Indianapolis Times, Indianapolis, Marion County, 27 July 1952 — Page 20

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The Indianapolis ‘Times

A SCRIPPS-HOWARD NEWSPAPER

ROY W, HOWARD WALTER LECKRONE HENRY W. MANZ President

Editor PAGE 20

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Telephone PL aza 5551

Give Light and the People Will Fina Their Own Way

How to Lose an Election

HE LITTLE MINORITY clique of Indiana Republicans who are so persistently trying to read everybody else out of the Republican Party are doing Dwight Eisenhower no good. : On the contrary, their campaign is endangering not only his carrying Indiana this fall, but the election of their

own party's nominees for Senator, for Governor, for Con-

gress and for every state office.

They appear to be-under some sort of delusion that Democrats and “independents” will rush to the polls to vote for Mr, Eisenhower in such numbers that they won't need Republican votes or efforts to win. Nothing in political experience or in the present situation justifies any such belief. We hope many Democrats and independents will, indeed, vote for Mr. Eisenhower in Indiana this year. But if he is to carry this state and win its electoral votes, the solid basis of his support has to be Republicans—the very’ same Republican organization and voters who have carried the state twice for Thomas E. Dewey and once for Wendell Willkie in the past three elections.

THE WHOLESALE “purge” this minority now demands is, at the moment, based on the fact that most Indiana Republicans voted for Taft rather than Eisenhower, for presidential nomination. Whatever dubious justification such a claim might have, if any, disappears when you recall that this very same group was making this very same demand long before the Republican National Conventich, and long before Eisenhower had won the nomination. It had even gone so far as to call secret meetings of district chairmen and threaten Indiana delegates nominated by the party with defeat in November, in its attempt to seize party control. The difference over who should be nominated for President is clearly only incidental to this clamor. The real issue is whether a tiny minority, centered around the personal ambitions of one man, shall win by noise what it has failed to win by votes.

Members of this group now are quoted as saying that “we feel that we have won a victory” and hence are entitled to take charge. Any such “victory” in Indiana has escaped us, somehow. At the primaries last May this group carried 11 of 35 wards and townships in Marion County and lost all the other 91 counties of Indiana, mostly because it lacked even the elementary organization strength to get candidates entered on the ballots. Having failed to elect even a substantial minority of delegates to state and .county con‘ventions it naturally lost there. It immediately demanded that the state chairman, and . the national committeeman, and other duly chosen party

officers get out and turn the jobs over to men it would choose.

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THE REPUBLICAN State Committee meets tomorrow

to decide whether it shall yield to that kind of minority pressure and turn the party organization over to a group which appears to believe it can elect Republican candidates in Indiana without Republican votes. e

Ordinarily we are not too deeply concerned about the internal organization of political parties. This dispute » though, goes somewhat beyond that. We believe it is important to every American that Dwight Eisenhower be elected President of the United States in November. - If he is to be elected he must have the electoral votes of the middlewestern states, of which Indiana is one. Those can be won only by the determined effort of a united party. They cannot be won by throwing most of the party overboard just as the campaign is starting. To us his election is a great deal more important than the personal political ambitions of any one man . . . even the one who is making all the noise about it in Indiana. The state committee, and the state chairman whose resignation is now before it, were the.choice of the overwhelming majority of Indiana Republicans. They still are. We have full confidence in their ability to carry on the kind of campaign that can win in November . . . if the party is not split now by the clamor of a handful of political opportunists. We hope the committee will have the courage tomorrow to hold the party intact, and to keep in his office the chairman who has served it so ably up to now.

What, No Judge ?

HERE'S AN INTERESTING application of the decision of Superior Court Judge Brennan on the city-county health and hospital bill that Ted Knap points out in today's Times. Judge Brennan ruled the law unconstitutional. One of the major reasons, according to his opinion, is that it applies only to counties of 500,000 population or more. That, held the court, is discriminatory, ‘‘special” legislation, since Marion County is the only one in Indiana that qualifies, and hence illegal. We've often wondered about that. The General Assembly does it right along, making laws thatsapply only to counties of certain size, and not to any .others. It did it, in fact, when it created the Superior Court itself, where Judge Brennan sits. : So . .. if Judge Brennan is right on that, then the Superior Court of Marion County is unconstitutional itself, and Judge Brennan isn't really a judge at all and hence couldn’t rule on anything, constitutional or otherwise. On the face of it, the court has ruled itself out of “business. But then if its ruling stands, it hadn't any constitutional authority to rule itself unconstitutional. Gets more complicated all the time. -Looks as if the higher courts of Indiana are still going ‘to have to decide on the city-county health bill, doesn't it?

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Cy BA LT ew ew.

Reserved Seats .

CARATS BEAT FRACTIONS . . . By Frederick C. Othman

DEAR BOSS . . . By Dan Kidney

‘ 4

Hoosier Delegates’ Spirits

High

Over Ride on Right Bandwagon

CHICAGO, July 26—Democratic Convention delegates from Indiana left Chicago with spirits as high as those of the Hoosier Re cans were low two weeks ago. ° =p For the Indiana Democrats, with the exception of that solo flight man, former Rep. Andrew Jacobs, Indianapolis, were for the nomination of Gov. Adlai Stevenson of Illinois from the very start. 4 Only two of the 32 Republican delegates from the state were for Gen. Dwight Eisenhower., At the very end, the 30 who were faithful to Sen. Robert A. Taft stood firm. Privately they were frank to express their displeasure.

Carried Out Plan

MOST PLEASED among the Democrats was Gov. Henry F. Schricker, a pioneer Stevenson-for-President man. He carried out his plan to place the Illinois governor's name in nomination, despite a last minute effort to try and dis-

place’ him by the governor of Delaware. This,

move was attributed to ‘the vindictiveness of retiring Indiana National Committeeman Frank M. McHale, who operated here through his close associate National Chairman Frank E. McKinney. Purpose was to push the Hoosier Governor into merely making the seconding speech, but Gov. Schricker isn’t a man to be pushed. He had engineered the ouster of Mr. MecHale, whose place now is taken on the National Committee by Paul Butler, South Bend. Mr, McHale had the convention tickets and ladled them out to suit his purpose and show his spleen. Gov. Schricker had the delegates, just as he now has the state party organization.

Being with the winner of the presiden nomination will not hurt him a bit. The handicap would be the retention of Mr. McKinney, Indianapolis banker and political and business partner of Mr. McHale, Indianapolis lawyer, as Natiofial Chairman. This is possible, since Chicago's boss Jacob Arvey wants Mr. McKinney retaiped. But Gov. Stevenson is expected to do his own picking pronto. Being with the winger from the start gives Indiana the position of helping to build the Stevenson bandwagon, instead of waiting for it to come by and hitch-hike a ride. $ They got what they wanted in the way of a ticket and. were tossing their hats in the air about it. There was as much glee among the Indiana Democratic delegates, as there had been gloom among the Republicans.

Fighting. Campaign

THE CAMPAIGN will tell whether that glee

is justified, just as it may spell out whether or

not the gloom is dispelled. Gov. Stevenson will no longer, of course, contend that he doesn't want to be.president, but will put on a fighting campaign, which Ike may not like, It was his campaign speeches which won for him the overwhelming victory for the governorship of Illinois. Having accepted “the draft,” there will be no more hesitancy—Gov. Steyenson will be out to win. ¥ The Hoosier delegates are happy about the outcome. They will go home to try and sell Gov. Stevenson for the White: House, Gov, Schricker for the Senate. They feel confident, af this point, that they will succeed.

The Man Who Came for: Dinner Was ‘Stood Up’ by Half Votes

CONVENTION HALL, Chicago, July 27—On Friday evening at six President Truman had a date for a sizgling steak dinner at the Saddle and Sirloin Club- with the Democratic presidential nominee. HST was stood up.

There was plenty of meat, but the Democrats were fresh out of nominees. This was because they have not yet learned how to count. "Poor Harry had to eat in solitary splendor, or at least without the party's newest hero, and then it was his chore to whittle a stick some more while the delegates inside the hall that was designed for fat cattle tried to figure out who voted for whom.

Let us not feel too sorry for the President. He is used to sitting around waiting for things to happen at conventions. Well do I remember the last time at Philadelphia when he rushed up to accept the nomination, himself. Only there wasn’t any. He had to sit backstage by an open door (it being a hot evening) and swap tales with passing cops nearly all night before these delegates finally gave him the nod. They meant well, you understand, but their arithmetic was no better then than it is today. : = » » THESE BABIES with the faulty calculators, the bad ears and the cracked voices were trying to take a simple little vote of the 48 states and a few territories as to whom they favored for president. This took ‘em exactly four hours and 15 minutes and when they'd finished, the Messrs. , Kefauver, Russell and Stevenson all had progressed. exactly nowhere. So the delegates tried again. The second ballot took nearly as long and still it proved nothing except that Alben Barkley, the Veep, hdd more friends than he thought, By now the fire department was worried. Said there were so many ruined ballots, score cards, and adding machine ribbons on the floor, that one dropped match could send the Democrats up in smoke. They quit for a couple of

hours to give the fire chief a chance to sweep out the tinder. The trouble with Democrats is that they come either full, or oversized, but their votes are chopped in pieces. Half votes are hard enough to count, but some of the faithful have only one-third of a vote. Democrats confronted with fractions are piteous to behold. Things got so confusing that finally when a lady from Idaho challenged the accuracy of her state's vote, the chairman cried: “Will the gentléman kindly identify herself?” Now the sexes were mixed up, but this was only the beginning. . » ” n

THE BIG MOMENT, I guess, was when the newly famous fat man, Thomas J. Gavin of Kansas City, got the chance to announce his great secret. was the alternate for President Truman of the Missouri delegation and when asked for his vote, he started to make a speech. a “I have said thousands of times this week that the President's choice is my choice,” he began. “Now I have a note

«tSAERRONRRRIAT ARIS NSE,

from him and I want to read i. For the first time since the convention began there was silence. Mr. Gavin quoted the

top delegate “I hope you will -

see your way clear to cast your vote for Adlai Stevenson . ..” He wanted to read some more, but those Democrats gave him no chance. Some cheered and some booed, and Harry's one-half vote went for Adlai. Then there was some further delay. Another Missourian had cast a half vote for the Veep and somebody else had put his fraction on Harriman. This was too much. The boys had to count Missourl over again. 2" = ” SO WHEN I GOT back downtown to the pressroom to write this, the press was being evicted. The place was loaded with cops, guarding big black cases’ of emeralds and solid gold loving cups. The jeweler’s convention was about to open in the Democrat's lair. One good thing about those Jewelers; I bet they know how to «add.

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HOOSIER FORUM—Is He

“I do not agree with a word that you say, but | will defend to the death your right to say it." Ld o 7?

END OF CONVENTION . . . By Ray A. McConnell Jr.

Middle-of-Road Democrats See Stevenson Their Best Choice

CHICAGO, July 26 — “And finally . . . in the implacable task you have assigned me... I shall always try . .. to do

justly, to love mercy, and to -

walk humbly with my God.” This was the dramatic close of a thrilling and very greaf political speech, Gov. Stevenson’s acceptance. And even if it is a member of the “monkey jungle”’—as . President Truman called the press—who says so. The story of the Democratic convention was its forthright response to the fresh winds of opinion blowing across America. New faces, new integrity and new spiritual purpose in “public life were demanded. :

The party nominated a man ~

who had not been over-eager for the job but had a deep sense of responsibility and an abiding faith in people—a faith in the democratic processes. Though the extremists of the right had dominated things at the start, and monopolized the speech-making, the convention rejected their counsel. The same force of public opinion worked again on the Democratic convention. The extremists of the left had their brief day and, like the extremists of the right, went too far. They said their say in many of the speeches, .including the President's.

BUT THE CONVENTION— the watched convention—reacted against them. It moved toward a moderate position in the conflict of economic ideologies and of geographic sections. Labor and the bosses and

AIS IRARS A NETRASNASRcALs,

Sane?

MR. EDITOR: : It is difficult to believe that a sane youth 17 years old could commit a murder such as that of Patrolman Sullivan. A youth of 17 who has a long criminal record since the age of 9 and who now commits such a cold-blooded murder, must certainly be insane. Why did the public officials not see that the youth was-sent to the proper institution in the first place? It behooves the forces of law to be absolutely certain, when convicting criminals, to ascertain whether those criminals belong in a criminal institution or an insane home. If the forces of law send mentally deficient criminals to criminal institutions where they remain until

released to prey again, then the forces of law

and not the forces of evil are guilty. Certain exposes of prison riots and prison

conditions reveal the fact that many mental “ cases are in criminal correction institutions

HOOSIER SKETCHBOOK

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*AND LET THE | CHIPS FALL...

~ when they should be in institutions for the

mentally deficient and mentally deterigrated. This statement is not to say that Emmett Johns is a mental case, but it is to remind the officials of law and order that the utmost care and examination should be exercised in judging cases of this nature. It behooves the state to ascertain beyond a shadow of doubt the sanity of all criminals. Ki —C. Eyvind von Tress, Anderson.

Country May Groan MR. EDITOR: As Stevenson quotes scripture, “Father, let this cup pass . .. not my will but Thine , , .” and if the New-Fair Dealers do nominate the coy one, the country may groan: “Father, forgive them , , , they know not what they do.” —A.R.S., City.

By O'Donnell

(Raymond A. McConnell is the young editor of the Lincoln (Neb.) State Journal, ‘who won a Pulitzer prize in 1948 for “Spotlighting Issues Early in the Presidential Campaign.” He is the only man ever honored by the national, state and local Junior Chambers of Commerce for

outstanding ability. His comon the convention are 80) different in such

coverage—growing out of the great corn belt instead of Washington or New York.)

the President himself joined the bandwagon, but did mot start it. ¢ 5 - Stevenson fits the same American mood that produced Ike in the Republican Party. Only to a lesser degree does he fit the Democratic speeches and slogans of the last 20 years. ; : Shorter than Truman, he stood head and shoulders above him. This may prove his biggest handicap in the now-opening campaign. An intellectual who will put Eisenhower -to a severe test in seeking the independent vote: A bold and imaginative man who will appeal to youth; a Democrat with one of the best records in office of any Democrat, who ousted a corrupt Illinois Republican machin he -is mentally and temper mentally unfit to be the rabblerouser who makes the kind of class appeal on which the Democratic Party relied last , time for victory. He will probably even tell the people the truth. Just as there have been two Republican parties — the extreme right and the moderates (or me-tooers)—so there are two Democratic Parties, The extreme left fought Ste-

venson here, but the moderates prevailed. » He spoke only of the “twe Republican parties” Saturday morning.

Waiting for Stevenson, the -

band played the Democrats’ new campaign song written in the key of K. Marx, “Don’t Let 'Em Take It Away.”

And the orchid-decked cab inet wives (Chicago in July is too hot for mink) sang the most lustily. They were thinking of the fruits of 20 years in office. Stevenson in return was so honest as to tell the convention he did not belittle—although he #fd not agree with— -the argument that the party after 20 years has been in power long enough.

s ” »

THE REPUBLICANS will

do well to take this cue, and not belittle Stevenson. He is a great American, a highly intelligent and intellectually honest man and, like Ike, a man of integrity. 5

So as it looks from Nebraska, the issue in the coming campaign will not be between these two distinguished Americans, as personalities. It will be between the crass and extreme materialism that represents one of the two Democratic parties—the one that lost here—and the extreme economic reaction that repre~gents one of the two Repubcan parties—the one that also lost in convention. The question will be: Which of these two great men who both represent the new American mood will be the better able to master the forces in his party that are out of tune with the times and the thinking and prayers of the people,

BOOK REVIEW ... By Albert M. Colegrove

Korea, 1950: A Story Too Soon Forgotten

“The battle . . . from Osan south to Taejon was marked by frustration, heroism and death.” Osan. Taejon. Names that flicker out of focus across an errant memory. These and other South Ko: rean towns flared into the headlines during a few brief, confused months of 1950. They were miléstones along Heartbreak Highway, the path of the North Korean juggernaut—a ribbon of road where a pitiable corporal’s guard of American fighting men gave ground grudgingly and, with each. backward step, left a bloody imprint in the alien dirt. For those who would remember this chapter in the timeless history of gallantry, a 32-year-old Army first lieu-

tenant, Paul C. McGrath, has’

set down a documented, dispassionate account. y Lt. McGrath, a World War II intelligence officer in China, was ideally situated to write his story. He is assigned currently to the Army's Military History Office in Washington, D. C., and wrote “Korea, 1950,” In the course of duty. ~ » =

BUT IT IS available to anyone who send $1.25 tothe Superintendent of Documents, U. 8. Government Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C. Working under supéFvision of Maj Gen. Orlando Ward, Army Chief of Military History, the author had access to Cquntless documents, ranging from secret reports of the Joint Chiefs‘of Staff to penciled messages from combat units, 15 Se He. chronicles the Korean War from its explosive beginning to the arrival of Gen. Matthew B. Ridgway in Korea on the day after Christmas, 1950. : : Although he also details the happier days of Allied advances, Lt. McGrath's pains-

to the last ditch Pusan perimeter carries the hardest impact, . x ha Yi ——

This retreat began whe n half a battalion (less than 400 men, altogether), “mostly very rome and never before exPosed to hostile fire,” flew from Japan, “raced north by rail Jrom Pusan,” then piled nto trucks at Taejon and the enemy at Osan. nt ” » ” “A STRONG FORCE North Korean infantry — Jinks struck ‘Task Force mith’ as it stood alo roadway . . . % 1 the “For seven long hours, th outnumbered Americans poured their howitzer, bazooka and small arms fire

at t Russian-made tanks , , . or the North Koreans flowed

around the American flanks, ‘By July 9, the battered Americans had left the smouldering rail junction of Chonan to the North Koreans. When they tried to retreat, they were subjected to a withering cross Bre Ero the hills. Bitter, haggard, tattered and exha they withdrew . , . tod “The mud . , . engulfed . , , the foot soldiers. When under fire, the soldier who slipped Into the stagnant, sickening waters of a rice paddy might find that only by pulling his feet out of his boots could he escape the slime and crawl to safety, " “He oould never-escape, hows ever, the eternity of rain . . . It poured, three or four at a time, drenching every man and coating equipment with

mildew, rot or rust. :

,Nauseated , , , caked with rt, the bruised and sweats soaked men fought the enemy. in filthy, water-filled gullies, in and out of small villages of mud-plastered huts , , , i “As often as not cut off

from: the rear, jostled 9 hordes of refugees, Ts shoeless,

frequently bleeding and hungry, the men of the 24th Division, individually and

In scattered units, slowed the enemy , ,

,. Lieutenant McGrath's “ bound volume, liberally illus-

-»i8 a prescription highly mended for fading memories,

tratéd by combat photographs, recom .

By the S

CHICAGO an history for A Preside: stumping t emocratic Pa n the record «

Platform, w many diverse | in the shuffie. Race wast long eafly ball What was struggle over Democrats to | Kefauverstrategy meeting men were lick place; determin nominate Kefau northern new de ond place. Kefauver had for second-choic chance of pickin, low Mason-Dixo1 by stand he and took on seating other southern So while Kefa! ng his early lea sure “was being Stevenson to. ac nesseean as his Stevenson was would bring mo; the ticket than : Pressure on § thé other side heavy, His back A man, were bi to Kefauver, Wit former Sen. Sc Illinois, defeat of i a bitter personal Truman has | against him fror Edw. J. Flynn Bronx, who was here, spent the | on the phone, ca of key delegation to keep Kefauver . First ballot sv Igan delegation, : liams to Kefauv that, Steyenson } to take Kefauver liberals were wit they intended to sooner or late force it. New York's bi pledged to Harr actually his to d heing held from make sure he di fauver. (That's “8 fauver-Harrimar = tricky).

HST Consult

PRESIDENT - took part in dis "4 running mate nominee, : Early in the « = let administrati | he would ask f advice before choice for secon ticket. President Ti doned his earlier fiy to Chicago had been chose: the convention ¢ first hallot’ w Chairman McKi at the airport; level political. c place in a car b port and the Bi:

Friends got tl gether;-by pho week. Mr, Stevensor dent Truman fi acceptable to tt a. candidate; as dent’s help in c! fusion. Mr, 1 diately author Gavin to say th Mr. Stevenson.

That Polling

WHY ALL delegates? It's always h veptions, to so television's bei excessive, timeformance put Every delegate for office—and wants to be see the home folks

Untold Stor

BITTER BA’ President on a Alben Barkiey as convention men Say now f tke the way th to be going; did who” were fina the campaign. decided to pull under it, in a 8 ‘ Note: Rep. } Ohio gets cred much of the into Stevenson

Umpire Sor

“IT'S A MOI game to watch than baseball need a score ¢ terpreter, rule and a lot of = “That Thursd