Indiana State Sentinel, Volume 20, Number 33, Indianapolis, Marion County, 9 January 1861 — Page 2

WEEKLY SENTINEL.

IM) J t ABV rt. 1W1 . iftfesin and Concession. " The article under this head, which will be found on the first page of to-day's Sentinel, is from the pen of one of the mart eminent tbe-dogians and scholars of New England. The suggestions of the writer are well adapted to the present crisis of the country, and are worthy of general consideration. Haw Can it be Done! There are a jre.it many propositions to solve the political troubles of tbe country, but few look feasible or practo ;ble. The most acceptable is the propoaed amendments to the Constitution suggested by Mr. Cr irr en dsn. They have the advantage of oeing peice offerings from, the South and coming from the Representative of a State which hat- always Iveen loyal to the Constitution and the I'niou. lu the fierce struggles of J20 and lr-50. when the danger of disunion was almost as imminent :is now. tlie favorite son of Kentucky Steimel into the bmch and saved the country. Perhaps .mother gallant son of the same State, at the present time, may be the providential agent to pilot us safely through this most critical jeriod in our history as a nation. The Rejaiblicaus object to this proposition for the reason th.it it recognizes property in man; but, at the sin. e time, they profess undying devotion to tbe Constitution, as it is. Tinposition looks paradoxical inconsistent. It is so. The Constitution distinctly lecognizes the right of property in man. It does it in providing for tbe rendition of fugitive? from labor, and in making slave property a basts of representation. It admitted the right, again, in permitting the slave trade to continue twenty years from the period of it adoption. The Republicans can not refuse to acknowledge the right of property in man, so long ax they remain loyal to the Consti tntiun. The compromise is a fair one between two contemKng sections, with directly opposite views as to the true theory of tlie organic law The South claim the right to take and hold their property in all tbe Territories, while the Republi cans, the dominant party in the North, assert that neither Congress nor a Territorial Lcgisla lature has the right to give legal existence to slavery in any of the Territories. Mr. CnirTENnKN propose- to eitle the dispute by dividing the ter ritorv. interdicting slavery north of 56 degrees 30 minutes, and permitting it south of that line, but in all eases allowing the peaplc to adopt or pro hibit slavery as they may elect when they tinrm a State Constitution. Is not this an e ptit ible divisioul Is it just to ask a people who hove a common right to tlie Territ. ric- with ourselves to flirrender all? Is it generous in u t demand W! riot, say :he Republicans, restore the Mis uri Compromise, wliich, while interdict:ng slavery north of 26 degree T0 minutes, is silent in regard to its admission south of tail line. In tiiis re-.rrl the M --niiri Compromise and the Cbittexden plan are alike, enly one expre .se- directly what was impliel in tlie other. Why the necessity 0f prohibiting slave, v in any portion of the Territories, if it wa not conceded that the right existed for it to go in all, or where it was not interdicted? Another oljc.:tion to restoring the Missouri Compromise liue s rai.-e I by tSe Kr-wihlic ms. They say it is inconsistent it: the Democrats toad locate a jwdir ihich they helped overthrow uion the ground of its unconstitutionality. Tins objection might I e urged with -'.me force if it was proposed to restore tlie Comprai.-e by Congressional enactment. Its repeal w as urj:el upon the ground it was inconsistent w.tii tiie C oust tut'on as it is. This difficulty Mr. Critti ndkn obviates by making his propositions amendments to the Constitution. This objection being removed, the measure, as n compromise, can be consistently sustained. Tlie Northern Democracy believed that non intervention with slavery in State, Ter ritory and the District of Columbia was the true policy for settling that vexed question. They believe so now. T(!on this issue they were beaten in the last Presidential canvass. It is not theirdoctrinethen that is now in controversy . The contest is between the dominankftarty of the North, who refuse to recogn-'ze the right of property in man and, therefore, insist upon the exclusion of slavery from all the territory of the United States; and the South, who are united m demanding equal rights in the Territories. The preservation of the Union and the perpetuation of our unequaled institutions, is the object to be gained by the pro posed compromise between those contending parries It demands concessions upon both sides, ami by mutual admissions it m tintains the honor of eich. This determination of the question removes it from the hills of Congress. It is a permanent settlement of the. controversy and promises peace to the country. We believe these objects can he accomplishe I by the OatTTEsnEN amendments, ami it is for tint retson we advocate their adoption. The South will never yieldmore than that, and should not the North go half way. to prevent the destruction of a government, in the maJntainance of which is involve:! the pro gress of civilization and Christianity? Conce! ing that the expansion of slavery Is an evil, is it not wisdom to yield the lesser to pi-event the greater? Tlie Journal on the C rittenden Compromise. The Journal opposes the Crittexhex Comoro fee for the reasons that it is perfectly satisfied with the Constitution as it js, and that it is "unwilling to make a national declaration that man mav rightfully hold property in man." The extremists of the South express the same satisfaction with the Constitution as it is, and claim to bold it in equal reverence with tlte central Republican organ. They contend that the terms of confederation, as expressed by that instrument, rightfully interpreted, gr e all tli guarantees to slavery that they ask. And as an earnest of their sincerity in this declaration tbev propose to adopt the Constitution, -without change, as the organized law of the proposed S juthern Confederacy. The Journal, too, with great earnestness, has insisted that the Supreme Court of the United i, m the Ihed Scott decision, sustains the constrm tion of the Constitution that the Southern people placeupon it. The Abolitiouists, also, entertain a like opinion. They regard it as pre eminently a pro-slavery instrument, ami for that reason denounce it .as "a league with death and a covenant with hell." Admitting that these different parties honestly entertain the opinion that each expresses in regard to what t'iey think is the true interpretation of the Constitution, how can it lie determined which is right? What tribunal is to sit in judgment and decide upon these conflicting opinions? If the Supreme Court, the Journal concedes that it has aire idv predetermined the case in opposition to the Re publican party. If to a majority of the people, tlie Republican party will be equally at fault, for it was in the minority at the last Presidential election a million of If eich party is to its construction its rule of action, then chy will prevail. To prevent this doubt as to what the Constitution meuis, and thus put to rest this source of contention, i- the gre it object to be attained, by making the propositions of Mr. CarrrESOEX amendments to the Constitution. And here con es; in the objection of the Journal. tha"the incorporation of this amendment makes the nation recognise the right of jroperty in man." This the Constitution does beyond any doubt, and every State which ratifies that instrument con cedes the lawfulness of slavery. Th" Journal in the past few weeks, has over and over again acknowledged the right of property in man. or that the Constitution recognizes that right, by admitting that good faith requires the faithful enforcement of the fugitive slave law ami that slaveholders should have the right of transit with their slaves through the free States, and a temporary sojourn therein with that specie- mi chattels. If that clause of the Constitution which provides for the rendition of fugitives from labor is not "a national declaration that man may right fully hold property in man," the words employed mint have an entirely different meaning from th it generally received. It can not be denied that every state and every person that yields allegiance to the Constitution recognizes tbe right

of property in man, and must admit it as long as that "very admirable and perfect instrument of, Government" remains "just as it is." Another objection the Journal raises to the Critte.npes compromise is, that it is the "jug-

handle sort." Let us look at this view of the case from a Southern ptandVpoint. The South claim they have equal fights In the territories the same right to carry and enjoy thcr jiropcrty in the territories as the Northern man has hi that it is unjust to exclude them from any of the common territories of the United States. The Crittexdex adjustment prohibits slavery north of latitude 36 de. 30 miu. Is not this a concession of what the people of the slave States claim to be their right under the Con stitution? Is it not a surrender, on their part, of what they conceive to be a constitutional privilege? Is it not the concession of a principle which they value as highly as those who hold to a contrary doctrine? The Journal concedes this in stating that the propose! compromise "gives us back what never should have been taken from us." That proposition, also, accommodates the Republican organ by refusing "to give slavery any greater power or privilege than it now has." It lessens its power and privileges by restricting from a large extent of territory, where the South contends it has a right to go. The Crittkxdex amendment is virtually a re storation of the Missouri compromise line, which the Republicans profe to be willing to re-enact. If that act diil not expre'sly authorize on eeognize slavery south of the line it establishel, such was the understanding of its object and intention. It i- nnderst I to operate as a partition of the common territory, giving to eich section a por tion, the Statut of which there should be no doubt or dispute. Mr. Crittexdex proposes to make this partition clear and explicit to place the matter beyond controversy and make the settlement permanent bv constitutional amendment. There J must be concessions or else there is no compromise. Each party claims to be right, and each have failed to convince the other that it is in the wrong, or that it is demanding more than it should. And is it not the wise course for each to yield something to make mutual concessions to conciliate and harmonize, rather than to attempt to coerce the demands of either upon the other. No greater evil could happen to the North than the Africanization of the slave S'.ates the enfranchisement of the negroes now held in slavery. The concessions asked by the South are but a feather's weicht in comparison with the evils which would foffow the emincipat:on of the slaves from their present restraints. In a economical view of the quesriou, the North have as much interest in maintaining negro servitude in the slave Stites, as they have themselves If the Crittkxdex compromise should accomplish no tliiiiL' else than the term nation of political slavery agitation, the country should be willing to adopt it. The fc ir that it may do so is the main re ison why it is opposed by the Journal and the Republican party. TjikCkittkmo x Risolitioxs. The Augusta, Georgia. Conr.tilntinualit , a decided secession paper, terms the proposition of Mr. Crittenden "resolutions of pe ce and compromise." This is an indication that the adjustment proposed by the Kentucky Senator would beaccepte 1 by the South and restore harmony to the country. The Prospect. The Republican press differ as to the probable result of our present political troubles, The Washington dispatches to the Cincinnati Gazette Of Saturday speak discourngingly, as follow.-: News is scarce, as every one is looking mainly for information from the South, which is dcaleJ out very sparingly by the telegraph. What is I e ceived from that quarter is not encouraging. It looks as though the cotton States, and probably North Carolina, would stray away before the 4th of March. The latest advices leave but little doubt that Georgia, Alabama, Florida and Missis aippi will very shortly follow the example of South Carolina, and with such States to lead them, Louisiana, Texas and Arkansas " ill hardly be kble to resist the current. If accounts from Southward are to be relied upon, the Secessionists carry matters with a high hand, and compel where they can't convince. On the other hand, the dispatches to the Commercial, of the same date, announce that the skies are brightcnine. We quote: Leading Republicans assert that peace will be restored within sixty days, expressing firm confidence in Mr. Buchanan's stability. The feeling in this city is more hopeful, and the chances of the Union are hourly increasing. We really hope that these anticipations of peace and stability may be veritiel; but we must confess that we do not so read the signs of the times. Daily the prospects of disunion are increasing. The Union can only be saved by concessions, on all side. In the present tcmjier of the public mind we see but little chance for this. Governor rriagoff in on Slavery. The Governor of Kentucky, in replying to a communication from the Commissioner of Alabama; thus indicates the duty of the South in the present crisis: You ask the co-operation of the Southern States in order to redress our wrongs; so do we. You have no hope of a redress in the Union. We vet look hopefully to assurances that a powerful reaction is going on at the North. You seek a reraly in secession from the Union. We wish the united action of the slave States assembled in convention within the Union. You would ret separately: we unitedly. If Alabama and the other slave States would meet us in convention, say at Nashville or elsewhere, as earlv as the fifth day of February, I do not doubt but we would agree in forty-eight hours upon such reasonable guarantees, by way of amendment to the Constitution oi' the United States, as would command at lexst the approbation of our numerous friends in the free Slates, and by giving them time to make the question with the people there, such a reaction in public opfliion might yet take place as to secure il our rights, and save the Government. If the effort failed, the South would lie united to a in m, the North divided, the horrors of civil war would be averted if anything can avert the calamitv; and if that be not possible, we would be in a bet ter position to meet the dreadful collision. Bv such action, too, if it failed to preserve the Gov ernment, tlie bas.s ot another Confederacy would have been agreed upon, and the new Government would in this mode be launched into tpaatsM much more speedily and easily than by the action you propose. New .Mexico and Slavery. It is proposed that New Mexico shall become a Slate with a Constitution recognizing slaverv if she please. This proposition has found favor with the Republicans on the Crisis Committee. Some of the Republican presses are astonished at the conduct of these Republicans, and complain of it. The Tribune denounces it. But we have not understood that the Republican plaliorm pro pose i to reject all application from Territories de siring to become States because of a slavery clase in their Constitutions. The whole quarrel, however, is a dispute about "goat's wind." Mr. Weitster was right in opni sing a Wilinot prov i.-o in the case of New Me ico, for the reason that it was simply ab-urd to denounce a thing which had not and could not h i l e existence. There would be no more profit in tilling the thirty valley- that Isinler the few stream-of New Mexico with negro slaves, than in attempting the same process with elephant-. 1 here is, we will venture to say, not in all New Mexico a single slave field hand. Some few of the military ami civil officers, employed in that Territory, may liave slaves lor sen ant-. Tho-e who have them are generally sons of Southerners, anil take with them some family negro, who is attached to their ersons, a- body or house servants. It is reilh difficult for Americans, either with or without families, to live comfortably or de cently there without servants of that kind. The country poHilation affords no servants who are tolerable: ami it is very selilom that any white man or woman can Ik? hired to go to that countrv in a menial capacity. There is but a very insig iiincant number of slaves in that country now; and that number will never le much increased. The probability is that by and by, Mexicans will le taught, as they certainly have not yet been, to erform the services required ot house servants; and will acquit themselves in that capacitv with as much of skill and trustiness as the negro sla e.-. When that happens negro slaves will, save in a few exceptional cases, not lie wanted in New Mexico. As to their be'ng employed in agricul ture. or in any other pursuit there, the likelihood of it is no exceedingly small as to make any fight over admission of th it Territory , on account of slavery, an inexcusable piece of folly. The Rksist am i 1'h i.im;. We are daily receiving letters from various portions of the State, indicating that the resistance feeling is decidedly on the increase in Tennessee Our people are rapidly 1' mini: -ati-til that it is useless tor uto expe.o justice at the hands of the Black Re publicans and as we can not get the Constitution in a union with them, we will have it in a union with the South. NaakvUle I nvon.

Confessions unit Concessions.

THE WTTERXKSSOFFKEI.IMi HETtYVKX THE NORTH A" 1 TH I Sol TH. To the Editor of the Boston Courier : Many religious and otherwise thoughtful per sous at the North are alarmed at the deep under tone of the Southern mind. It is not what we had been taught to expect. It awakens a more serious consideration of the case lietween the conflicting parties. We have honestly opposed the South, because we disliked slaverv. We begin to perceive more c'.cirly that our displeasure at the system has grown insensibly into unkindne-.s toward the men. An unloving heirthas misled U-. With our good feelings we have lost, in a measure, our courtesy, candor and good judgment. We have unwisely misinterpreted our brethren, and severely urged them. They now turn upon us. They allege injustice, and the same spirit of oppression which we have charge I upon themselves. Their excitement is profound. It is not merely politic il, but moral. Their present complaint is not so much of our measures, as our principles and spirit. They proceed, of course, from contradiction to resistance. They are resolved. They no longer calculate the ar'.thmc tkesj or political value of the Union. They look below our legislative enactments, -e tional elections, and other offensive demonstrations, to the supposed animus that produce! them. They are not for a different policy, but a different spirit, liCLMUse a formal pacification could be of little con sequence without a corrected judgment and restored affection. If an irrepressible conflict of principle- ami sentiments is to be carried on they will leave us, at whatever hazards. The lire of the Revolution is rekindlin;;. In this pressing s'ate of things we have felt ourselves called upon to analyze our feelings; to consider our op.nions; to review our policy; and wherein we have erred, to make magnanimous correction. We would do every thing that be comes Christain and patriotic men to avert a destructive catastrophe. We would clear our skirts of our country's blood. In the spirit of returning charity, reviewing now the controversy which has been carried on, we seem to pcrceiic wherein we have been more or less at fault. We hasten to confess it, and to make honorable amends. We have done with accusation. We would put ourselves kindly before our brethren, and right before our common arbiter. Firt, We have imagined that concession to the South would be "to establish slavery as a national institution;" whereas it is already virtually so established by the Constitution, whose binding obligation we acknowledge. Establishment by legislation is not the province of a Constitution, but mere assertion of facts und principles on which legislation may be grounded. In that only possible sense the Constitution estabBshes slavery as a national institution; for it is a national instrument. It binds the nation to the facts and principles which it recognizes and sanctions as legitimate. The nation is coimnittc 1 by it to sustain slavery wherever it naturally subsists, or specially by any State retained or upheld by law . The Constitution did not creitc slavery, but found it an existing, providential fact. It had been a fact among the nations ever since the time of Noah. It stood, as it were, in the common law of all the cirth. The Constitution met i'. and took it in. It became an inqiortaut element in our common foundation. The Constitution was adopted a national criterion by wliich legislation, in this respect, might procec i any where or everywhere throughout the nation, as well then and thenceforth as in the time of Moses and the Prophet, of Christ and the Apostle-'. The Constitution so stands. It engages all the good faith, honor and power of the nation to sus tiin slavery -.vhei-ever or whenever any of its constituent S' ites choose to maintain it. It gives a solemn n itional guarantee, without which, as is well known, we could not have had a Constitution or a united government at all. Be slavery right or wrong, for life or deitb, the nation is com Hsitted to it, or tlie nation has no common bond, and is in t a nation. Accordingly we now perceive more clearly that the question is Mot. as we have inconsiderately imagined, whether slavery shall have a national establishment that I-, such an establishment as a national constitution could only give it, recognition and .sanction but whether the Sutes that retain or uphold it, under such a national re -og sJihm and s-inctioii. shall enjoy, without let or hindrauce, their chartered rights? That is the simple question, from which we should not have turne 1 away, perplexed and exasperate 1, as we hive been, by political or speculative questions which an nothing to the purjose, and couid only aggravate offenses. The question is not for the philosophers or the jxiliticiiuis, but for common sense and common honesty. Any man can understand it, in its simplicity, and every man who would lie a good citizen should settle it for himself and behave accordingly. Our error has been that we have mixed up this simple question with speculative and political questions, which should have been treated in dis tinction from i' and in subjection to it. We have consequently been lietrayed, sometimes unconsciously, into direct or indirect encroachments upon the chartered rights of our Southern brethren. We have failed, sometimes conscientiously, to redeem our solemn pledges. We have helped or suffered our Legislatures to enact laws, our ministers to preach, our churches to resolve, our societies to protest.our lecturers to dcclaim,our clubs and coteries to electioneer and dispute, ax if our brethren of the South were not entitled to the same rights of citizenship, or equal charity, courtes and good fellowship with ourseh es, and to claim from us the honest and cheerful tullillment of our compact. We have dignified insane persons w ho have, in their high places, stigmatized and denounced them as barbarians, or as sinners above all the dwellers in Jerusalem. We have raised against them our great we.in the baOat-box a if that were more authoritative than the Con stitution, or any department of the Government cretted under it. With technical formalities, it is true, but with the same erring .spirit we have contributed to put over them, against all protest and remonstrance, a Chief Magistrate well under stood by all parties and by the world to represent, not a common principle, but our one sided specula tions. We secured his election especially on that account and by that argument. That distinguished officer miy himself stand corrected, and thereby w)s-ibly save the nation, or greatly mitigate its catastrophe. We trust he will, and be a blessing to his common country, at whatever sacrifice of sectional partialities. But, otherwise, the con fession of our error, can be our only atonement for it when reparation shall be too late. We also perceive now a greater error in our treitment of the ethical question of slavery its rights or wrongs yer ne. That question is supreme. It overrides all constitutional, political and parti questions. It should not have lecn so much complicated with them, but have been made dc c'sive of them. We should have settled it at the start, and governed ourselves accordingly. But when we have not kept it in abeyance, we have played fast and loose with it. and have virtually acted double. We have at least affected to regard slaverv as a moral, political and social evil, ami at the same time to justify and support the Constitution which sanctions it. We have thus a wakcnel doubts of our Christian wisdom or integrity, and thereby cont used and misled less expc rience.l minds. Unbelieving and reckless enthusiasts around us have, in this resjiect, been more consistent than ourselves; for they legan with an open and uncompromising denial of the right of slaverv, and consequently denounced Constitu tion, laws, the Bible, the Church, or whatever else they imagined to give it either a speculative or practical support. We have disclaimed fellowship with these men, as false and destructive, yet have acted with them politically in carrying out their speculative ideas, and thereby have put our seh es in false or equivocal relations, to a greater confusion of the public mind. We should have made more exact discriminations, and regulated ourselves by a safer method. We are now willing to correct our logic and our conduct; to be more studious of the right, and less of the expe dient; to follow God rather than man. Secondly: We now perceive that in our uncertain state of mind we have imagined an op.-i tion between the letter ami spirit of the Constitu tion. While that instrument recognizes and sanctions slavery, we have suppose! it. at the same time, to "promise equal rights and lilerty to all," and herein have found a seeming apology for acting inconsistently with the Constitution and with ourselve- against the South. We stand corrected for the Constitution does not and could not give such a promise without nullifying itself an absurdity not to be imagined of the gieat men who framed or the cautious people who adopted it. Wherein the Constitution promises equal rights and liberty to all, it does, or can do it, from the nature of the cae. only in reference to citizens of the I nitel States. The Constitution is not for Europeans Asiatics or Africans, but for those who accepted it as the basis of their civil government. It admits, of course, the relation ship of all other nations and persons, and their title, at our hands, to the benefit of such relations as the Divine Providence may appoint. But it does not comprehend them. It could not and lie American. The Africans then existing among us dkl not constitute a port of the people who adopt el it. It found them and left them as hewerot wood and drawers of water to another i'o pie. of another race, in wholly different conditions, whom (Jod had placed on a higher eminence and dignified with a greater wisdom. Many of them were slaves, in bondage, as were the Canaanites whom God commanded his eople to put ami to keep under the yoke, giving them no voice in the administration of public affairs. The Con stitution dissolved not their Uinds. Contrarily.it provided that they should "be subject to their own masters with nil honor," as Paul had directed the slaves in his day. It pledged that if they ran away they should be de'iveiel up, on reclama tion, to their proper masters, as Paul himself de livered up Onesimus, without reclamation, be cau-e he belonged by law to another man. We now think it n error to have m ide the Constitution in cite t speik against itself; against laws founded upon it; against the highe-t judicial opinions; agwin-t the common us ige; ol all t tue j against the pre.c.lent- of the great Liw. i- ci;

against the course of bis moral providence; against the precepts and example of inspired men. We seem to ourselves now to have been too much swayed by n tinse theory of" the rights of men," which has no warrant i'rom the scripture, but is reierable historically to speculative sophistry and unbelief, a theory about which tlie philosophers themselves, and the pdiiicians who have thriven by their Fublileties, have perpetually disagreed, to the disorganization of society, ever since God gave to the virtuous sons of Noah social and xtitical pre-eminence above their obscene brother, as he has distinguished ever since between men and nnttoiis on s milar accounts. Such fictions may obtain in revolutionary France, or cosmopolitan OirMBj, but belong not to Puritan America. Our Fathers were not so taken. They better un derstood Mo-e-. and Christ, and Paul. The" new lights" misled us. We resolve to return to the old piths, and set up again the ancient landmarks. Thirdly; Some of us have found a greater justification of the-e irregularities, in a more settled and out-poken conviction of the sinfulness of slavery itself. Whde we have kept aloof from the philosophers, we have yet adopted their language, and almost justified their spirit. W e have professed that not to contend against the principle of slavery, or to concede anything, in this respect, would tic "to make a league with death." In this we have been extreme and inconsiderate, though sincere au I conscientious, as was Paul in his blind attachment to speculative traditions. We hue lost now none ol our hatred of all injustice, oppression and cruelty. Our souls still revolt at the iniquities which have been attendant on the slave trade, at the horrors of the middle passage, and the numerous public and private wrongs and evils resulting from the practice of slavery, as it has been so often used, to gratify the cupidity or lust of ambitious, greedy or licentious men. We would as soon as any other men insist that the slave should have the enjoyment of all the rights and pri ileges pertinent to Iiis calling. We would defend him, at the cost of jH-operty or life, against unlawful injuries. We would teach. Christianize, and, if that belonged to us, convert him. We love, pity and would save him. We would give him liberty whenever that should be better for himself or for the world. But we would now do this in subjection, not to the sophists or the dem agogues, but to Christ and his Apostles. Our in stincts, sentiments, reasonings and policy should be governed by the same guidance of the scriptures. We are now convinced that tbe Constitution, in admitting slavery did, and from the nature of the case could do no more essential wrong than did the code of Moses, or of other governments to which Christ and bis Apostles enjoined submission ution all the Christians. We perceive that God,

in ordinary things, in this respect, as he has done i in Scripture, must have had reasons which are j above our criticism, or, however, that his will is decisive of all practical questions of right and i wrong. Moreover, reasons for slavery are npjKirent reasons retributive and prudential reasons t of justice and of mercy, reasons corresponding to those which we observe for the course of Provi j deuce in general in preserving the balance of the i pre:ent disordered system of the world, securing guardianship.dlsciplincaud restraint for licentious, 1 degraded, incapable persons, win would otherwise prey upon more cultivated and virtuous so i ciety, to its general disorganization or their own intimate extinction, as long txcrience has pievnd. It seems now more than probable that this nation, the Africans included, as things arcin respect to the different races, could no more j Imve stood without slavery than the Israelites could have stood in the land of Canaan, if thev , . 1 had been infected with our modern romantic wisdom, and had disobeyed (iod in giving liberty, equality and fraternity to its wild inhabitants. Tlie strait anti-slavery principles we have here tolbre advocated or encouraged, seem not to pertain to the natural or constituted regulation of the world, in the present disturbed state of cirth, , but to have had their origin in that extreme selh -di reaction which has taken place, in sjjeculative periods, from t mimical abuses of God's j wholesome ordinances of rule and government to j worse abuses of anarchy und licentiousness of which the Gospel teaches all Christians to bew -e, i and in wjiieh it seems to foreshow the wreck of nations. We turn from such gildel conceits to our H:b!es, which we have too much neglected, or imprudently inlerpretel by humanitarian fictions or the rox populi which was echoed and applauded by them. That slavery is a de idly sin we can not now find in scripture ; else, not only the world, in distinction from the Church, but the Church itself has never been alive, and Christ is dead in vain ; else, our Lord himself knew not what was in man, when he commended the slave holding centurion as having greater faith than he had found in Israel ; else Paul was an ignorant or a double minded man when he admonished the slaves to be subject to their own masters, and to be content with their calling, and pronounced cm phatically that "if any man teach otherwise he is proud, knowing nothing, doting about questions and strifes of words, whereof cometh envy, strife, railings, evil surniisings, perverse disputings of men of corrupt minds, and destitute of truth." We find no retraction of these authoritative wonls.no hint given us to depirt from them, or that the reasons of them will cease till the winde groaning and travailing creation shall be set at liberty, at the manile-tation of the sons of God. We fear that an attempt to fore-tall that grand jubilee of the nations, except so far as we may nl able to diffuse a Chri-iian spirit among the differ ent classes of mankind, would lie more disastrous than the Crusades, or other attempts which have been prematurely made to restore Jerusalem. We would not, therefore, be righteous over much and die lefore our time. We would not on account of mere theories, which all exjierience has hitherto confuted, subject our memories to the reproaches of our children, or exKsc our country to the horrors of a civil and servile war. It concerns us not to justify our Southern brethren. They may have deserved, on various accounts, the judgments which some have profanely imprecated uion them on this account alone, and wliich others, more foolishly, have felt themselves commissioned of Heaven to denounce. But their snts, whatever they may be, prove not our purity, and excuse not our delinquencies. We have done with throwing stones. While there istrife between us it becomes us not to be their judges. They could, ierhaps, heroine ours with equal reison. and mutual criminations could only result in a common ruin. The times demand of both a better wisdom. That. poasBjrY, may yet restore us. through mutual concessions anil impartial compromise; and a new era of public virtue, prosperity r.nd happiness may succeed. Other wise we must fall together. Our exultant nation will die in its youth. The eagle will drop from our mid-heaven, and screaming vultures will hasten to prey upon the dishonored dead. Coxsistkxct. A Fire-Side Story. One evening a poor man and his son, a little boy, sat by the wayside near the gate of an old town in Germany. The father took out a loaf of bread which he had boughtOi the town, and broke it and gave half to his boy. "Not so, father,", said the boy, "I shall not eat until after you. You have been working hanl all day for small wages, to support me. and you must be very bun gry ; 1 ilnl I wait till you are done." "Vou speak kindly, my son," replied the pleased father. "Your love to me does me more good than my food; and those eyes of yours remind me of your dear mother, who has left us, and who told you to love me as she used to do; and indeed my boy, you have been a great strength and cm for to me: but now that 1 have eaten the lirst morsel to please you, it is your turn now to eat." "Thank you. father; but break this piece in two and take you a little more, for you see the loat is not large, and you require much more than I do." "I shall divide the loaf for you, my loy; but eat it, I shall not. I have abundance, and let us thank God for his great goodness in giving us food, and in giving what is better still, cheerful and contented lent;. He who gave us the Bring bread from Heaven to nourish our immortal sools, how shall he not give us all other food that is necessary to supjiort our mortal bodies?" The father and son thanked God. and then !e pin to cut the loaf in pieces, to begin their frugal meal. But as they cut one Mirtion of the loaf there fell out several pieces of gold of great value. The little boy gave a shout of jov, and was springing forward to grasp the unexiected tie i -ure, when he was pulled back by his father. "My son, my son," he cried, " do not touch that money ; it is not ours." " But whose is it, father, if it is not ours?" " I know not, as yet, to whom it belongs, but probably it was put there by the baker through si me mistake. We must im aire. Run!" " But, father," intcrruptwl the bay, " you are poor and needy, and you have liought the loaf and the baker may tell a lie. and " " I will not listen to you. my boy. 1 Imuglit the loaf, but did not I my the gold in it. If the baker sold it to ine in ignorence 1 shall not be so dishonest as to take advantage of him. Remember Him who told us to do unto others as e would have others do unto us. The baker mai Hssi bly cheat us. 1 am poor indeed, but that's no sin. If we share the poverty of Jesus, God's own S.m. O, let us share, also, his goodness and hi- trust in God. We may never be rich, but we may always lie honest. We may die of starvation, but (J oil's will be done should we die by domg it! Yes, my intrust God, and walk in his ways, and you shall never be put to shame. Now, run to the baker and bring him here, ami I shall watch the gold until he comes." So the In iy ran for the baker. "Brother workman," said the old man. "you hae made some error, and almost lost our money," and he then showed the baker the gold, and told him how it had been found. "Is it thine." asked the father; "if it is, take it away." "My father, baker, is very poor, and " "Sile'n e, my child; put me not to shame by thy complaints. 1 am glad we have saved this man from losing his money." The baker had been gazing alternatively upon the honest father and tbeeiger boy, and icn.ii the gold which lay glittering upon the ree:i turf "Thou art. indeed, an hone t fellow," said the baker,' . ndn i.e" lib' ! . David, the flax die ist, I dd but the nth whe.i be -lid th u weit t'-e

honestest man in town. Now I shall tell thee aliout the gold. A stranger came to my shop three days ago, and gave me that loaf, and told me to sell it cheaply, or give it away the honestest poor man whom I knew in the city. I told David to send thee to me a- a customer this morning; as thou wouldst not ha e the lo i: i'or noihiiig. I so!. I it to thee, as thou know est, for the 1 i-t pence in thy purse; and the loaf, with all its tie.-ure and it is not small is thine, and God grant thee a blessing with it." The poor father bent hisheid (o the ground while the tears fell from his eyes. His boy ran ami put his hands about his neck, and said: "I shall always, like you, my father, trust G'id and do what is right; for I am sure it will never put us to shame."

Tlie Effects of Disunion. Gov. Stewart, of Missouri, in his annual message, most forcibly portrays the advantages of the Union to that State, and the States generally, ! and the disastrous consequences which would follow the disruption of the Confederacy to eich and all. We copy a portion of it, which refers to the present crisis of the country, as well worthy of I general consideration, and to show the sentimcut : prevailing in a powerful bonier slave State: Missouri occupies a position in regard to these troubles that should make her voice potent in the councils of the nation. With scarcely a Disunion 1st, per if, to be found in her borders, she is still. ; determii ed to demand and maintain her rights at every hazard. She loves the Union while it Is the protector of equal rights, but will despise it as j the instrument of wrong. She came into the Union upon a compromise, and it is witting to I abide by a fair compromise still; not such eptieni erat contracts :s are enacted by Congress to-day and repealed to-morrow; but a compromise assuring all the just rights of the States, and agreed to in solemn convention of all the parties interested. Missouri has a right to speak on this subject, because she has suffered. Bounded on three -ides by free territory, her border counties have been the frequent scenes of kidnapping and violence; and this State has probably lost as much in the last few years, in the abduction of slaves, as all the rest of the Southern States. At this moment, several of the western counties are des olated. and almost depopulated, from fear of a bandit horde who have been committing depredations arson, theft, and foul murder upon the adjacent border. Missouri has a right to be heard from her present position and jiower, as well as from the great calamities that u hasty dissolution of the Union would bring upon her. She has now a larger voting ixipulatiou than any other slave State, with prospective wealth and power far beyond any of her sister States. With nearly seventy thousand sapaare miles of territory, already inhabited by a million and a quarter of people, she has more arable band, of the first .uality, than any other State in the Union; her territory is washed and intersected by rivers, whose fountains and tributary streams water half the continent, sad whose mingled flood forms "an inland sea" extending more than a thousand mi'es to the oceui; her mineral wealth is far above the reich of conipu tation; her commercial metropolis has shpssdy become the half-way house between the Atlantic and Pacific, and the great mart of trade for half a score of Stites and Territories; whilst our svs tern of internal improvements is stimulating is: dustrv and effort, and rapidly filling up the vacant lands with intelligent, enterprising settlers. It would seem, indeed, that Missouri and her sister border States should be the first, instead of the last, to speak on a subject of this kind. They have suffered the evil and wrong, and should be the first to demand redress. Is it tpiite proper that those who have suffered no pecuniary loss should initiate a proceeding of this kind, and say to us, by their premature action, that we do not know when to redress our wrongs, or defend our honor? Our people would feel more sympathy with the movement if it had originated Rmongst those who. like ourselves, had sutfere i severe loss and constant annoyance from the interference and depredations of outsiders. As matters are at present. Missouri will stand to her lot, and bold to the Union so long as it is worth an effort to preserve it. So long as there is hope for success she will seek tor justice witlcn the Union. She can not be frightened from her propriety by the past unfriendly legislation of the North, nor dragooned into secession by the re strictive legislation of tbe extreme South. If those who should be our natural friends and allies undertake to render our property worthless by a svstem of prohibitory laws, or by re opening the slave trade, in opposition to the moral sense of the civilized world, and at the same time re dure us to the humble position of a sentinel, to watch over and protect their interests, receiving the blows and none of the benefits, Missouri will hesitate long before sanctioning such an arrangement. She will rather take the high jvisition of armed neutrality. She is, at present, able to take care of herself, and will be neither forced nor flattered, driven nor coaxed, into a course of ac tion that must end in her own destruction. If South Carolina and other cotton States persist in -c wssion, she will desire to see them go in peace, with the hope that a short experience of separate government, and an honorable re-adjustment of the Federal compact, will induce them to return to their former position. In the RMM time, Missouri will hold herself in readiness, at am moment, to defend her soil from pollution, and her property from plunder by fanatics and marauders, let them come from what quarter they may. The people of Missouri will choose this deliberative, conservative course, Iwith on account of the blessings they have derived from the Union, and the untold" and unimagined evils that will come with its dissolution. Is it nothing to us that the postal system of the United States car ries intelligence to every family in the State, and receives unek, m postage, only a small Hrtioii ot the expenditure? Is it a trifle to us that millions are distributed from the Federal exchequer every year to support officers and contractors within the State? Is it a matttr of no consequence to our farmers that other millions are paid every year for stock and produce to support the army on our western frontier? But far above this pecuniary view of the sub ject quite beyond the reckoning of dollars and cents is it nothing to be an American citizen ? a freeholder in the greatest and most owerful country on the globe part owner of a flag that has lieen baptized in the fire and blood of a thou sand battles a Hag that floats proudly on every sei. and in every jiort a countryman and kins man of heroes and patriots, who fought and fell in the gre it struggle for liberty and right? Is there nothing in the memories of the isf, the prosperity of the present, or the hopes of the fu ture, that should make us cling with a dying gra-p to this last hope of the world this proud temple of American liberty . But if tbe blessings we have derived from our government excite no desire for their preservation, then let the evils, crimes and horrors which must follow its dissolu ..on. withhold us from hasty ami inconsiderate action. First, though least in the category of evils that must come with secession, are those of a pecuniary nature. The disruption of our present relations, and the organization of an independent government, even without the natural consequences of civil war, will bring great and almost insupportable bur dens upon the people. In addition to the low of all the pecuniary benefits now derived from the General (rovernmcnt. the pe plc must lie unavoidably taxed for the means to inaugurate a new system. Depreciation of property; depression of trade; ruin of individuals and corporations; the withdrawal of gold and silver from circulation, and tie substitution of irredeemable paper trff bankable funds; the loss of State credit, and the crippling or destruction of every public enterprise, these are amongst the negative evils of revolution, yet enough of themselve- to destroy the hopes and crush oilt the energies of a great jieople. To these must be added the ioitive evils of taxation to support a respectable military force, a more thorough sytem of domestic police, an arrangement for the transportation and distribution of the mails, to provide for additional officers of government, and many other expenses. Tho.-e who are skeptical on this Hint should reckon the expense of the three week's campaign just terminated, and then estimate the cost of a cordon of armed sentinels sufficient to protect a border of nearly one thousand miles. In this, as in most cases of fraternal strile, a conquest is the worst of all defeats. A single year's experiment of separate government, under these cir cumstances. would so impoverish the State and oppress the people that the natural consequence might lie looked for in a reign of anarchy or despotism. Our natural enemies, the Alxilitiouists, would attack us on thiee sides, and prey iqion us whenever and wherever they could find the opportunity. Hickering, broil, battle, feud and foray would prevail in all parts of the State: thousands of our best citizens would seek eice and quiet elsewhere, and Missouri nould become like the lightning scorched track of the Roman armies, where they "made a solitude, and called it peace !" All our social, industrial, commercial and elu cation. il interests would languish ami die. The w heels of commerce would rust upon tbe rails, the hammer upon the anvil, the plow in the furrow Farms would lie untended. meiehants idle, mechanics unemployed, our cities desolated as by a plague, and the country by a revolution. A few years of transition would put back Missouri a cen tury in all the elements id' moral and m iterial progress, and finally leave her, as a wrecked com monwea'th, to drift out iivon an unknown sei, on the elibing tide of a popular revolution. These things will be inevitable if we are forced into secession and revolution. Yon might a well attempt to turn back the shadow on the dial of time as to prevent the legitim ite consequences of such a suicidal course. And w ill the planters, the slaveholders, merchants, miners and me-hnres of Missouri surrender the fairest berit ige on which the sun ever shone, in exchange for the mail chimera of se-essrm, to be follow e : by r-v oi n tion. h ittle and blood? Ne cr! Nor will Missoi ri be singular in the '--. of pro; erty aim the sufferings at 1 er eitfzens. COMC qnent i j on the dismembernie:ii of the American

Union. In every section of the Republic, the same evils will prevail in a modificl or aggravated form. Public credit will be a my th, and the payment of public debts a miracle; the indnäsrial pursuits that now bring contentment and ms peritjr to millions of he rth stones, will be either destroyed or turne 1 over to foreigners; our mediant ships will rot in their wharves, whilst the carrying trade of the world is transferrc 1 to Other nations; the cap.it dists and operatives of Europe will furnish our manufacturers, w hilst the wheel of Amerrcan factories anil machine shiqw stand still, and the children of American artisans learn to utter the hoe!ess m for bietd.' It is not unlikely that those who have wage! this politic il contest with the hope that it should end in the bringing financial ruin and the honors of a servile war to the South, may lie the first to find tiic'.r storehouses empty, and the r firesides desolate. Wo commend to the lips of our ene mies the poisoned chalice they had prepared for us, and when they have tasted its bitterness, in ay they turn from their course, and leirn to extend justice to those who have done them no wrong. The v ery idea of the right of voluntary secession is not ouly absurd in itself, but utterly de st rue the of every principle on which national faith is founded. With such a doctrine in vogue, the idea of national credit is prejiosterous. When Texas came into the Union her large debt was paid by the national Government. Has she the right to retire from the compact the moment that the burden is removed from her shoulders? A large portion of our territory has been purchased at the cost of hundreds of millions, and this monev has been paid by all the States of the Confeie racy. Ibis any Suite, composed of this purchased territory, aright to retire with a share of the property for which she has paid next to nothing? If this doctrine of secession holds good, our Government is without the first element of stabilitv .

and is destitute of every feature of respectabilitV. No foreign power will condescend to made trei tics with us; no foreign nor even domestic capitalist will be simple enough to loan money to a dissolving partnership. If the old t'oufederacv, which has enjoyed the confidence of the world for nearly a century, must lose her credit by g:ving countenance to this political heresy, what chance has a uew Confederacy founded upon the practice of this very doc trine? In the absence of national credit, wliich must follow as a legitimate consequence of this doctrine of the right to secede at pleasure, how is it po. iblc to prosecute war, build up national defenses. or foster works of domestic enterprise'.' It would be folly to declare war, for any numlier of States might withdraw from the compact, and avoid the expense of carrying it on. They might withdraw in anticipation of, or in time of war, and join the enemy with impunity. It is idle to think of general secession without violence and blood. We might as well talk about f uputating a limb without severing nerves and veins, or dying without pain. The different mem bers of the Confederacy are hound together bv a OOJMsOa origin, common language, and a com mon fortune in the past; united by tics of commerce, social brotherhood, consaiiguinitv. ami mutual dependence tiKin each other for the comforts of life. We b ive grown to the strength and xwer of a vast empire, and our vital eueigies a;c now in full vigor. If dissolution should come, the death struggle will be as terrible as the dy ing energies are great. Would the North west consent to have the Mis -issippi blockaded by either foreign foes or domestic feuds? Mr. Jefferson purchases 1 this whole region of country from France in order to make this river a great highway for the nation. It be longs to the whole Republic, an 1 the States of the great Western valley will not consent to have their commerce cut off from the sei by one or two States lying near its mouth. This is one of a hundred examples that could lie given to show that peaceable dissolution is a moral iitijxi.s.sibilitv. A strong reason for delay, reflectmn and consultation is, that the great conservative masses of the people are not yet waked up to a knowledge of the mighty danger that threatens us. A ma jority of the Suite Legislatures and of Congress were elected in the midst of a popular furor, and their action will not lie a fair exMncnt of the so lier second thought of the people. The politi cians now in ower are not the men to settle this question. Let us turn from the selfish and heip less politicians, who are struck dumb at the mag nitudc of the calamity which their own folly has precipitated, and make one last apjieil to the great conservative heart of the people. Give them a little time to rectify the errors into which they have been lured by the acts of ambitious and de signing men, and all may yet be well. Let us hojie, then, that Missouri will "possess her soul in patience," occupy ing the high vantage ground which God and nature have bestowed; in -i-ting upon all her rights, yet demanding nothing wrong: meting out condign punishment to the inv aders of her soil, yet refusing to precipitate the destruction of our peace and prosperity by hastily cutting her-el f adrift from the sheet-anchor of our liberties. Whilst 1 would warmly recommend the adoption of all proper measures and influences to secure the just acknow ledgment and protection of our rights, and in the final failure of this, a resort to the last painful remedy of separation; yet, re garding as 1 do the American Confederacy as the source of a thousand blessings, pecuniary, social and moral, and its destruction as fraught w ith incalculable loss, suffering and crime, I w ould here, in my last public official act us Governor of Missouri, record my solemn jirotest against unwise and hasty action, and ms unalterable devotion to the Union, so long as it can be made the protector of equal rights. l'u bin 'Im tint in Rirhmondi Vn. A public meeting of the citizens of Richmonq was held on the 27th ult., to consider the condition of the country. It is described by the En iinrer as one of the largest and most respectable gatherings ev er held in that city , and many of the first men in the place took part in tlie procec 1 iiif;-s. We publish below the resolutions adopted, with the remark that, although commanding the support of a majority of the persons present, they were opposed by a v ery large minority, who fa v oretl those of a more ultra character, and more favorable to immediate secession. The Enttiir r says : The speeches were able, positive, determined a:id sometimes cliMpient. Mr. Crenshaw. Mr. l'atton and Mr. Aylett, in their opposition to the report of the committee, enlisted the sy mpathy and impPflfftj if not of the majoritv of the meet ing, yet of a minority so large that it nibbed their defeat of all appearance of a spirit of submission to Lincoln on the part of the meeting. The speeches of these gentlemen would have undoutedly defeated the resirt of the ccmiuittce. bad not Judge .lohn Robertson a member of the committee, and one of the fathers of disunion come to the rescue of the committee. Hundreds thought that if Judge Robertson supjiortcd the rejxirt there could lie no fears of its not going far enough to make the country understand that Richmond was for disunion. Tbe following are the resolution adopted by the meeting: 1. That we approve of the call of a State Convention, for the purpose of considering and adopting such incisures as are necessary to secure the rights of the State in the existing Confederacy of out of it. and. in the event of the dissolution or our Union, to provide for her assuming her just hare of the debts and obligations, and for secur ing her just share of tin erity, privileges and muniments of the United States. 2. That we reprobate, in the strongest terms, as wholly unjustifiable, any attempt on the part of the Federal Jovernment to coerce a seceding State, and declare that such attempt will, in our opinion, lead to war between the North ami the Southland entail unparalleled calamities upon both. 3. That we deprecate the commencement of hostilities by any seceding State for the ptiqioso of capturing forts in her territory, before the forma tion of a new confederacy, should one beadopte 1. unless, in the opinion of such State, such hostili ties lie essential to her safety ; and hold that the questiou of jieace or war, involving, as it does, the rights and safety of all, should be committed to the General Gov ernment of such Confederacy. And that a retention of military posts, for a lim ited time, by the Unite! States Government, within the territory of a seceding State, no more stains her honor than the continued occupation of British posts within our territory, after the Revolution, tarn'shel the honor of the old Confedera tion. DfUn or Row. Daniel D. .Ihmx We regret to announce the de. e.ise of Hon. P. P. Jones of Brookville, on Friday n'.gh: last. His disc i-e was pneumonia. Mr. Jones was bom in Franklin countv, and w as about thirty seven yeirs of age. He was a graduate of Oxford College, Ohio. Mr. Jones was a lawyer by profession, but he de voted much of bis time to polities. He was on the Democratic electoral ticket in It" ;iti ami in lNid. and in both canvasses did yeoman service for his partv. His name had also been often men tinned in connection with a nomination for Con m s from Irs Di-tricf. the Fourth. Mr. Jones possessed many excellent qu ilities of he id and licit, and his death, in the vigor of in inhood, will lie a gre it loss to his family, and to his er son il and pnlitir.il friends. From I'liil.i.l. l. :.. I'miMit a ni: , Kr.ilay, January 4. Ab ut one hall of the stores are closed, and business is only jartly sus ended. A town me-ting was called for S itimlay to -us tain Major Anderson, and support the efforts of tlie Government to reinforce bun. tciii)ilo.i : sunk. Mkmi-his. FYMay. January . The steamer Jumrs Montymiry was stiagge I and sunk rsstsnsRT, near Hickman, Kentucky. No pai ticalai-.

(Tflfar;i)l)ir.

lVawliiiiglon Hems. W isiu.vi.ToM, Saturday, January 5. On inqtiii'ng at the proper quarter it has been ascertained that before June last, it be;ng found thai the arms at the arsenal were not jroportionately distributed, and that the Southern arse nals were quite deficient in thesh supplies. A distribution was made for eaualizition only, and for no other obje t. They were jirincipally drawn from Spriugfield Armory, and tlie arsenals at Watet v leit. New York, aud Watertowii, Massachusetts. The secession troubles, it is known, had not lcen commenced until after tbe distribution was omnlete 1. There rem ains a preponderance in favor ot' the North. L'eu'en iiit-Gcüerai Sett was engaged until four o'clock on business connected with his Detriment. The Republicans were again in caucus to day. the object being to agree on uniform legislative action. The arrival of recruits from Philadelphia for the purpose of being drilled at the National barracks at Washington, has been magnified into undue importance. Judge Dickinson, the Commissioner of Mis-.s sippi to Delaware, his arrivel here. His friends say the sentiments presented by him before the Legislature of Delaware were resHindcd to by strong demonstrations in favor of Southern ac tion by a crowded house, and the opposition was confined to only a lew persons. Duff Green has just returned from a visit to the President elect. He conies back greatly encouragcJ. He had a free, frank and satisfactory talk with Mr. Lincoln upon the gre it question disturb ing the country . He informed Mr. Lincoln that un less some mode of adjustment was made all would be lost. He has hopes that something will yet be done by Mr. Lincoln's friends here. Numerous western members of the Virginia Legislature arrived here yesterdav and to-dav, on their way to Richmond. The general feeling ex pressed by them is that the Legislature should immediately enact a law calling a State Convention, and pass a declaratory resolution against coercing a seceding State. ' The Virginia United States Senators and one of the Representatives also agree on these (Klints. Representatives Currv and Pugh, of Alabama. have left for home, and others from the same State will follow next week, while other members of prospectively seceding States are making prejwrations to take their departure. The rumor w hich prevailed that the aloop-of-war Brooklyn has been ordered with United States recruits to Charleston has been pronounced false by official authority. Mr. Hague, Postmaster at Charleston, has written to the Postmaster General that he holds himself responsible to the Federal Government for the revenues accruing to his office for the present, therefore the postal arrangements will continue unchanged. The Republicans held a caucus to-day. Eighty members were present. There was a desahctory debate on national (mentions. Mr. Howard, of Michigan, was Chairman, and Mr. Csdfax, of In diana, Secretary. The proceedings were private. Soiiili Carolina Convention. CiiARixsrox, Friday, January 4. The Convention, to-day. appointed as delegates to the General Congress of the seceding State-: Hon. T. J. Witkins. L M. Keitt. A. W. Bote, H. li. Khett, Jr., R. W. Baniwall and CO. Memminger. W. P. Miles was apminted Secretary t 99 ceiie the report of the Commissioners to Wash ington. The President of the Convention received a telegraph dispatch from Mayor Monroe of NewOrleans, which is as follows: The city of New Orleans fjdly sympathise with the city of Charleston in trie perils to which she is exposed, r.nd will not fail to supjiort her when the occasion re mire action. Mr. Hutson ofl'ere I an ordinance that all power not necessary to make post il laws be vested in the General A-sctubiy. Passed. Mr. Keitt offered a resolution permitting the officers in any force, tegular or volunteer, raise i under the order of ?he Convention to hold seats in either House of the General A -enibly or any other office. Accepted. Mr. Curtis ollered a resolution that the late Commissioners to Washington lie requested to prejiare at their earliest convenience the result of their recent attempt at negotiation w ith the Pres ident of the United States for the delivery of the forts and other State property, said documents to lie deposited w ith the President of this body , with an injunction of secresy until otherwise ordered. Adopted. An order to print 5.000 copies of the cones jiondence between the Commissioners to Washington and the President of the United Sutes. was laid on the table. The chair and the appurtenances used on the night of signing the oidinance of secession were ordered to be placed in the State House at Columbia. The adoption of an ensign was ordered to ue left to the Legislature. From llnston. Bortos, Saturday, January 6. Governor Andrews' inaugural was delivered to day to the Legislature. His financial statement shows that $.'7,700 are to be raised by tlie State tax to cover deficits in pre ions years. The aggregate amount of taxable property in the State is $t?97,7äö,oi6: an increase of fifty percent, in ten years. The enrolled militia in the State ex ceed 1 '5.000, while the active militia are but 5,600. The Governor suggests that a large mini ler be placed on an active footing, that the State may be ready to contribute her share of force in anv exigency of public danger. 'Die Governor favors the almlition of tbe death penalty and change in statutes of marriage and divorce. The personal liberty law he lielieved strictly constitutional, the rijilit of a pe: -on p claim an alleged fugitive would alwavs be .subordinate to the original indefeasible right of every "free man of his libertv. He submits the subject to the wisdom of the legislature. Of the secession ipiestiou he treats at some length, to the effect that the people of Massachu setts respondiu the words of Jackson: "The Federal Union must lie pre.-erv ed." The large granite building, No. 72. Long Wharf, was damaged by fire this morning. It was occupied by Van Mray & Co., commission merchants. Loss $1(5 .'MIO; insured. One hundred guns w ere fired on the Common to-day in honor of Major Anderson. Tue steim frigate Miissippi has lieen taken from the dry docks at the Navy yard thoroughly 1-eji.iiied. ntionnl I a si Da) . Washim.ton, Friday, Januar' 4. The National Fast Day was observed with more than Sibhath solemnity. There weredi v ine serv ices in the various eliun lie-, n.d tin- 1 1 .i 1 of the Representatives was crowded to hear an addre-s by ( ha alain Stockton on the present state of the Union. Nr.w Y ork. Friday. January 4. The National Fast Day was observed in this city by almost a cessation of business, and other wise in the most becoming manner. Nearly all the churches were oien and well attended, and in most instances crowded. In Brooklyn the day was generally observe!. At Mr. Heecher's an immense i-ontTi'gation was convened, and Hev . Mr. Cuyler officiated. In Jersey City the day was also generally observed. Fi I, Ts,, Friday, January 4. Business in this city today was universally suspended, and churches all thronged with people tuid it is decidedly the most solemn day ever witnessed iu the history of Petersburg. At Richmond the day is being duly observed; nianv of the discourses delivered were very elo quent and powerful, all of them earnestly invoked the interposition of Divine Provider! in the present difficulties. Iul expressed devotion to the South, and while war was deeply to le deplored it was necessary to prejxire for it for our own ro tec tion. Southern cvvs. Cnabijuitox, I !.. . January 4. All is quiet here. Fort Sumpter has not been hnteiged as reported to day. Major Anderson was visited by his brother, with three gentlemen. The understanding was that the interview would take place in their fires enee. Tbe journals to-day publish the correspondence between the Commissioners to Washington and the President of the United States. Hon. A. B. L ni"street. President of the South Carolina College, has issued a four page pamphlet, entitled "Stialj South Carolina be 'in war " He honestlv de-ires the cid lector on loard the Har riet ltanr to le allowed to land, and says he shall be treated "mlitelv and intnaluced toddletor Colcoek. so that the Collectors of the two sovereign St ites could use every means to settle the respe?tivc claims in a spirit of courtesy, ami candidly. If the posts are reinforced it would lie an unfair conflict, in which hundred of our sons ould la- slain. Fort Moultrie would Itecome de rte.l and the wrath of the United States would be Wrought ujtou our devoted city. He implores the peiple to let tbe first shot come from tbe enemv. From Leaveuw orla. jr h tm itm. Saturday, Wmlir -V Arrangements have lieen made with the rail road companie- to transport all tbe av ailable force at Fort Leavenworth, consisting of two comps nies of light artillery , comprising tW men ami 190 horse-, to Fort Mclleiiry . near Ilaltimore. They will lene on Monday evening. Volnnlrrr to the (inrrnmrnl. Wi.sTniK.yrr a. Pa., Saturday, Januar- 5. Then-will he a meeting th:- evening to enrol volunteers in the regiment of C!ieter county to offer their -erv ices to the Gov e i.m tit to maintain the XViiistitution and enforce the laws. The meeting i ci'bd by ucmVis of all pirtie...

From Chirmwo. Chicago. Saturday, Jaauarr 5-

Exchange ou New York declined to three per cent. Fort organ Taken by the Insurgents. Mntau:. Saturday. January Fort Morgan was taken nnaiojaioa of thn morning by the Mobile troops two hundred mi ... I . s. Arsenal at nobile Taken. M i iii Friday, January 4. The United States arsenal was taken at daylight this morning, by the Mobile troops, without re- --an e The arsenal contains Tt-JKJU fctand of arms, lf500 barrels of powder, 3(N).0O0 rounds of musket cartri !--, an t other munitions of war. It is rumore! that Fort Morgan was taken last night. From Cincinnati. I i. :x4Ti. Saturday. Januarys. The working men's meeting last night waa well attended. Several speeches were made, and resolutiiuis de-daring that ibe Union must be preserve l in its integrity by the enforcement of the laws in every part of the Union by whatever mens may be i.e- e-s.iry . and that a remedy for all grievances can be had under the Constitution, were passed. From orfolk. Basrä, V.. Friday. January 4. The United Statt- sloop of war Brooklyn is coaling and taking in stores, and getting readv for a cruise. It is rumore i tliat she is destined for Chariest ni (ire it excitement w as created yesterday on ae count of a report that four companies from Fortress Monroe bad been ordered to Charleston. Lieut. J. H. North tendered his resignation todav . From FittftOurw. l'rrrmruc, Saturday, January 5. Mr. McClure passed here from Springfield to-day. where he bad leen inv ited by Mr. Lincoln. He as-eri - p.-ii i e!y th it no C itiinet iippointmcnts for Pennsylvania had lieen absolutely determined -on. Mr. Lincoln wishes to reflect the views of his friends in Pennsylv ania. He w ill appoint none in whom he has not confidence personally and politically, as he can best judge from expressions made from the Stae to him. Delegates to Chi -eago and other leading Republicans protest against Cameron's appointment. From "ew Vorh. Xrw loan. Saturday. January S. The steamer Star of the Went was coaled np yesterday with unusual celerity, and report, which is ridiculed at the office of the Company, says she is going to Charleston with troops. Rev. Heurv Artbon died iu thi citv this morning. Hon. William Kent die1, in Fiskill yesterday. Tbe oil factory of Schvee-tan k Bro., of Jersey City, was burned last night. law $10,000. The steamer Fulton sailed at noon to day for South impton and Hav re with five passengers and $l.b. .971 in spec5. The steamer City of Manrheeter sailed for Liverpool with 126 jKissengers. From Savannah. "avawah, Friday, January 4. Fort Pul iski iv I- yederday taken possession of by tlie volunteers, by oider of tiovernor Brown. It is reported that the rc enuc cutter Dobbin has lieen taken M-e - ' n of, but Governor Brow n has issued order.- to. hi leturn to the Covern ment. It is generally beSwTC I th t the o n ticket has c;:n led the St 'fe. 1 leirn from a geatlemau who arrived here this morning from Savannah that tlie forts are in pos ses-ion of tbe Georgia Uo;s. They are occupied by one hundred and fifty men, and an armorer with thirty mrti i- i in cleiring the guns to render them serviceable. Tbe State of Georgia has also taken rjos.seasiou of the United Slates revenue in that station. From Ha rrinburw. It Auurn asm, P., Friday, January 4 Appearance; strongly indicate the election of Mr. Cowan a- I nitel State Senator. Wilnwt is his strongest opponent. The anti Cameron men await the arrival of Mr McClure . anxiously. Congressmen Sterrilt, Killinger and McPher son, ot Pennsylvania, are here on a commission to persuade the Republican members of tlie Leg i si at ure not to pass an appropriation to arm the inuitarv. Mr. Sterritt expresse- a doubt as to the appoint ment of Cameron as Secretary of the Treasury. The friends of Mr. Cameron 'stale that they saw a promise of the appointment . under Mr. Lincoln's From Baltimore. Kai.naotti, Friday, January 4. The following special dispatch to the Anten can has been received: Oiaki term. Friday. January 4. Governor Pickens has div ided the duties of the executive administration of South Carolina among his Council thus: He appoints A. S. McGrath, Secretary of State; regulate intercourse with otlier States and foreign powers; make treaties; regulate commerce, and appoint consuls. D. F. Jameson. Secretary of War. C. (4 Memminger, Serrntary of the Treasury. W. H Hurllee to reflate the postal department and light hou-. - A. C. Garlington, Secretary of the Interior, to attend to local matters, including the military and coast jiolice. From Philadelphia. I'hii ant i T-Hivaturtlay. January 5. The adjourned meeting of the citizens of Philadelphia, to consider the -esent state of tbe Union, was held at the Board of Trade rooms today. The committee to whom the coercion and non coercion resolution was referred, made no report, there being an ev ident determination on the pirt of many ireciit, w ho did not participate at the last meeting, to force the passage of the lion coercion resolution- of .lodge Lewis, which were resisted by prominent Republicans. An exciting scene of disorder occurred, during which District Attorney Mann -lion ed a willingness to fight on the spot. On motion of a Republican tbe meeting was adjourned, but another was immediately called at the same place and Judge Lewis placed in the cYiir. Resolutions were then unanimously passed, denouncing the ers.iial Iilerty bills, tc, and approving the Crittenden resolutions. The Republicans refuse I to particijaite in the second meeting, and manifest much ill feeling at the conduct of their political opxnent in over riding them. Wathinirtan Correspondence. Nrw Yik, Saturday, Januar) i. A dispatch to the Commercial says the Con gressional Committee of tbe lorder States have agree 1 upon a compromise, Mr. Sherman assenting. This renews contidence in a final adjut ment. The sloop of war Brooklyn baa mit yet been ordered to Charleston. The Massachusetts delegation recommend Charles Francis Adams for a seat in Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet. A dispatch to the Poet says the Southern Senators says the Brooklyn, if sent to Charleston, will be sunk in the harbor, tlie liirht house darkened, buoys removed and batteries opened npon the steadier from Morris Island. The women of Charleston will spend Sunday making cart rid pes. Some Representatives from the lorder States said yesterday their people would he content with the admission of New Mexico, and Seward's constitutional amendment against interfering with slaverv in the States. iav. Wnsh hum's of We. Inauraral. Ilotfros. Saturday, January 5. Tbe inaugural me-s,ie. ,,f Governor WhmJi hum. of Maine, to the Legislsture of that State was an encouaraging view of the material growth and prosperity of the State. He recommends consideration and fortie irance and tokens of good will toward the South, which no crimination should Ik- allow imI to interrupt, and tlie setting of ourselves right in whatever respect we may have been wrong, as the offerings wliich a- good men and patriots, we -hould say upon the altar ot our country , and in doing this we consent to the abatement of not one jot or tittle of the prinei pies affirmed by the jieople at the recent election. We would stand by the Constitution of our fathers; the Constitution as it is ami make no compromise tlut would involve us in the guilt of treason, and justly render us the siiim of man kind. The Governor devote a aragraph to the subject of ersoiial lilerty bills, recommending tie repcil of any statute, which may tie found e ther unconstitutional or justly regarded as offen a've, hut ipiite plainly imtly itig bis conviction tint Maine is not really a transgressor in this respect. Honor to .flajor Andel Aram. X. T . Saturday. January K. One hundred guns were tired in this city this evening in honor of Major Anderson. I tk a, Y.. Saturday, January 5. Two salutes of thirty three guns each wss fired mis .iii. iii- on ,,, ,11mm oi .i;ij.i aiiunsiin alio the I'niou. It is proMsed to honor the memory of Old Hickory in the same way on Tuesday , the snni rersary of Xew Orleans atnanatrABT, X. T. Hatarday, Jaasary 5. The Twenty sixth Regiment last evening, un der Captain Hoy son ami Van Ingen, fired on lute of thirty three tuns and thirty three ro.-'ei. ,,i honor of Major AndiTsoii and hi- lirave men. National airs were performed amid cheers for An der-on and Secretary Holt and Staiitiion Whrrusu. Vs., Saturday. Jaimary ft. One hundred guns were fired by the Union men in onor of Major Ander-in.