Indianapolis Times, Indianapolis, Marion County, 30 September 1952 — Page 15
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TUESDAY, SEPT. 30,
1952
THE VOTERS SPEAK—
Ike Bucks Voting Habit In Texas
‘By SAMUEL LUBELL TWO GHOSTS of the past stand in the way of Gen. Dwight D. Eisenhow-
er’s efforts to capture part of the 128 electoral votes of the 11 Southern states, One is the ghost of the Civil is the haunting memory of the last de-
two spectres are felt most : keenly, as in the relatively : slow- - chang- § ing Southern countryside Gen. Eisenhower is weakest politically. “to carry even the more Inustrialized Southern states the eral must win over a fair number of farmers. . “ » ” TAKE THE MUCH publicized struggle for Texas. The political battle confronting Gen. Eisenhower's Texas supporters is outlined clearly in the 1948 election returns. They show Texas falling roughly into three voting areas: The big cities, with the bulk of Republican vote; East Texas, with its heavy proportion of Negroes and where most of the Dixiecrat vote centers; and the relatively thinly populated counties in the western, central and northern parts of the state where the Democratic majorities four years ago ranged as high as 75 to 95 per cent of the vote. To test Gen. Eisenhower's strength, I sampled each of these three voting areas. » » ” IN HOUSTON I started with two South Side middle-class precincts, where homes average around $13,000 in value. Among those interviewed were three persons who worked for brokerage firms, several salesmen; an accountant, a lawyer, a biology teacher, and a number who owned their own businesses. Of every 10 Truman voters I talked with, only two said they would vote for Gov. Adlai Stevenson, four were shifting for Gen. Eisenhower and four were undecided. So strong was the trend that one woman confessed, “I'll vote for Gen. Eisenhower because all my neighbors are doing it.” There was no noticeable difference in the attitudes of
Mr. Lubell
young or older voters, or of
ow
dons
native Texans and persons who
had come from the North; nor even between renters and home-owners. Houston's white collar elements seemed to be lining up almost solidly for Gen. Eisenhower.
“ly - 5 » ASA CROSSCHECK, I went north of Buffalo Bayou into a precinct inhabited largely by iidustrial workers, many of
them strong union Teribers, and where homes average around $9000 in vaiue. Here only one ‘of every seven Truman voters was shifting, which was not much different than some worker precincts I had visited in the North. In both this and the higher income neighborhood almost the only criticism voiced of Gov. Stevenson personally was that “He's a continuation of Truman.” Those sticking with the Democratic Party usually talked of their troubles during the last depression. “I was starved off a farm in the Panhandle and was getting nowhere until Mr. Roosevelt came along,” recalled a wholesale grocer. “Now I own my home, have a good business and have been able to send my daughter to college. I'm satisfied.” : s o NE THIS SAME political struggle over the memories of the 1930s emerged in Polk County, northeast of Houston, where I went to test Dixiecrat sentiment. In Livingston I stopped at a drugstore on Main St. The own-~ er a States Righter in 1948, was “strong for Ike.” So was his clerk, who had voted for Trumman four years ago. Listening to us talk, a customer joined in. He heaped abuse on “that Truman machine” in Washing-
ton. He praised Gen. Eisenhow- |
er. Asked for whom he would
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vote, though, he retorted, “Not for the Republicans. That's for sure. I voted Republican once in 1928 and look what happened. I'm not gc'ng back to eating Hoover pork.” » » s WHEN 1 ASKED what “Hoover pork” meant, he laughed and replied, “Back in the 30s things got so bad lots of people had nothing to eat. We used to go out and ¢atch armadillos and eat them. We got to calling it “Hoover pork.’ It's something people around here have never forgotten.”
Even among Eisenhower sup- | | porters there is deep concern
over the economic future.
“This spending has got to | “But | it can’t be cut off too sharp. | That's one thing that scared |
stop,” said one merchant.
me about Sen. Taft. He would have clamped tight on everything all at once. It would have been terrible. I figured Gen, Eisenhower Is a' big enough man to slow things down gradually.”
” ” ” A HARDWARE store owner confessed, “I wasn’t sure that
I wanted to take a chance on |: le FIRST BASIC IMPROVEMENT
the Republicans until Gov, Stevenson came out against the tidelands. That made up my mind for Ike.”
Of the Dixiecrats I talked |
with in Pelk County and other
|
parts of Texas, roughly two | out of three .said they .would !
vote Republican.
Even with Gen. Eisenhow- | er's spectacular gains in the |
cities, that still would leave quite a gap to overcome since in 1948 the combiged Republi-can-Dixiecrat strength ran to only about a third of the Texas total. To carry Texas, Gen. Eis-
enhower must cut in on the most staunchly Democratic rural counties in central, western and northern Taxas. Yet here, as will be seen tomorrow, tradition and fear of another depression weigh particularly
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