Indiana Republican, Volume 3, Number 128, Madison, Jefferson County, 22 May 1819 — Page 1

t 1.1 1 It. "WHERE LIBERTY DWELLS, THERE IS MY COUNTRY. it .1. i f . " MADISON, (INDIANA) SATURDAY, MAY 22, 18 19. No. 128. OL. III.

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PUBLISHED EY

LODGE & ARION, Ei?V SATURDAY.

1 CONDITIONS. rr-r - .Kr;PUULICAN" wilt l:Wv:v:d at the otaee for tu'o " ! r.s per 'Annum, paid in udJ " .'; it" '-aid within two months -.Vi'-'rih;n.;, it will ho consi'j .Lj i 1 advance ; two dollars am! tnts if p within twelve ""'..W- ;;n I three dollars ii not -r.iil toe rear expires. " V ..,.r uiU he discontinued -x - ri -' 7:j "casci a secVcribcr must . . . ; t nt.: uh at l-u. cud of r ufhi, intention t; uiseon;'.rG: he will be held re,od- "": , ' vaes subscription. . t rtisc"v.T.ls not exceciirra r rud thre. U:at s ' . -v ir.n ;er ones in p"m- ' e - , if tV- number ,t mv:'j be (.oAfiiutil at trie ex-

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t,- h(jhce, ledersonville, August $thy 1 3 1 S . r-" ' ( A3 wishing to niakc t,;.r- of .iiids entered in ri;c ar: requested not to rVllc th?.ni 01 t iie back of the ''stcr's ce:'t;f:ciie but on a c ,rue pivce of piper. It trev h.i ppjns. tint by trans-:.-j:u1 as-i'nini; on the i k e f c e r t i ;i c . 1 1 es , t li e y be co n 1 e j-:r.u:i!itcd and defaced as to .-rov the contents. The fol-

liinz form miv be Uied. I.r v ilae rcceiveti I, A. B. count v, dj as;i ,n Sc .insftT t; C. D. of county ah mv ri rht & title to the (jnirtcr section No. in :.-.:.ii) No. (North or

1 x v y as the cse may be) of rr: 1 No. E it of the Jefu: ;iV.ie District. Witness z: h.ii ! and seal this day of ' iSi!. A. 1. rSeai.)

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aie!ment bcinu; ac;r,ed h:More any jilt!ce

t'c . ejee, and ccrrilied bv '' cie? k of the cva:tv or its ; o'leii, will pr()cure a pa- -!.?. In all case; where t!)e l-i.'.;i-.t rate's tn clerk's cert i ii- - i'.rer to be on a tiiSerr p:ee of p ioer from the as-v-nrnt it w ill be proper for ' to et forth the particular 5" will be well for macn- ' : - and others who are in Inbit of writinri asiirn. ' to pre verve a copy f t as their ruide. 1 ;i .c who send to the oilice

ir" o t their business done, will

Fiv- to be particular in desun in a plain legible hand, ,f-2 tract thev wish to enter.

to write their iziven names

entail Icncth.

SAMl. G WA IIIMEY.,

: f toe B.ihimore Aaveriiier. , i iir Princess of Wales. Appears from an extract from w'ion papery that the Print) VT i!cs is once more a-r.-t to endure the fiery onleal "public investigation. Whatrr nuy be the present char-r-tr'" "f this perrcuied lady, ;r'r)'-v not. Fern .ile honor, i'x '-icesu pectd, is blasted

and ever since her marriage to the Prince Regent, she has been suspected. While living in a state of exile from her husband, denied all access to the court, and surrounded by spies in the character of servants, ever disposed to aggravate and misrepresent all her actions; even in the midst of such unheard of persecution, she boldly challenged all investigation. A committee was appointed to examine the evidence and they reported in favor of her innocence. This did not satisfy her roval consort she was still in his eyes an object of suspicion, still exiled from the presence of the court, still deserted by the man who should have been the protector of her fame. A woman once suspected by her husband, is in the estimation of the world guilty. This princess was placed in the front rank of society, exposed to the full cuzc, and to the bablinc: tongue of the million, an object of scorn and suspicion to the husband of her bosom. Who was to stand forth with a generous sensibility her friend and protector, if her husband would not ! How little does conscious innocence avail, when cuspicion belches its poison. The Princess in the midst of a court surrounded by all jhe blaze of crowns and coronets, wore beneath this splendid exterior, a heart rung with anguish, and her midnight pillow was planted with thorm. To escape from such suspicious glances, against which conscious virtue (fords no protection, she flics to the continent of Europe, and may probably now be what her husband once suspected hertohave been she may have at last forsaken that innocence which afforded her no shield against the arrows of calumnv in the davs of her honor and virtue. But what shall be s aid of the husband who, himself notorious for the commission of such infidelity, drives an innocent wife to despair and to ruin ! lie stands a signal cc awful mark of retributive vengeance, the hopes of royalty are now extinguished forever in his line his youthful daughter in the full spangle of her fame, is summoned to attend the king of terrors, and her infant child on whom the hopes of the nation rested. Such are the miseries too often attendant on royalty, miseries not to be assuaged by diadems and by coronets. These are the evils of monarchy , evils from which we trust in God our country will ever be exempted. BRITISH 7?rv; OF COMMONS. Tuesday, February 9. PENAL CODE. Mr. Wilbeiforcc siid, that he had been intrusted with a petition which he considered it an honor to hold, and which, but for indisposition, he should have laid before the house at an earlier day. It came from a most respectable body, the society of Friends, commonly called Ou-ikeis, and it called upon the house to take into Us

serious consideration the many laws under which the punish, inent of death was inflicted,' (hear.) The same body, acting with that sobriety, temper and moderation, by which they were distinguished, had been on mor occasions than one, the first to point out and to reprobate the existence of evils of the highest magnitude. He could not forget, for to forget it would be the height of ingratitude, that the Quakers v.crc among the earliest of those who had claimed that the slave trade should be abolished,1 and had never been backward an promoting any caue favorable to the interests ot humanity, (cheers.) The petition, however, deserved the most serious attention, not merely on account of the individuals by whom it was signed, but on account of the importance of the question to which it related. To that question it was impossible to advert, without expressing, though faintly, his deep regret, in common with the whole house and countrv. that it was not left for him to raise his feeble voice in that cause which had been so ably advocatcd by one whose name would be recorded among the benefactors of mar-kind and whose memory would be fonday cherished by ail those .who reverenced cither public or private virtues (cheers frc;n ail Mdcs) a man whose gf-ner.d knowh-de w:v! c-ly eq;.d!cd by his professional attainments, and who brought to the subject all the lights of understanding and the advantages of experience, (hear.)k The obligations of the country to the .unwearied labors of the most distinguished and lamented individual weie acknowledged by iriends and enemies if, indeed, the terms could be applied to those who loved him with devoted enthusiasm, or enemies to those who, while they resisted his propositions had admitted the benevolence of their ooject, and the admirable intentions of him who introduced them, hear, hear.) He was a man in whom public and private excellence were so united, and so equally balanced, that it was difiicult to say which had the predominance, while those who enjoy. cd his friendship would feel satisfied that the general benevolence of his views and projects was exceeded bv the er clearing qualities of hii domestic life, (hear, hear.) The country had been deprived of his assistance when most it was needed, and when he had proceeded but a few steps, towards the completion of his object; those steps had been made with caution, though without hesitation; and if his progress was at first resisted, opposition in the end was disarmed by the persuasion of his eloquence, and conviction compelled by the force of his talents, (continued cheers) He trusted that some individual of competent knowl-

Sir Samuel Rotr.iiy.

edge, industry &: ability, would yet be found to undertake the reform of the ciimiual code, and by recommending the alteration of many of our penal statutes, render capital convictions and executions less frequent. Proof had been lately aiforded of the mode in which females, the most abandoned to vice, had been reclaimed by the almost .unaided e'forts of one benevolent womanf whose name is too well known to need repetition, (hear.) He took no small share of shame to himself that he had so long neglected a subject of so much importance : and he hoped yet to be able to make some amends for it, (hear, hear.) The pctiton was then brought and read. it appeared to be fiom a number of Qu:d;ers, who signed it on behalf of the whole society resident in GreatBritain. It w is read and ordered to be printed.

fMrs. Fry.

The Sovereignty of the States--Nc. 3. We repeat it that the late decidon of the supreme court about the bank of the .United States, vests in the general government the right and power to grant nicnr,policsy under so many pretences, that it maybe siid to extend to " all cases whatsoever," and for unliinitted periods; and it settles the principle, that property introcluiid into a state ov, or traw nig out ot, such monopolies, is exempted from the common operation of the laws of. the states, affecting property of the same description, 'i his is truly alarming 14 squints at" CONSOLIDATION. What. is a monopoly? The dictionary which I happen to have before me, defines it to be, "a grant fromtheking f orsove1 eign" to any person or persons for the sole buying, selling, working, or using any thing." The bank of the.Untted States, then, is a monopoly because the privileges granted by its act of incorporation arc exclu-

to authors and inventors the profits of their writings or inventions, for a limited lime. The reasons for this are manifest: yet in the broad clause charging congress with the "general welfare," this power might have been readily implied, if it had been designed to leave any thing tu implication in the constitution. 1 he general .welfare" h deeply concerned in those things, Ik men will not spend their. time and money to produce useful books &c i;r-en-tions, without the hope of ieward. This instance piairdv shews us that our. government .rests on delegate J powers only, and the 10th amendment seems conclusive on this head. B.it let us recur to ordinal landmarks, and the eailiest interpretations of the nature and spirit of our constiim un. it cannot be believed, th.it there is a man in the United States who will venture to assert that the constitution would have been ratilied, if it had b eu understood that congress nuVht grant monopolies, or deprive the states of their right to ux property, except as to -import j and exports. In eery other instance, the .right to tax is reserved. Aiming the reasons given by Virginia tor ratifying the cor stitution, were these i That therefore no right, f any ' detivni 'nation , can be ca.iceded, abridged, or restrained, or .modified, by .congress, by .sentatives. acting in any capeciiy, by the. president, or ;:r.y department or ollicer of tlx .United States, except in ihcse instances where pozier ii '-;-ec;: by ii:e ccnstituikn for tbos? p;r loses.'1 " I hat each it ue in the union shall respectively retain every power, jurisdiction and .right, which is not by t?rs .constitution delegated to the congress of the United Stares, or the departments of the fed-

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the stockholders of this particular institution; and such privileges cannot be granted to other persons during the existence of the act. Idic general government is as theking' in the case, and absolute. It is, and ought to be, sovereign in respect to all the powers delegated, and such as are ncccsiary to maintain those lowers. But certainly, it never was supposed to be ' necessary or proper," that the U. States should deprive the 5tatcs of their right to tax property, except in the case of imports and exports, as specially provided for. It is impossible that this could have been the original intention of the framers of the constitution; it is neither expressed nor implied. There is only one case in which congress is constitutionally vested with the right of investing any with exclusive privileges that is, to secure

oral government." " That .these datives which" declare that .congress shall not xxercise certain powers, be not interpreted in any .manner whatsoever, .to extend the powers of congress; but that they be construed either as making exceptions to the specified powers where this shall be the case,, or otherwise, as -inserted merely for greater xaut ion." Keuj Torl with others, assigned the following

That

every power, juris

diction or right which is not by the said constitution clearly delegated to the congress of the United States, or the departments of the government thereof, remains to the people cf the several, or to their respective state governments, to whom they may hve granted the same; and that those clauses in the said constitution which declare that congress shall not haveorexercisecertain powers, do not imply that congress is entitled to any powers not given by the said constitution; (jut such clauses are to be construed either as exceptions to certain specified powers, or as

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