the 27th of March, Mr. Bkight made a speech against coercion. The questiou under consideration was the following resolution, offered by Mr. Brf.ckinaiiKSE: Restdved, That the Senate recommend and advise the removal of the United States troops from the limits of the Confederate States. Mr. Clinghan favored the proposition, but de sired to go a step further. He desired that the Senate should express the opinion that the President ought not to attempt the collection of the revenue, simp:;, because he has no (tower under the existing law, even if there were no other reas ons. The object of Mr. C. was to avoid collision under all circumstances. Mr. Bright spoke as follows upon the propositions: Mr. President, I join the honorable Senator from Ohio Mr. Wade in expressing the hope that this resolution will be taken up: but candor

requir.-s me to say that I have little confidence i that it will be done. If all on that side of the Chamber were as candid and straightforward in their manner of legislating as that Senator is, there would he no difficulty in reaching a direct vote on the resolui ion under consideration, or the amendment proposed by the Senator from North Carolina; but, sir, they are not. I can but admire the bold and manly course of the Senator from Ohio; we always know where to find him. He will vote to take up the resolution, because he is in favor of asserting the power ami declaring it to be the duty of the General Government to hold, possess and occupy all the property be longing to it, in each and every one of the seven States that have withdrawn from the Union; that Senator is in favor of enforcing the collection of the revenue in each and every one of those States, and enforcing obedience to Federal authority generally, and he has the courage to sayso; and as much as I may and do differ with him. I rapeai, I can but commend him for his frank ness; but how is it with a large majority of those who usually act with that Senator? Will thev vote to take up this resolution, and thus give to those of us on this side of the Chamber, who deny anv such power, and who oppose anv such policy. an opportunity of saying so, and of expressing to the Executive our opinion against coercion, or attempting coercion in any form? ' I repeat, Mr. President, I hope they will; but I fear the sequel will prove they will net. Now, sir, I am in favor of the resolution of the honorable Senator from Kentucky, or I am quite as willing to take the more comprehensive amendment offered by the honorable Senator from North Carolina; either conveys the idea to the Executive and the country as to what our opinion of his duty is in the present emergency. In the ab sence of any act or expression on the part of the new Administration, up to this time, showing or announcing what its policy towards the confede rated Stiles is to be, I think there is great propriety, now that we are about to separate, to de cently express our opinion in the manner proposed in the resolution and amendment under consideration. I am anxious to take up the subject, not to talk about it, but to give a silent vote, indicating my convictions of the duty of those who are to act in our absence. I do not know whether the counsel we propose giving the Executive from this side of the chamber would be heeded or not; but he is not as wise a man as I tike him to beif he attempts coercion in any form, or the enforce ment of Federal authority- in anyone of the seven States that have, by a conventional ordinance, declared themselves out of the Union. But I venture the assertion, that do as we may in reference to the subject under consideration, whether we act on the resolution or not, there will le no effort at coercion, there will fe no attempt to enforce Fe.l-r.il authority in a -ere ling Slate. The present Executive is a man of too much wisdom and prudence to engage in any such fatal experiment to the peace and prosperity of his country at this critical crisis. Republican Disunion I'rorrammc. The leaders of the Hepublican party, embracing also the administration at Washington, are just as surely intent upon separation of all the slave from the free States ns that the sun rises in the morning and sets in the evening. Day by day this intent becomes more and more apparent and the endeavor to prepare the public mind of the North for the consummation more and more open and bold. Indeed, in some quar ters the intent is avowed without the slightest disguise, an example of which we have in a letter attested to be "from a citizen of high position in New York," which has been issued in circular form and reproduced in several of the Republican newspapers, in which the writer seeks to show that there are but three ways of resolving the present complications: "First, to maintain the integrity of the Constitution and the Union of the States at any cost and at every sacrifice; second, to yield to the demands of the slave power whatever they are now or may be hereafter, in other words, to compromise again ; third, to not only allow the cotton States to go out of the Union, but to request all the slave Sutes to leave us, and as speedily as possible." He rejects the first method, because it involves war which would be ruin to both sections. He rejects the second, because he would not in any way recognize property in slaves, and he says the mildest of the Southern Union men will be satisfied with nothing less than such a recognition. He adopts the third, though admitting the possible relinquishment by the Northern Government of the city of Washington the almost entire certainty of a marauding border wrangle the necessity of interior custom-houses the impeded navigation of the Mississippi river. The reader shall see how he disposes of these difficulties: "Great as these difficulties are, let me briefly say: Maryland might prefer to remain with us with some fair compensation for her slaves. But if not, for myself there are no hallowed memories connected with the city of Washington which endear it to me, but rather the reverse. I should be glad to dispose of my share of it at a verv large deduction from the cost, and remove the Government to some safer and more suitable place. "Border collisions would soon come to an end, because in a single year the slaves would disap pear from the border, part going North and part going South. Those inviting and genial States would then be enriched with the labors of white men. and would take the ranks in the nation to which they are naturally entitled, from which they have been receding for a balf century, and which they never will Uke until slavery leaves them. "A line of interior custom-houses is not a great evil, and is found practicable in other countries. borne smuggling would grow up, but whv more than on the Canadian border, or upon any fron ties of an Euroiean country? Our manufacturers, too, will soon learn how much more enlarged and and productive free trade will be to them, and they ill demand it. "The navigation of the Mississippi river was once a necessity of the great productive Northwest, but the recent movements of the trade ha e shown that it is now of secondary importance. Out of any interference by the Southern Confed eracy with its free passage would grow war, and thus in all probability there would he no interfer ence. We of the manufacturing and commercial districts are charged by some people who live at a distance from us with disliking the smell of powder. I admit that I do prefer to inspect the breeches rather than the muzzles of guns. But there exists in this State some 400,000, men who can fight in a good cause, but still have enough for a 'Home Guard' lo keep our domestics and women in onler; and in the great and crowing North west are some men who have lieen raised with rifles, and have sucked powder; and I think the Louisiana folks will not invite that kind down there with rifles loaded. Thus Isnpposetbe Mis sissippi will not he interrupted. But should it be, it would be soon .-etile 1. and wonld Ik infinitely preferable to a war now, for then it would lie war with a foreign country, not as now with our selves." Now that the reader may see what progress so diabolical a scheme has already made in the minds of men who but a little while ago regarded dis solution as the direst calamity that could befall the people of this country, we quote from the comments on this letter of the New York Com mfrcial Adcrrtiser, a pajier which, in 156, declined to support Fremont, and which until re cent iv, n.is oeen regarneil as one of the most con ervative class of Republican prints; "The reader will please note that we have con fined ourselves entirely to a presentation of the views expressed in the circular letter which has fallen into our hands. We know the writer of it to be a gentleman of intelligence, nnd that he hasufficient at stake in the country to nuke him deliberative and cautious on such a grave subject as that he has discussed. Wc will now add for ourselves that, if there is to be a dismemberment of this Republic, we believe it would he letter that the line le drawn between the free and the slate State- Thus only, we think, rotdd the slavery agitation be allayed. If the lionler slave States remained with the tree Republic, their institution would continue to le a bone of conten tion. We have a high respect for the idea em bodied in the word that has recently come into use homogeneousness. Next, perhaps, to unity of races, a- an element of strength am ace, homogeneity of interests, thoughts and habits. And while slavery exi-t- in the Ixmlf-r Suites their natural affinities will Ik- with the other lue State- Whenever the institution dies ThM with one or other of litem, litis same law of homogeneity will rule such Sute out of the one and into the other Republic." "If," says the Commercial Advertiser, " there is to be a dismemberment of the Republic, we believe it would be better that the line should be drawn lietween the free and slave Sutes." The Commercial Adteetiser perfectly iiiidersUnds that there is already a dismemlierment i f this Republic that the cotton States have perma nently withdrawn. Dismemberment has taken place, and the (freat question is as to the tannic States. Shall such concessions be made as to retain them or not? The opinion of the Com

mereiol Advertiser is that the line of separation

should be drawn between the free and slave, Sutes, or, as the writer of the letter expresses it that all the slave Stall be requested to leave us, and as speedily as possible." We predict that within ninety days the whole Republican press will bold this same position! W predict that the policy of the administration will be shaped to serve separation on the line between the free and Uve Sutes! Thi- is the natural culmination of the lican triumph. The grand danger is that the separation will be produced without the people of the North baring an opportunity to avert it. Detroit Free Pre. I. i Tarn I...." Under the above heading the New York Economist concludes a lengthy article as follows: It may be galling to our pride; it mar be a wound in our dignity to sub. .it Ucitly to the de fiance to our national power that has been pre scnteo on a wholesale scale in the but are we justifiable in risking tue lives oft amis of our citizens, and the happiness and interests of the whole country for generations to come, with no better object than to support our pride, and to vindicate a dignity which has signall v I ailed in the hour of its trial? We opine that the sentiment ot the civilized world and the ot jwstenty would be utterly opposed to t policy. What could we gain by its adoption? Let us suppose H to result in the subjugation of the seceded Sutes (which is begging far too much.) of what service to the country could such a recovery be? We should have six millions of citizens held under a Republican government oint their will. Wc should have in Congress fourteen Senators and thirty-three RepresenUtives, owing taeir presence there to the anomaly of Republican des pot ism, and eating like a canker worm into che heart of our domestic harmony. Oar victory would necessitate upon us to maintain rule in at' least seven Sutes by the pe.-ietual menace of a sunding army located in their midst The cotton States, in fact, would be a second Hungary, and the United Sutes government a second Austrian despotism. The mere mention of such re suits is a refutation of the policy that would pro duce them. Coercion, if successful, would bring no compensation, but would rather increase our national difficulties ; but what, if we should prove unsuccessful ? Thousands of valuable lives would be fruitlessly sacrificed ; an ic tional debt would be accumulated ; our status would be lowered before the the dangerous and humiliating would ever be present with us that bv our side existed a country ouly one fourth of our own, with whom we had proved ourselves unable to contend. Coercion, therefore, is clearly a policy not for a moment to be entertained. Conciliation is too' late to induce any retraction from the consolidated position assumed by the new Confederacy. The idea of "masterly inactivity" is so utterly unsuited to the present ranid progress of events, and so coolly trifling words tin great national and commercial interests suffering from the pres ent disorganization, that whoever adopts it must be left behind in the progress of affairs toward a settlement, or sternly rebuked for their apparent indifference. Only one course, tlierefore, is open, to enter without delay into negotiations with the RepresenUtives of the Confederate Sutes, recog nizing their independence, and adjusting in a fair spirit all questions standing between the two parties. Black Republicanism Knacke into a Corked-Hat. The Cleveland Plain Dealer thus announces the result of the charter election in that city : The Union men of this city made a grand rally yesterday, and demonstrated their hatred of all sectionalism, political platforms and party dem agogueism, that stand in the way of the'recoo struction of this Union. They voted the "People's Union Ticket," and elected it by a thunder ing majority! It was done without preparation, without organization, against a distinguished leader, the well-drilled Wide-Awakes, and a ser ried host of Republican troops. But nothing could resist the deep feeling and determination by a Union loving people. Each fought for principle on his own hook, and each fought well. They charged along the eoemies' lines with such fierce ness and effect that long before the close of day the black banners of Republicanism, Sectionalism and Di union ism. were seen flying in every direction, leaving the Unionists masters of the field. It was a sight glorious to behold, to see Dem ocraU, Bell men, and conservatrve laying by their party emblems, proclivities, smothering personal fighting shoulder to shoulder the cause of our common countrv. It is to such men and exhibitions of patriotism that tht countrv now look for rescue in ite present period of peril politicians as such and parties pledged to particular platforms can never restore the rent tLat dissolution has already made, or avert the general ruin that revolution now threatens. They must all retire and make way for the PzortE's Union Movxmknt now inaugurating all over the country, and which carries everything before it. Look at the doings of yesterday : Cleveland, elected a Union Anti Republican mayor by probably seven hundred majosutt ; a gain cf twsntt-oke m-xnaxD since Lincoln's election. Depoaitlon af Sana Hanetan. The circumstances attending the deposition of Sam Houston, as Governor ot Texas, were quite dramatic, and in some respects ludicrous and comical. The convention of Texas, called by the loud voice of the people against the denunciations and opposition of Gov. Houston, having passed the act of secession, and accepted and ratified the Constitution of the Confederate States, prescribed a form of oath to be taken by all the Sute officers. This oath included a renunciation of art aT legiance to all foreign powers, and especially to the Government of the United Sutes, and a declaration of fidelity to tbe Constitution of the Confederate Sutes. When the oath was proposed to Gov. Houston, he pwemtorily refused to uke it; whereupon the convention declared the office of Governor vacant, and Lieutenant Governor Clark, under the Constitution, having taken the pi escribed oath, succeeded to the omeo Gov. Clark was not slow in entering upon the Guberna torial functions, and proceeding to tbe Governor's office, assumed the chair and entered upon tbe duties of the office. By and by. the deposed Gov ei nor came hobbling to his office old Sara's Sun Jacinto wound having broken out afresh, as it always does on occasions of political trial. Per ceiving Gov Clark occupying the chair. Old Sam addressed him: "Well, Governor Clark," giving great em phasito the title, "you are an early riser." "Yes, General," replied the Governor, with a great stress upon the military title of his predecessor," I am illustrating the old maxia, 'the earlv bird gathers the worm.' " "Well, Governor Clark, I hope you will it an easier seat than I have found it. "I'll endeavor to make it so, General, by eon fortnttig to the clearly expressed will of the peo pie of Texas." The General, having brought a large lunch basket with him, proceeded to put up nui little articles of private property, and to slow them

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away very carefully. Catching his foot in a hole J in the carpet and stumbling, the General suggested

to Governor Clark 'hat the new Government ought to afford a new carpet for the (overoor's oflkce, whereupon the Governor remarked that the Executive of Texas could get along erv well without a carpet. Approaching the wasbsUnd, the General called the attention of Governor Clark to two pieces of soap one, the Castile soap, was his own private property; and the other, a perfumed article, was the property of the Sute, and added: "Governor, your hands will require the very frequent use of this cleansing article;" whereupon Gov. Clark, pointing to the waMowl. which w full of very black and dirty water, remarked: "General, I suppose that is the bowl in which you wasaei your hand before leaving the ottce." Having gathered up all his duds, old Sam made a liule farewell speech, very much in the style oi Cardinal Woolaey, der la ring his conviction that, a in the put, the time would soon come whan Texas would call him from bis retirement, and bjr nofjed Governor Clark would be able to give 3 an account of his stewardship as he could ren.ic Halting at the door, the G enernl made a profound boa , and with an air of dabo rate dignity said: "Good day. Governor Clark." Good day, Governor Houston,'' was the Gov ernor's respone. Ami thus the "Hero of Saa Jacinto" concluded his politwnl career ! N. O. Ma. Wakhic;to! Itkmn. The dispatches to the Cincinnati contain the folio win, item-: Col. elon. of Terre Haute, has been dan gerously ill here for over a week. He is no convalescing, but as vet unable to attend to his business The President agreed, in view of his illness, not to dispose of the Brazilhan mission at present. Judge Otto, ex C..n"r.-sman Cumhack. and J. It I ..i. m m - V. remt, of Indiana, after successii el v pulling savaty putting a-- KurojMn petiiorsof Mr ;n tun lor nearly all the - ii. sj on-, hae now all become nelson tor kio .laneiro. it is. however. " at a a . a than probable that he will in the end carry off the jnze. The President breathes freer. Sol. Meredith, the most irrepre-ible of pn Uyinir Hoosier has gone home He bored all he wanted for käs I 1 1 .aids out of Uncle Abe. and as Calci Smith ; seemed to be well worked into the traces, he i thought he could afford to go His giant form will Ite sadly missed from the ante rooms of the White Hnure and the depart menU. James H. McNeely, editor of the Joomai. has l.-een anpointed post master at Evansville, Indi an. and Slayhack at Princeton, Indiana. Tbe Indianapolis post office still hangs fire. It is thought that A H. Connor will be appointed in spite of the opposition of Congressman Porte