Indianapolis Times, Indianapolis, Marion County, 29 May 1946 — Page 6

nn.

en IN

§ senate labor committee, which has had bottled up for more |

lated it 10,000 times in the first two vears. nothing to indicate they could keep such a treaty even | if they wanted to keep it. There is nothing to justify such |° a “deal” by the United States short of defeat in a civil war, |

A Vi

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Give Light end the People Will Find Ther Own Way

THE FUNDAMENTAL CURE WE agree with what many senators are saying. The emergency powers to break strikes against the government, for which President Truman has asked, are dangerous and repugnant to American ideals of freedom. It is tragic that the President has found it necessary to seek such powers, including that under which strikers could be drafted into the army. Use of such powers never could be justified except in direst extremity to avert a national catastrophe. : If these powers must be granted and used, the blame will rest squarely on John L. Lewis of the coal miners’ union, Harry Bridges and Joseph Curran of the C. I. O. maritime unions, and other reckless, dictatorial union

bosses.

ME TRUMAN'S firmness ended the railroad strike. The Lewis coal strike is just as much against the government, and if it continues will just as surely paralyze the And the world-wide shipping strike, set for June 15 by Bridges, Curran and other pro-Communists, is in the selfsame category. ~, If enough responsible, freedom-loving union members dared to repudiate these irresponsible leaders and refuse to take part in strikes against the government, they could remove all need for the powers Mr. Truman seeks, - But the root of the trouble is another kind of power— the uncontrolled power of organized labor, created by biased laws and government policies and inevitably abused 'by |

nation.

f = 2 ay»

HENRY W. MANZ

daily (except Sunday) by |

a Ty Te La a

EOE

[IN WASHINGTON . . . By Tholhas L. Stokes Senate Shares

WASHINGTON, May 29.—Not in recent times has one bill—and it's only six and g half pages long— caused so much consternation in the senate as the one President Truman submitted to give the government drastic powers in labor disputes affecting the national economy. ) ! Such a tense atmosphere has not prevailed about the senate, excepting. the outbreak of war, since the banks were crashing all around in 1933 and congress hurriedly passed legislation to stem financial chaos.

Resents Whitney Threats SENATORS ARE a troubled group. They are attending strictly to this serious business. Here and there about the floor little groups confer, swapping reactions, seeking ‘guidance, planning strategy. About the walls sit house members who come over to find out just what it was they jammed through, with a whoop, after 40 minutes debate late last Saturday

| afternoon. Some of them are disturbed, too. Labor

organization representatives watch from the gallery and buttonhole members in the public lobby. It may be helpful to analyze the dilemma of the senators who, after all, are human beings like the rest of us. ’ They are confronted first with the fact emphasized by President Truman that the time has come when government must assert itself, if "it is to continue. They reflect, too, a common antipathy to anybody who gets too big, too powerful, to the point where such figures can shove the rest of us around. In this case, that means what the President called “a handful of men who have it within their power to cripple the entire economy of the nation,” referring to labor leaders. The railroad strike is settled. But, hanging over the senators, not far off, is the maritime workers’ strike, and senators resented very much the boast of Joseph Curran, president of the maritime ‘union, that this strike would go on no matter what congress

Lewis, Bridges, Curran and many more. And the beginning of truly constructive permanent

legislation, because it goes to the root, is the Case bill as Same Re

it has passed the senate and is now before the house. | Opponents of this bill keep hinting that Mr. Truman

will veto it.

We find that almost impossible to believe.

That the President should seek the drastic powers he does,

ure, would be an absurdity. If the government is ‘to punish men for striking, as | without such legislation are evidently going to'go on for many more labor relations in this country is to

Mr. Truman proposes, the government must set up a fair months.

legal procedure for bargaining, mediation, voluntary arbi-

tration, fact-finding and just decision on the facts, senate bill does that.

The It would make use of the strike

weapon a last instead of a first resort. The bill provides that union health-and-welfare funds, |

solely by unions or their officials. That blocks the Lewis |

labor leaders to usurp management functions by forcing

supposed to supervise, The bill outlaws ‘‘secondary boycotts”—those unfair clubs with which unions fight unions, injure innocent by-

standers and gouge the public's purse.

Hobbs bill, twice overwhelmingly: passed by the house, to correct the supreme court decision which placed extortion

and robbery by unions beyond reach of the federal anti- the laws against monopolies, from an election, or follow a different |

racketeering law.

» - » - » » ~ i UCH that is in the senate bill is made necessary by the

deliberate one-sidedness of the Wagner act. The great contract which has been volun-|operate honestly, and efficiently, mistake in connection with the Wagner act has been that, rly signed.

after it was passed and after its faults became evident, its sponsors resisted and defeated all attempts to improve it and make it fairer. When the present senate bill becomes:-law, that mistake

should be avoided. claim that it is perfect.

It is the work of men, none of whom

start toward better, more peaceable relations between man-

agement and labor, and’ it does not attempt to cover all penalty at any time. An employer fundamental

situations that need correction. But as it stands it is a good bill, which will do no

injury to honest, public-spirited labor. will speed it to the President for his signature.

NO TIME FOR A “DEAL”

MAYBE he didn’t mean to, but Senator James E. Murray of Montana has certainly added a convineigg reason why we need sensible labor legislation, right now: Senator Murray proposed yesterday that “Labor,” meaning, of course, union leaders, make a temporary peace

treaty with the government of the United States.

The

union bosses would agree to have no strikes for six months if President Truman would veto the strike control bills now pending in congress, ‘ For unadulterated affrontery we haven't heard anything like it since the South seceded from the Union. When | a minority group gets so powerful it can dictate to the | nation what laws shall be passed on a “take it, or else” basis, it's high time their activities be curbed. Even aside from that, and if done in all sincerity, labor's record of keeping such a pledges nothing to point to with pride. They made such a pledge of no strikes at the | beginning of ther war, and as a patriotic move, and without absurd demands or other strings to it. They vio-

There ' is

Senator Murray suggests that maybe in six months

Le congress might-be-able-to-work-out— reasonable’ leg-

iglation. Senator Murray, by the way, is chairman of the

: than two years some very reasonable legislatiofi-—the one group that more than any other is respensible for the

dire situation that now confronts us.

GOOD, SOUND VALUES

T'S amobliging bunch of boys at the maritime com: |

mission. With summer vacations at hand, they an-

surplus | hundred shallow water diving suits—admirable ‘who changes geats in a canoe, swims away out

goods for sale and thoughtfully include:

or goés in the water right after a heavy 86,000 anchors weighing from 30 fo 150

the drifting congressmen who seem |

Hoosier Forum

"| do not agree with a word that you say, but | will defend to the death your right to say it." — Voltaire.

"Unions Should Bs Subject to

By Lawyer-Economist, City v

gulation as Others Are"

The hot spot where congress is sitting is pretty much qne: they

built for themselves.

did. There is also, in that situation, a Communist tinge which disturbs senators,

“a

Hostility. to Bigness

ay As the senate started to consider the emergency labor bill, John L. Lewis still was holding out. Sena= tors were angered by the threat of A. P. Whitney, Railroad Trai president, that his organization would devote $2,500,000 to try to defeat every member who votes for the President's bill.

They don't like that sort of bullying. These are

all provocations which senators don’t take lightly, On the other hand there was a distinctly uneasy

feeling over the implication. in thé President's bill,

its far-reaching. powers, © Particularly obnoxious was the provision for drafting workers who refuse to work. That is against all our traditions. Congress refused, even in wartime, and resisting heavy pres sure to vote for the draft of labor to man our pro= duction lines. I id

Present Legislation Dangerous

THERE IS AMONG SOME. SENATORS, too, whether justified or not, a suspicion that great finane cial and industrial interests quietly have maneuvered to create just such a crisis ag occurred, ho drastic legislation, and that the situation Sikping tox ly into their hands, But senate conservatives are fearful among other things, of the power to take over plants, operate them and turn profits over to the treasury, and are among the staunchest opponents of the measure, Out of all the fears there suddenly emerged in the senate one of its queerest coalitions—extreme conserve atives on one hand, extreme liberals or progressives on the other, joined in common cause, all determind to modify the bill, some to defeat it completely. Ig was directed by such strange political allies as Se: ators Taft (R. O.) and Pepper (D. Fla.). Likewise hateful . to those familiar with labor's roles was the sweeping authority for court injuneions, : It’ is most forfunate that the senate is taking a careful look at this most sweeping measure, for 1s embodies dangers to cherished democratic procedure,

REFLECTIONS . . . By Robert C. Ruark

‘Caste’ Report Much Girlish Guff

NEW YORK, May 29~—Anybody who reads the

| suggestions of Gen. Jimmy Doolittle’s gripe board, to

reform the caste system, can come to only one decision: Drop everything and join the army. It's a lovely deal, the millenium is here, and only the army has achieved the.perfect democratic state.

| their consent, have the power to] shut down the whole productive | economy of this nation? To stop) the mines and the railroads and the steel mills, and even the hos-| pitals at their own whim? { Of course not. And yet they are

| entitled to fair wages, decent work- |

What we need to cure the “labor situation” is mainly a little courage | Ing conditions, and a square deal, |

A ; ror &f which every thinking American r milder vet more fundamental meas- and a lot of honesty in the house and the senate. One very simple | ! | and then reject this fa ey statute could wipe out almost the whole cause of ‘these disastrous Wants them to have, |

strikes which have held up production-ever since V-J day, and which |

The

“Any law which applies in any degree to any person, firm or corpo- | tions. the same penalties, and of|

The first big step toward proper

| bring this minority back into full

basic clause of such a law is one that we shouldn't need to be| Vitizenship, put thems under the passing at all, or even. considering, It should read something like this: Same laws, with the same restric- |

ration shall apply equally and without discrimination to any labor COUrse, the same rights and priv-

union, or any officer or member] thereof.”

constitution and in our whole the-|ynion treasurer.

| the contrary.

| Yes, this would end the closed We should not need such’ a law shop. The closed shop has definite “to which employers contribute, can not be administered |because it is fundamental in our|value to the union “boss” or the| | In many circum- : : ory of government that everyone is|stances it is valuable to the emdemand for exclusive control over a huge fund, raised at alike subject to all laws. But welployer Never, under any circum. public expense. It also blocks the plan of Lewis and other 4° need such a law, because the |stances, has it any value at all to supreme court, following a strange the union member,

: . : : | doctrine new to American thinking | definitely ipjures him. - The union industry's forémen into unions of the workers they are over the last dozen years,

Too often ft

has boss, who gets into control of a| have noticed this slogan and then! | shaped a whole new body of laws t0| union with a closed shop contract |

{ileges that everybody else has in! | America.

* ¥ = “EDITORIALS ON LABOR REFLECT BIASED VIEW” | By R. Smith, 1402 N. Alabama st. For a slogan The Indianapolis | Times has “Give light and the! people will find their own way.” 1

wondered if the writer of the edi-

thas, from then on, literally com- | torials on labor ever took the time

A union is exempt, for example, Plete power over from the laws against rioting, from | Works on that job. They must be | torials which And it includes the the laws against extortion, from the members or they can't work. They | lately have razzed the labor lead- |

everyone who!to read

it. Almost all the edi-|

The Times has printed |

laws against libel, from the laws can be dropped as members, and!ers and their stand to fight for betagainst interference with the mails often are, if they even suggest that |

or with interstate commerce, from he make a financial report, or Rod WOIRIng conditions for tie mem- WORLD AFFAIRS .. en By Peter Edson

the laws against malicious destruc- Policy. Their job goes at his nod—

tion of property, from all laws and goes forever. against unfair labor practices, from

If union membership is volun-

all laws requiring observance of a tary the leaders of the union must

Everyone else in the United Wn members,

{and in the best interests of their Otherwise States is subject to all those laws, members quit the unjon. In a ¢ and many others which unions fre- shop, with forced membership,

the

quently have been excused from on union leaders can do as they please.

the sole unions. When an employer signs a Can even object, contract he can be taken into court

wants to, may break it without those are not

is compelled to negotiate with

grounds that they are NO member can quit, no member |

But The

organized kill OPA inorder to double the ect to all the

union representing his employees— laws exactly as all other Americans.

but the union need not negotiate That would end most of the abuses, | We hope the house unless it pleases. An individual, or and might even make most of tha | (a firm or a church, or even a gang arbitration machinery unnecessary { fervid claims of| ! merchandise shipments, but aunion| union leaders themselves there are supreme about 15 million union members in How many of them fare voluntary members and how

of bandits cannot levy a tax on! By the most can, and does, and the court has held that it's all right if | this country.

it's a union doing it.

Less Important, perhaps, but still many were forced to become mem-

a great forward step for themselves, would be clause in the statutes that read:

unions bers there

correct,

is no means of another ing, but accepting the figures as it would

be 15

know-

millions.

“No person shall be barred from There are 140 million Americans.

any employment because he is member of any labor union, or be- a union membdr cause he is NOT a membér of any labor union’ represent them

Side Glances—By Galbraith

with or

ei. | BY HoOsIer Raised and Born, Indianapolis

a So about one person out of nine is

Should they, or the leaders who FOR ANOTHER DEPRESSION”

without

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| COPR. 1948 BY NEA LING. T. M.:

UU. 8. PAT, OFF.

that really count, he grins and says, ‘I'm way

pr you, Pop'—and | get embarrassed!"

ATT Uo ak veh fs, 7 X

ahead of

——

"Yes, but whenever | start to talk to, him about the things in life

1work and work day and night while

bers of their organizations. I remember very well the dark | ave of the past, when long lines of people were forced to stand in line waiting for a pail of soup, and a half loaf of bread. Or working for WPA wages. The unions of today are big |

which forced the passage of the Wagner labor bill, but the same organizations which were in power {before the Wagner bill was passed

Legal requirements for arbitration are now trying to kill all the rights It should be regarded only as a and compelled to keep it. A union instead of strikes may also be of 2 1 , needs to keep a contract only if it help in the present situation. fundamental. need a labor is that it be subj

{in that bill by the propaganda in | page advertisementggand by hiding | their production while they try to

| price of their products. {informed that the

Also I am meat packers have plenty of meat in storage waiting for death of OPA. What The Times can do to live up to that noble slogan is to write up the facts on both sides, so that the, people can see the truth and really decide for themselves without bias or prejudice of the editorial writer,

Editor's Note: We disagree with | Reader Smith, believe both sides have been presented.

$n » [“ARM-CHAIR .CRITICS HOPE

In the last month the food and {meat product is worse than it was when we had everything rationed ‘while we were still at war. In the

paper was a script that the Germans were plowing everything in (their vegetables under, while we {have to give up our food and send to them. There is no sense for that. | All you people want that sit behind a desk is another depression. You don't need the calories that a working man has to have. After you |send all our food over there and let |them plow theirs under, they will start another war. Then what will |we have? Nothing but half-starved | people to try to fight the ones you fattened up. How is a mother supposed to feed babies when all our meat and vege- | tables are gone, There is a lot more to think of, The poor fellow has to

you big shots sit behind a desk and {collect millions of dollars. | How are people with large fam- | ilies going to get by? You have taken all the flour and stopped part of the production of bread. Are you going to have bread lines, again? Big families have to have meat and vegetables, :

DAILY THOUGHT

If ‘one man sin against another, the judge shall judge him: but if a man sin against the Lord, who shall intreat for him?—Samuel2:25. v LAW can discover sin, but not remove, ‘Save by those shadowy tions’ weak —Milton,

ol ay

expla-

| which deserves sol

That is, if the army pays any attention to these often fuzzy recommendations to make every man a king, and writes them in the rule book. Otherwise the board has corrected no abuses. It has merely accomplished its originab purpose—which, to me, was a bid for public favor by a lot of fuss and feathers which would lead nowhere.

No Facts Revealed

IN THIS ALLEGED INVESTIGATION, did anybody see any documented cases where high-ranking officers had done bad things to the G. I.? Were any individual wrists slapped «for exploitation of rank? Were any names named, any generals or admirals accused of forcing enlisted men to build swimming pools and fancy houses for the high-rankers’ pleasure? . If so, I missed them. All I saw was a flock of vicarious G. I's grabbing space in the papers, “and finally a 53-page report in which the solid recommendations were clouded by a lot of girlish forwardlooking that the army won't ever practice in reality. By far the wildest is this pipe-dream to socially democratize the future army. The way I read it, any private is good as any . general after office hours. They can drink together in communal clubs, mess in the same messes, live in the same quarters. The terms “officer” and “enlisted man” will be abolished, and everybody will be “soldiers” together. That would give a private the right to call General of the Army Eisenhower by his last name as they bent over beers in the same soldiers’ club, and punch the general in the chin, without fear of too much

retribution—if it happened after hours. ‘Because, in a democratic army, what court-martial is going to hang a hard one on you for popping an equal on the whiskers? Especially when courts-martial boards are packed with un-commissioned (not non-commissioned) soldiers? Under this new democracy which the board advo~ cates, a disgruntled private could debate a general for running the war wrong—if he did it after 5 p. m, If the general hands him any guff, he can scream “discrimination!” and turn the star-wearer into the disciplinary board. Ain't it wonderful? A lot of sound recommendations (which did not wholly originate with Doolittle’s board) came out of the huddle. Adjustment of pay, terminal leave ree imbursement for all, retirement pay and. justice alike for everybody are all fine -and all necessary. But these things are cheapened by stress on the “caste” stuff and the incorporation of dreamy plans to make every private the evening equal of his supers iors. It's idealistic, but I doubt if we'll ever see it. War’ machines are founded on discipline and harshness, with the big man master of the little man. The Russians once tried- to inject equality into their military, and flopped so badly that they went back to an officer caste system that make ours a miracle of loving kindness.

Watch What Really Happens

A COUPLE OF MONTHS AGO I observed the Doolittle's well-publicized investigation was mainly a white-wash job to build character and find forgiveness for past sins without intent to crack down on the sinners. My idea was that little useable stuff would come out of the conclave that wasn't already known, and most of it would be filled and forgotten. Let's watch and see what actual practice the army makes of the recommendations—especially the clause about equality. I would love to be wrong.

Will Puerto Rico Get Native Head?

SAN JUAN, May 29.—Many Puerto Ricans are betting and hoping that their present elected commissioner to Washington, Jesus I. Pinero, will be the

their| enough to handle the forces which | next—and the first native-born—governor of the losed | were responsible for the conditions| island, succeeding Rexford Guy Tugwell

There has been a slight hitch in this appointment. Several weeks ago Pinero was considered a sure thing. but now a number of prominent U. S. Democrats have their eyes on the job. Whoever gets it, the shift in the cast won't make too much difference in the way the play will go on.

Mainland Politics Hampering , RELATAONS BETWEEN the island and congress may be somewhat improved with both Harold L. Ickes out as secretary of the interior and Tugwell out as governor. Rightly or not, some important Puerto Ricans believe congress used to take its spite out on the island because congressmen didn’t like Ickes and Tugwell, who were in charge. Congress has no such grudge against new Secretary J. A. Krug. And Pinero, if he gets the appointment from President Truman, will know his way around congress. The fly in this soothing ointment is that Tugwell

| has been retained by the University of Peurto Rico

as a consultant to the school of government administration and in social science research. The deal is that Tugwell will spend three montfis of one year, six months of the next, in Puerto Rico. So his influence will not be é¢ompletely removed, and that's what bothers the practical politicians. Aside from that, Tugwell has been blamed for a lot of things that have gone on down here for which he doesn't deserve credit. What is generally overlooked in congress is that the reform program of the popular Democratic party was all mapped out and

passed by the Puerto Ric#n legislature before Tugwell appeared on the scene, as an Ickes-backed governor, in 1941, These home-grown reforms include the cone troversial land law, agricultural and industrial dee velopment plans, and the unification of water ree sources and electric power systems. Tugwell's principal responsibility has, therefore, heen merely to administer the programs handed te him by the Puerto Rican legislature. The only reforms that are really Tugwell's include expansion of the university, institution of a civil service system, creation of a budget bureau, and the- setting up of a municipal planning commission. All are recognized as contributions to good gevernment. The thing that Tugwell is most likely to be re. membered for in Puerto Rico is, surprisingly enough, not that he was a great reformer, but that he was a good administrator and executive. There is one other thing the Tugwell] administra tion will be remembered for, though it is fnore the work of Mrs, Tugwell than of the governor. It is a private charity to give pre-school children one good meal a day.

Tugwell Takes Back Seat

AS A REFORMER and maker-over of the world and Puerto Rican economy, Tugwell has to take a back seat and give the bow to the Puerto Rican politicians in the popular Democratic party. The boss of that party has been, and still is, Luis Munoz Marin, big, black-eyed and mustached,’ fierce-looking, but soft-spoken. He is president of the senate as well as president of the party, and what he says goes. Pinero, or anybody else who might be named gove ernori‘will have to go along with the party program much as Tugwell has done, and like it.

TODAY IN EUROPE . . . By Randolph Churchill Britain Takes Over Anders Poles

PARIS, May 20.—Unselfish or disinterested action by any great power has become. such a rare thing that, when it does happen, it seems worthy of special note. : Announcement by Britain's foreign minister that Britain is to assume full responsibility for the future of all Polish forces who do not wish to return to Poland, reflects great credit upon the British government. It is true that this seems the least that should be done for these brave men who have fought so long and so loyally in the ranks of the United Nations. But international morality has sunk to such depths, and nations so seldom do anything that is ligely to inconvenience them, that Mr, Bevin's announcement stands out as an honorable exception from the general callous neglect with which 80 many scores of millions of human beings today are

treated by supposedly civilized governments,

Own Government Doesn't Want Them , ONLY ABOUT 30,000 POLES for whom Britain is responsible have chosen to ‘return to their native land for whose liberation they fought so long and so well. More than 160,000 prefer to try and make a new life for themselves elsewhere, To find work and accommodation for 160,000 foreigners in Britain's crowded little island is not going to be easy. It Is encouraging that Bevin was able to indicate that he already has promises from some other governments that they will help in this humanitarian task by absorbing some of. these luckless people, ! -§ There is one strange feature in this unhappy story clarification. The Communistdominated Poligh government has for months been

. V.

putting out a spate of anti-British propaganda about Gen, Anders’ Second Polish corps in Italy, In reality it is doubtful if the Poligh government genuinely want these Poles to return. If it did, there was a simple course it could have followed—namely to accord good treatment to those few did return, But the contrary took place. Accounts coming out of Poland have been the determining factor Jin decision of a Jarge majority to face the future, however uncertain, abroad and risk the hazards of starting life again in a strange country. It has been asserted repeatedly that the British have discouraged these Poles from returning to Pos land and a great grievance has been made of the whole business. The facts are quite vw the contrary, The tales told by the comrades or Gen. Anders’ Poles, some of whom escape weekly from Russiane dominated Poland, plus the knowledge of what hape pens to those who do not knuckle down to the gove ernment now in power in Poland, are powerful face tors in causing those Poles outside Poland to have a natural reluctance to return to the homeland for which they fought so bravely.

A Blot on World Conscience THE POLISH GOVERNMENT is trying to have it both ways. They regard Anders’ Poles as a dangers ous political element and are happier without them. At the same time, they can continue to have a grievance by falsely suggesting that artificial obstacles are being put in the way of their return. The grim tragedy of Poland's new enslavement remains to trouble the. conscience of the world. It is some minor consolation. that the British government is at least doing its maximum to help those few Poles whom it is still in is power to help.

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