Indianapolis Times, Indianapolis, Marion County, 30 January 1950 — Page 14
Lina FI pI NEWSPAPER LECKRONE HENRY W n Err WALTER LEC
PAGE 14 Monday, 30, 1050 Rished padignapotis Times Publish. Bs wd ren Erg putrd Newspaper Aiance. NEA Bere:
Price in Marion County, § cents a copy for daly « 10¢ for Sunday. delivered by SArries , Sail and Sunda . 4 Sunday only J) rates w 1 ans daily and Sunda y, $10.00 a year. daily. § 20 » . Sunday only all otner states 8 fon. da and Mexico. daily $1.10 a month, Sunday, 10c a coy.
. Telephone RI ley 5551 Give Linkt and. the Peodla Will Pind hor Nun Wav
Liquidate The RFC
ThE Reconstruction Finance Corp., first.of many govern. ment alphabetical agencies inspired by the depression, .
antedates the New Deal.
Herbert Hoover started it. Purpose: To promote eco-
nomic stability by granting job-creating loans to businesses °
turned down by banks. | There may have been good excuse for the RFC, back in the panic days of 1920. And it was a convenient means of financing expansion of war industries in the early 1940's. But its theory violates the principles of free enterprise under the profit-and-loss system, and whatever justifications
it once may have had no longer exist. . . » . ” .
MISTRUST of its activities has been intensified by the recent $15,100,000 Texmass loan and by the application of
Glenn H. McCarthy of Houston, Tex., for $70 million. Both
are oil loans. The oil business is, of all American economic insfitu-
tions, the stronghold of rugged individualism and the shining example of take-a-chance private enterprise.
Its funds should come from banks and private in- ’
vestors. Government wet-nursing of the oil business, through the RFC, is not only economically unsound, it is relief for the rich. Sen. Fulbright of Arkansas, who is pushing demands for an RFC investigation, seems less concerned with fundamental principles than whether the law is being interpreted too liberally. The investigation which probably will be undertaken by the Senate Banking Committee should go to the
roots of the matter. = 2 - . . y
LAST May Congress extended the RFC's life to June 30, 1956, The wisdom of that decision should be re-ex-amined. So long as the RFC exists, it will be a temptation to politicians and a potential source of relief for rugged “free enterprisers” hoping for public funds to bail them out of unsuccessful ventures. ) The RFC should be liquidated, certainly by 1956, and preferably much sooner. ‘Very Large Figure’ GLIMPSES into the future of the welfare state are offered in the annual report of the President's Council of Economic Advisers of which Leon Keyserling is acting chairman. We quote from page 122: “Under the broadened social insurance coverage . . . and with the benefit levels proposed by the President, ranging up to a family income of $150 a month, the total cost of -oldage insurance would approach $8.5 billion 25 years from now. “Existing and presently proposed programs of insurance for survivors, the disabled and the unemployed, and for the payment of the costs of medical care, together with the public assistance programs of the federal, state and local governments, might require an additional $14 to $16 billion in benefit payments. “Thus the total costs of all presently recommended
grams in the fields of social insurance and public ance, including the costs of state and local gove , might range up to $25 billion a quarter of a century from now, or $20 billion above the current level.” Po vo - » THIS, the report concedes with a admirable candor, is a “very large figure.” It is ind
It is, in case anyone might have soaking the’ rich in mind, more than $6 billion above the total taxable income of everyone in the country making $10,000 or more in 1948. ‘It is nearly two and one-half times the total income taxes paid that same year by everyony in the U. 8S. A. making up to $10,000, It is two and one-half times the total income tax collections from corporations. ~-It is eight billion dollars or almost half again as much as the total collection of income taxes, from everybody, also “in 1048. . It is twice as much as total appropriations for Army, Navy and Air Corps in the President's budget for 1931, just submitted to Congress. To look at it from a pay check angle, the budget estimates a 4 per cent payroll tax next year would produce five ‘billion dollars. To produce five times as many billion dollars would, on the same payrolls, take five times as much tax, or 20 per cent—one dollar out of every five for “social insurance coverage.”
Are They Needed?
OST hospitals are crowded for space—for the general public. But ‘the Hoover Commission found that, on June 30, 1948, there were 155,000 patients in federal hospitals having 255,000 beds. These extra beds may be needed for taxpayers who have seizures when they learn that the Veterans Administra. tion has contracted for additional hospitals of 15,000 beds, and is planning for 23,000 more.
Maybe So
GQECRETARY of State Dean Acheson, son of an Episcopalian bishop, quoted the Bible in an attempt to explain his feeling of loyalty toward Alger Hiss, who tried to lie himgelf out of charges that he betrayed his country, Mr. Acheson suggested that the 25th chapter of St. Matthew be read, beginning at the 34th verse. ’
We read the passage through: As applicable to the
Hiss case, it sounded rather far-fetched to us. Except for that part of the 35th verse, which says: “I was a stranger, and ye took me in." ~
How Much Is $42.4 Billion? ! bw proposed federal budget for the next fiscal year is $42,439,000,000. . How big is that? hs "Well, the Bureau of the Census reported that the value
oi {ot all arma, and fam butting, in the United States in 1045
0 was a little over $48 billion i budgets
ef cto was
. ing committeé for the House's
Ne shop a
wid be rid by he propond Lodge-Gossett amendment to the U, 8. Constitution, The amendment would abolish the
Electoral College—an outmoded, useless
and exceedingly dangerous institution. The amendment would divide each state's electoral votes among the candidates in ratio to their shares of the state's popular votes. curately reflect the public will. They do not now. : A plurality, rather than a majority, of the whole country’s electoral votes would become sufficient to elect a Presi-
thrown into the House of Representatives would be ended. &
THREE times “in “American ‘history, under the present system, the presidential candidates for whom the largest number of citizens voted were denied the office. That never should be permitted to hap-
pen again.
In 1948, under the — systém, it came much too close to happening again. A switch from Democratic to Republican of fewer than 30,000 popular votes in three close states—Illinois, Ohio and California—would have given Thomas E. Dewey an Electoral College majority.
Dear Boss . . . By Dan Kidney
Halleck May Be
Man of the Hour
Named on Committee For GOP Statement
WASHINGTON, Jan. 30--Dear boss: What ever else one may think of the dean of the Indiana congressional delegation, Rep. Charles A. Helleck, Rensselaer Republican, he is a politician who isn’t afraid to stick his neck out. Maybe that is why minority leader Joseph W. Martin Jr. (R, Mass.), named him on the draft- - contribution to the great 1850 policy statement which the GOP is shortly to produce. The final result is to be brought forth by a combination of such committées from the House, Senate, GOP National Committe and Republican Governors,
Such wasn’t the case back in December. 1045,
when Mr, Halleck drafted such a document with the aid of his late political confidant; Labert St. Clair... The ' luen-five-years-younger Hoosier
statesman took it to a National Committee
meeting at Chicago and got it okayed. Proud of Masterpiece
CHARLEY was plenty proud. He had no idea that his masterpiece of his would get the horselaugh from coast-to-coast. Just to give you a taste of the sort of dish which Halleck and St. Clair cooked up, here is the preamble: “Today's major domestic issue is between radicalism, regimentation; all-powerful bureaucracy, class exploitation, deficit spending, and machine politics, as against our belief in American freedom for the individual under just laws fairly administered for all, preservation of local home rule, efficiency and pay-as-you-go economy in government. and the protection of the American way of life against either Fascist or Communist trends.” ) There was more of course. Much, much more, All of it was in the same vein. Party elders took one peek at it and snorted. They called it “vague, wishy-washy, too general.”
Felt Vindicated
REPUBLICAN newspapers from coast-to-coast broke out in a rash of editorial condemnation. The most surprised man in America was Mr. Halleck. He considered it a masterpiece and the perfect springboard to use in the 1946 congressional campaign. When the GOP won that year and took over the Senate and House to form what President Truman called the “donothing .80th Congress,” Mr. Halleck felt vindicated. Two years later the party was still standing on them. But with Mr. Truman running against New York Gov. Thomas E. Dewey for the presidency it just didn't seem to take. Afterwards Mr. Halleck explained that the 80th Congress had carried them out, but that Mr, Dewey hadn't defended {it against the onslaughts of President Truman. So when all the policy committee members gather here next week to attend the GOP dollar box social, accompanied by their women with orchids and mink coats, Mr. Halleck may again be the man of the hour. He can point to the fact that when his vagaries became the party principles back in 1946 the Republicans won,
PRODUCTION . . . By Peter Edson
Steel Needs Argued
WASHINGTON, Jan. 30—Behind the recent announcement “closely approaching 100,000,000 tons a year,” there is quite a story, It begins June 19, 1947. Louis H. Bean, Department of Agriculture economist, is testifying before the Senate Small Business
that the U. 8. Steel industry's capacity is now
Committee:
Elections then would ac-
es Make Preside nt tial
1 18 comtry mood.» hte.
would have been defeated. fewer than Z000UD citizens: voted: for ©
Mr. Dewey, the, present system ‘would have made him
a rehan 24 000 Amert Although
President. % A switch of fewer than 27,000 popular
votes in Ohio, California and Iowa would have given Mr. Dewey a plurality but not a majority in the Electoral College. That would have thrown choice of a President
_ into the House of Representatives and let
the country in for many wets of barm-
The Age of Progress :
dent and the danger of having a choice
MODERNIZED ELECTION METHO
ratification by 36 states. It is now before the Senate which, we hgpe, will give it
overwhelming approval and speed it on -
its way into the Constitutiod.
CAMPAIGN SPARKPLUG
WASHINGTON, Jan. 30—No political or-
ganization in many years has stirred as much
dust as has Americans for Democratic Action. One proof of this is that several prominent Republicans have sald that what their party needs is ‘something like this political spark plug. The Republicans are assuming that ADA is merely one wing—the labor-liberal-left wing—of the Democratic ‘Party. That is an assumption deeply disturbing to many members of ADA and some of the leaders who like to think that they are not hitched to any party. Just now ADA is holding the annual series of Roosevelt 28 Memorial dinners in 18 cities. { The announced theme of the dinners is “freedom of inquiry Sen. Humphrey in a free society.” As one of the ablest and most fair-minded men in the organization put it, “we've .been
- almost too successful in the field of practical
politics.” He meant, of course, that so many prominent ADAers have been elected to high office as Democrats that ADA has in state’ after state become indistinguishable from the Democratic machine,
‘Government in Exile’
THIS brash young organization was not always so successful. Given its initial start by a group of New Dealers out of offjce in the early and conservative phase of President Truman's administration it was described by Elmer Davis as “a government in exile.” During the Democratic convention of 1948 in Philadelphia ADA looked rather ludicrous. Conspicuous ADAers were loudly and publicly demanding that Truman be replaced by Gen. Dwight D. Eisenhower as the party's candidate.
But at that same convention Hubert Hum-
SIDE GILANCES
we
By Marquis Childs
‘ADA Stirring og Dust
phrey, now Senator from Minnesota and national chairman of ADA, forced the issue of civil rights to a floor fight. The deep South walked out. Many believe, however, that this unequivocal stand held the Negro vote and that vote may have been decisive in key states. The latest victory to which ADA contributed was that of Richardson Dilworth in Philadelphia. Mr. Dilworth, a member of ADA’s national board and head of the Philadelphia chapter, helped to breathe new and vigorous life into the maribund Democratic organization.
Democratic Wheel
NOW Mr. Dilworth would like to go on with’
his crusade to higher office and naturally the vehicle is the Democratic Party. But many of his followers in{ADA are said to be unhappy at having ADA become merely a Democratic wheel. In the argument over whether ADA is or is not a Democratic cog. ADAers on the defensive say, “Yes, but look what happenes when we try to work with Republicans,” They cite the example of Newbold Morris’ unsuccessful campaign for mayor in New York. Mr. Morris, a Republican, ran with the backing of the liberal party and ADA, both organizations denouncing Mayor O'Dwyer's Tammany connections.
Little Bargaining Power
AS merely a wing of the Democratic Party, ADA has little ‘bargaining power. Its position must often seem humiliating and a little absurd. No better example could be cited than the shabby business in the House over a Fair Employment Practices law. This civil rights proposal is a basic ADA
plank. Yet the Democratic Party, seemingly
with the cynical connivance of the southern wing. is playing a stalling game. The idea is apparently to keep Fair Employment as a campaign issue. As an adjunct of the party ADA can protest but that is about all it can do,
By Galbraith |
in years.
By Talburt
Do Not Want a Pension,” Millions of gSod, loyal, hard-working Americans don't ask for either. There are enough good things given equal opportunity. But today it isn't done, too much greed. Most people are smart enough to know all people can’t be wealthy, some of us have to be poor #o they can be kicked around, ‘And for many years they got just that, and many, still do. Yes, Mr. Hogan, you think you had it tough to make ends meet. I can give you
paid. You, Mr. Hogan, should have encouraged
these same kids with a pat on the back instead of your own selfish needs. You failed, not the |
kids. No, you don’t have to set yourself as a model for the way you blasted the very same workers who made it possible for you to be successful. These workers put you on the top because without them you would have failed. In closing, I wish to say I don't think any true American asks a pension, what they do want is a chance to make a good honest living at a decent wage.
‘Debt for Younger Generation’ By Charles W. Burton, 911 E. Maryla
The younger generation had better take note of and do something about President Truman's proposed $5 billion deficit for the fiscal year 1950 and '51 because it and the $257 billion debt aijready incurred, represent an enormous burden that will fall onto their youthful shoulders, ’ Unlike debts incurred by improvident parents, which children legally do not have to assume, this debt will be their heritage to struggle with long after President Truman and the ots who created that utterly fantastic obligahave gone. am 8 point that must be considered is that it is going to cost almost $6 billion every year to pay interest on the debt. Incidentally, the entire cost of operating our federal! government in 1925 was only $3 billion. Imagine being taxed twice that amount for just interest alone on a debt the younger generation had nothing to do with. They had better speak now to Congress or forever hold their peace.
WHAT DO WE NEED IN 1950?
‘Education Aids’
By Mrs. Robert Heckman, 4225 Ralston Dr.
We need to know what we want most for our children, then begin planning how to go about getting it. Children are not ediicated in the home alone or the school alone. But the school of the street is in operation at least five hours of the
day during the school year excluding holidays, It is the responsibility of the community to offer the right ii kind of education and environ-2 ment. Know the community and its advantages or disadvant-
es. In the future the elementary schools will quite possibly be? built.and utilized much on the same order as our high schools today, and our high schools will then be similar to our present colleges. Think a minute. : Why has the City of Indianapolis never had a state basket-
Mrs. Heckman ball championship team from one of its own
high schools? If they ever did .. . it has been 80 long ago that most of ps cannot remember it without looking at the statistics. Why? Because our children are not given the opportunity to learn, to enjoy the greatest “Indiana” sport in elementary schools of this city. They must wait until they are in high cehool to be introduced to competitive sports. That is why that crown is carried away by teams from smaller cities, and towns. The high school students, alumnae, spectators and many many others interested should think about that. Then do something about it.
COAL STRIKE ... By Fred W. Perkins Miners’ Ultimatum ,
GRANT TOWN, W. Va. Jan. 30—Hundreds of autos pulled through rain and the mud of the road along Paw Paw Creek to this coal mining town, providing it with its biggest gathering
The cars, bumper to bumper on both sides of Grant Town's only street, unloaded miners from three counties—Marion, Mo-
3 Thin Is my Snowr to 3. Hogan's elthe: “y'
“A rising volume of steel production required to sustain full employment appears when the prduction record is put on a per capita basis , .. In 1901 we produced a maximum of 380 pounds per person . .. In 1920 the new maximum of 886 per person . .. On the basis of this rising trend in per capita consumption, we could have anticipated about 1200 pounds in 1941. The actual figure turned out to be 1243. For 1947 the rising trend suggests about 1300 pounds, compared with an actual produc-
Yow ¢ of something less than 200." | »"
» . . THEN Mr. Bean put over this three-year advance projection: “For 1950, if we are to have full employment, we would need around 1400 pounds per person. And with a total population in that year of 148,000. 000, total steel production
would need to be ‘100 migion .
tons or more. ' No sooner had Mr. Beas made this prediction than the entire steel industry started throwing pigs at him. Full page ads and “¥adio programs denounced his idea as fantastic dream stuff. He was accused of
wanting excess production
Jat 1a levep Stout piioes apwn, Lo wo spring of ma
American Iron and Steel Insti-tute-—the industry's trade association which has just announced that ‘steel capacity now closely approaches 100 million tons a year’ —issued a pamphlet to refute Mr. Bean's analysis. Following Mr. Bean's urging, Bradford B. Smith, economist for U. 8. Steel Corporation, made his own analysis. “The present annual rate of steel production in the United States is 85 million tons, with facilities for producing 94 million tons" began Mr. Smith. “It'is the writer's opinion that
“this is currently greater than . peace- +
a& normal, continupus, time full employment demand for steel. “There is a cumulative body of evidence that current demand for steel is temporary.” Mr. Smith concluded. » ” » KEEPING these two opposite forecasts in mind, turn
- now ‘to the aétual production
figures in the three years since the argument began. Steel production in 1947 was 84,800.000 tons. The next year it jumped to 88,600,000 tons, °
" projections look
‘But in 1949 steel. production to 77,800,000 tons, which was only 81 par cent of : LJ
BUR 100 wis yur of rv
*
Soh 10 WA SRE, TG. T. .
"Wall, there they are! Didn't | tell you if we moved south your relatives would swoop down on us every winter!"
cession, in which U.S. unemployment rose {rom a normal 2 miition in January to 4 mil lon in July, aropping to 3,800, 000 at the end of the year. But Louis Bean says . believes that for 100 |
industry needs a phactical capacity of much more than 100
million tons. And in view of
further growth of the economy, a continuous expansion is called for. Such an expansion would be vital in case of a
nations rr
nongalia and Harrison—who make up the solid core of resistance in this region to the three-day week policy of John L. Lewis. They insist on a no-day week until they can get back to work on a five-day schedule and under a union contract. . » » THE miners tramped into the local hall of the United
Mine Workers. They endured
“three hours of oratory, and finally scattered to many
towns and villages apparently determined not to work without ‘a contract and fo keep other miners from doing so. There wasn't any formal resolution, but the prevailing sentiment was shown by uproarious applause for Joe Serdich, president of the Grant Town local, when he summarized: “Let's go home and
stay home until this damn thing is se I~" .-, 8 =» v ™E ER ut where
the pickets came from to close most of Northern West Virginia mining for two weeks
“somebody In
pickets have come from Grant Town. A brother of Joe S8erdich said: “Do I have to go out again next Monday? I hope not, but if I do I won't object if my men beat the hell out of the mines we closed down last Monday.” That seemed to observets to contain a hint of violence which so far has been absent. . . . som SERDICH, a big man of gentle manners, invited, reporters into his meeting. In contrast to policy at other big uinon gatherings in this crisig, he said, “Come on in. We've got nothihg to hide.” . There was much discussion
of whether the meeting ought
to send a telegram to Mr.
Lewis, or send a committee to - ask him whether he wants
these men to work three days a week or strike full time, » - »
ANOTHER pointed out that
if a delegation went to Mr.
Lewis and asked him to be -
On the spot in this business.”
‘more specific, “it will put him * injunction
By HA THE BUS with their fing page of their « Businessm in the sky. The ing to make tl But there is dicate a slip clutch even a July. The reason, af steadiness of th
# 1 AUTOS. USED the bellwether o chances are tha is now at the’ tc There's a. ch
for much more.
His wife may tomatic washer, cleaner, and sw move into a new few new carpets So home buildi more business t estimated.
a » i LAST YEAR | $34 million wort were built, so yc another $16 mil things home o they move in. And $50 milli ness in any or bound to spi wheels. What makes | in for a good ye December, is tl industry here h Houses were © through this wi and summer pro call for full ste As long as th wotry about tl chine slipping © a recession ditcl wide and safe ° industry roaring
Landlord's MY FRIEND counsel, Mrs. C represents the Service Commis: a leader in the |! sociation, tells n in the deep freez are in a dither. The price of Muench, has dot fellows seem t« want from rent little ones witl plead their cas what they can or nothing, There is no do are trapped mis ernment rent lo are those margi are squeezing t afford it with | for “light hou: and small furni
No Fences,
IT'S PRETTY U. 8. to keep ¢ of other countrie having the thing And if you tl a fence around along very nic have, you'll hav We import r manganese; 75 beryllium, chro! lumbium, nicki needed for our 50 per cent o platinum, silver are imported. Without mar we have virtual cannot be made To get along fences or iron ¢ be one world.
Rabbit Stev THOMAS C. dent of the F Richmond, ha clear illustrat credit problems He said cre aimed at a ba government, th people. And o major factor i is “the people.” He said the are looking fo and typical cre the people hav rabbit stew wi consideration te The governm about credit « bankers have consumer’s poin Boushall, is th the telescope. What I thin that both the g banks are serv: and the people the ballot boxe
Cow Towel NOW come: paper towel for This achiever industry is t against masti which costs th industry half year, ” . They are us udder and the A. cow towe looks like an ¢ paper. But wh not fall apart
.- comes tough,
~ From. what
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