Indianapolis Times, Indianapolis, Marion County, 4 October 1945 — Page 18
‘he Indianapolis Times]
Thursday, Oct, 4, 1945
“PAGE '18
WALTER LECKRONE = HENRY W. MANZ Editor Business Manager (A SCRIPPS-HOWARD NEWSPAPER)
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THE BIG THREE SPLIT
THE foreign ministers’ conference in London has failed. There may be official efforts to put a good face on a bad matter to escape public wrath. .But no cover-up communiques can change the dismal fact that wartime unity of the Big Three has been unable ts survive a few weeks of peace. : Despite all the Big Three pacts, despite the Atlantic Charter and the United Nations Charter, despite world demands for unity, the conflict of Russian versus AngloAmerican policy is so complete that the foreign ministers cannot agree on a single major problem of the peace settlement—not even on procedure for discussion. We are not interested in finding individual scapegoats. : Any attempt to explain this split in terms of person- . alities—of Molotov blackmail technique, of Bevin boorishness, or Byrnes inexperience—is superficial. The faults and virtues of negotiators may magnify or modify, but they cannot cause or cure, such a basic policy conflict, ; The disagreement is between different ideals and between conflicting methods.
un » » . » ” THE Russian totalitarian tradition is the opposite of the Anglo-American tradition; the Soyiet dictatorship is the opposite of the Anglo-American bill of rights. Nazi Germany by challenging the democratic powers and Communist Russia forged a defensive military alliance of the Big Three opposites—it was unite or perish. Now that this pressure of a common axis peril has been remdved by allied victory, the old differences between the Soviet and the democracies pull them apart again. Besides pre-war disagreements, many new ones have been added by victory, For victory—in destroying axis power and in seriously weakening France and the middlesized nations—has left the world largely at the mercy of the United States, Britain and Russia. : Now the over-all issue is how the Big Three shall use their vast powers. Jointly for an international democratic order, as pledged? Or for separate spheres of domination, until clashing ambitions cause another war? Russia at the London conference, as at San Francisco, opposed democratic internationalism. She demanded Big Three dictation of peace terms and caentrol of international organization and her own free hand through the veto power. She asserted her domination over much of Europe and reached for more power in Africa and Asia. Russia's refusal at London to accept democratic settlements in the new. Balkan sphere, and her refusal to let France and China—much less the United Nations—help draft the peace terms, are typical. We do not know the solution. is not the solution, We know that secret diplomacy is not the solution. We ~ know the London effort to make deals behind closed doors has driven the Big Three further apart. Also it has destroyed much of the public faith upon which any decent world order must be built. Whoever imposed secrecy—
Byrnes, Bevin or Molotov—shares the responsibility. » » J # ¥ »
WE KNOW that to Americans this public business is the public's business. They are fed up with censorship, and with dickering so devious it cannot stand the, ligature _ hereafter in international negotiations. - The American people want to see for themselves and to judge for themselves what government or governments are pushing the world toward more wars, To We know also that no three nations, no matter how big or what their ideology, can dictate a just and workable peace for the world. The idea that the Big Three alone should or can impose a peaceful settlement is a defiance of bloody historical experience. The United Nations fought the war together and should make the settlement together, one for which they take responsibility and to which they are bound. Any other method and any other settlement will be an invitation to future Hitlers. We believe America is and should be anxious for the closest partnership with Russia—regardless of her dice tatorship at home, which is her own business. We believe America is ready to make almost any compromise for such a partnership, short of aiding the spread of Russian dictatorship over other nations. We do not believe America will or should support world tyranny for any power—that is the road to war.
But we do know what
MR. SCHWELLENBACH’'S WARNING
RGING settlement of the oil industry strike, Secretary Schwellenbach said this to representatives of management and labor: “The time is rapidly approaching when the American people as a whole are going to take some stand upon these questions. . I tell you frankly that if the American people, acting through congress, take.an action upon this it probably will not be to the best interests of either employers or employees.” We certainly do not believe that action by the American people through congress to protect the public against industrial warfare would necessarily be contrary to the best interests of employers or employees. It is true that legislation enacted in haste and heat is likely to be unwise. The Smith-Connally act is an example. But the sort of public pressure that produces hot and hasty legislation builds up because there is a lack of calmly considered legislation. If danger now exists that congress may act unwisely, in an attempt to remedy condi- _ tions which the American people refuse to tolerate, the reason is perfectly clear. ( It is found in the policy of a national administration which for many years did everything it could to increase the power of organized labor—and, at the same ‘time, did everything it could to prevent congress from adopting any measure to require responsibility in the use of that power. #h ; : Mr. Schwellenbach™ is new to his job. He has come “to it in a time of great stress. We wish him success in his efforts for industrial peace. But we hope he does not intend, secretary of labor, to continue the policy of opposing all
egislatic 1 designed for public protection and thus inviting
: ag ' PROFILE—_
-
' James Dunn By Frank Aston |
WASHINGTON, Oct. 4. — James C. Dunn, assistant secretary of state, takes charge of the U. 8S. state department delegation at
Byrnes comes home. quarter century to the state department. His admirers say he fits diplomacy as neatly as his clothes fit him. As a department man he has clerked, traveled, laid out official dinner tables, resigned, returned, attracted a share of criticism and established an enthusiastic personal following. .
wealthy parents who schooled him privaiely, He tried law, turned to architecture. He married Mary Augusta Armour of Chicago. They have two daughters, three granddaughers. < Shy of personal publicity, Jimmy Dunn leaves it to his friends to say: “He places his first duty to his country, his second to his family, He's a straight shooter, solid thinker and hard worker. When he submits an idea it's sound because he never takes a chance on his country.” His critics say: “He was pro-Franco during the Spanish war and a Vichy appeaser, In the department he always gets on the winning side.”
‘Carries Out Orders’
FRIENDS respond: “He is pro-United States. He did not make the decisions regarding Franco or Vichy. He's a good soldier and carries our orders. He was pro-Hull and pro-Stettinius. Today he is pro-Byrnes.” Socially, Mr. Dunn rose rapidly in diplomacy. He listens well, speaks softly, remembers admirably. In 1927 he got his first prominent job when he set up a protocol division. That required him to pass on such functions as receiving foreign celebrities and seating them by rank at dinner. The late Charles Lee Cook, as ceremonial officer, carried such matters in his head. Jimmy Dunn put them in writing. Jimmy welcomed visiting foreign dignitaries with a White House car, screaming motorcycle escort and a sample of the Dunn wardrobe. Every one was delighted and most guests found themselves calling their host Jimmy. ' On Aug, 7, 1930, Mr. Dunn resigned without explanation, A year later it was learned he had quit to devote his time to his ill wife, He thought he should not request a leave just for domestic. reasons. He was chided for being unduly conscientious and rehired, Mrs. Dunn had recovered. In 1933, as his first major assignment under Secretary Hull, he accompanied the delegation to the London economic conference, When paper work piled up on the way over, Jimmy peeled off his jacket and ran a mimeograph machine,
Reversed Usual Procedure
WHEN Jimmy reached Montvideo with Secretary Hull for the conference of American states in 1933 they reversed the custom of having small fry envoys call first on the big-timers. Mr. Hull and Jimmy tramped through hotels the first day, knocking at delegates’ doors. “I'm Hull of the United States,” the secretary would say. “Wanted to say hello. This is Jimmy Dunn, a good man to know. We have a fine staff and {f we can do anything for you, let us know.” The small fry were astonished, particularly the diplomat Mr. Hull found taking a bath. All were delighted with the Hearty secretary and his suave assistant, When Mr. Hull consulted Foreign Commissar Molotov in Moscow in 1043, Jimmy was beside him. Mr. Hull pulled a sheet of paper from his pocket, handed it to Mr. Molotov and said: “We hope you can subscribe to this.” It was a pledge of post-war friendship, Russia said “certainly.” Jimmy had gone along in the face of protests that he had never been friendly toward Russia, When he came home there wis no criticism. Today his friends say: “Mr. Hull leaned on Jimmy. So did Mr. Stettinius. Now. Mr. Byrnes is leaning on him. Jimmy is our top man in the London meeting.” In London, Jimmy appears now and then with
Anthony Eden. The sight of them drives tailors into ecstacles.
WORLD AFFAIRS—
Leftists
By - William Philip Simms
WASHINGTON, Oct. 4.— Reports leading from Eastern Europe's censorship indicate that more than one Leftist coup d'etat may follow the breakdown of the council of foreign ministers in London. The first of these seems ready to explode in Romania. All it needs is a spark and this may be provided by definite word from London that the “peace conference” there has collapsed. A similar situation exists in Bulgaria, Well before V-E day the Communists of Eastern Europe and the Balkans laid plans to seize power in their respective countries during the chaotic period following liberation. Poland was a good example, A “government” was set up in Moscow to take over In Warsaw as soon as events would permit, And that is what happened. Last February at Yalta Russia set about obtaining recognition for Poland from Britain and America. It was agreed that the Polish regime as set up in Moscow and further enlarged at Lublin should be “reorganized” to -include “democratic leaders from Poland itself and from Poles abroad.” This new government would then proceed to hold “free and unfettered elections. ,., On the basis of universal suffrage and secret ballot.” Whereupon the
Big Three would exchange ambassadors with the new regime,
No Provisions Carried Out
TO DATE none of these Polish specifications has been carried out. The Warsaw government is still dominated by the Communists and they take their cue from Moscow, It has not held any elections— “free and unfettered” or otherwise — and none is scheduled, though there is talk of holding them sometime “next year.” Nevertheless, Britain and the United States have sent ambassadors to Warsaw without waiting until Warsaw made good its obligations, : Romania and Bulgarian regimes have been hoping that Poland would prove a precedent. They, too, would like British and American recognition. But the Groza government of Romania and the Georglev government of Bulgaria—Ilike that of Warsaw—are only nominally coalitions. Both are definitely Communist. Both like that “broad Democratic basis” demanded by the big western democracies. Accordingly, the lat ter have adopted a policy of watchful waiting, and the London conference did nothing to. speed the process. Now comes word that left-wing extremists in Romania are growing impatient. They had hoped the Big Three foreign ministers would frame a liberal peace settlement with Bucharest after which the United States and Great Britain would send along thelr convoys—plus some financial and economic assistance. But London has dimmed that hope,
Still Has Opposition COMMUNIST Premier Groza is still encountering a certain amount of opposition from Romanian moderates. Even young King Michael has dared to voice Sesire for a more representative government. But und
tion. He may now remove the wraps, in which case King Michael may well look out.
Nor is patience exactly a Soviet virtue. Russia, too, would like to strike consolidate
London when Secretary of State | Jimmy Dunn has devoted a |
—He was born—in Newark, N.—J;, Dee 27-1800, of |
Honorable Deflation N ow a F act
-
Te
er ton
a
Hoosier
“SELF-RIGHTEOUS TO CONDEMN PFC. COLBY” By a Discharged WAC, Plainfield I would like to say a few words
in regards to the letter in the Hoosier Forum about the Colby boy, written by a Mrs. A. A., Indianapolis, Well, if I was Mrs. A. A, I certainly would be ashamed to sign my full name to that letter, I wonder if Mrs. A. A. had any sons. or anyone at all in this war, I do not uphold the boy in killing his officers. Neither do I condemn him too much. It was done on the spur of the moment which can happen to most any one of us. Mrs. A. A, you asked if he did not learn of the Ten Commandments, “Thou shalt, not kill” Haven't you learned yet that is only one of the Ten Commandments and have you never broken even one of those ten? You have never gone through the horrors of war, You have never been in the service and you do not know how hard it is to contro] yourself when you are tired, lonesome and homesick and some officer tries to make it hard for you just to show authority. You said the Colby boy's only excuse was he was drinking. I happen to know the boy had been working on detail and then was ordered on guard duty without rest.
|How do I know this? My son just
returned from Heidelburg, Germany. You know, Mrs. A. A, I myself spent almost two years in the service—WAC, I'm almost 46 years old and I also have two sons in the service and also a son-in-law and a brother, I know how hard it is, how easy it is to do things one shouldn't when you are far from home, I have had times when I myself would be so lonesome, tired, homesick that my nerves would be at the breaking point dnd I would think of getting drunk to forget for just a while. I was never drunk in my life. I do not smoke or stay out nights in cheap places but for the moment the temptation would almost get me. ‘I understand how easy it is for the younger boys and girls to do those things, how easy it is for the boys returning from the horrors of war, killing and seeing their buddies killed at their feet, to try to drown those thoughts with drink, if for only a little while. You, Mrs. A. A, no doubt sat at home during this war, living at ease in your self-righteous way, giving no thought to anyone but yourself, but ready to condemn a soldier to be shot for a mistake he made, ready to add more heartache to a broken-hearted mother and father.
=
his|ward world amity that would be
Forum s-:
(Times readers are invited to express their views in these columns, religious controversies excluded. Because of the volume received, letters should be limited to 250 words, Letters must be signed. Opinions set forth here are those of the writers, and publication in nc way implies agreement with those opinions by The Times. The Times assumes no responsibility for the return of manuscripts and cannot enter correspondence regarding them.)
“MAGNIFICENT GESTURE TOWARD WORLD AMITY”
By Harry E. Dorsey, Indianapolis The U. 8B. government has perfected the atomic bomb at a cost of more than two billions of dollars. What will they do with the formula? I think they should give it to the world. What a magnificent gesture to-
and the nations will eventually find it out anyway.. No doubt they now have their scientists at work on it. What a saving of time, money and effort for the U. B. to proclaim it to the world. The world council must, of course, adopt very stringent rules for the manufacture and use of an energy with such mighty potentialities as to stagger the imagination. So great is this achievement that all others pale into insignificance in comparison. It is conéeivable that by the proper development and application of this marvelous energy we are now on the threshold of an evolution so far-reaching that all modern ways of life will soon be obsolete, » » ” “WHAT DID GOVERNOR'S MANSION COST?”
By L. P., s&s Reader, Indianapolis Was the Governor's salary raised after Governor Gates was elected, and how much? What was the cost of the governor's mansion and furnishings? Was the law passed for an Indiana governor's wife pension, and how much? Is it punishable to buy election votes? Has the governor always had a fouryear term? (Editor's Note: (a) No. (bh) $72,500. (c) Yes—$3000 a year for governors’ widows, may be accepted or rejected. (d) Federal government customarily votes pensions to widows of executives. (e) Yes. (I) Since adoption of 1851 constitution; before that—from 1816 to 1851-it
Side Glances—By Galbraith
was a three-year term.)
y #
“I wholly disagree with what you say, but will defend to the
your right to say it.”
“RUSSIA NOT COMMUNIST, IT’S STATE CAPITALISM” By Voice in The Crowd, Indianapolis Alma Bender detests argument (so she says) so why does she continue one? I did not say that anyone who
signed their name to Forum letters
was a fool, but Alma does not hestitate to call me one, which, of course, is 0. k. with me, I would like to know what difference it makes if a person wishes to express his thoughts anonymously. Those who sign their name to their writings do not make their statements authenfic by so doing, and in fact some Forum letters would be weightier if the person did not have to give a discount for the name. There used to be a line in the old “copy books” that said “It is a wisé child that knows its own father.” That peing the case what difference should it make to we mental midgets, who write in the Forum? If Alma Bender wants facts instead of argument she should believe some because quite a few facts appear in the Forum that she does not agree with at all. If she believes that Russia is communistic, she could have been set right if she would believe one of Ginsberg’s late Forum letters in which he stated the fact that Russia is a state capitalism. Russia is a dictatorship, its people are regimented with an iron hand by the smallest minority (in percentage of population) of any nation on the globe. There is no hope for pure communism because people are not equal in their knowledge or their ambitions of their effort that they are willing to exert to live. : It cannot be possible that all of the nations think that they have the best conditions or the greatest country. Today there is no nation on the face of the earth that does not look hopefully to the United States to lead the world from its disaster. England leads in this hopeful thinking. 4 The United States is not a “democracy” and no thinking person upholds a democracy as the only “political system.” The United States is a republic. The United States has private capitalism because thrifty people can earn more than they require to live and they can invest their surplus. This is a blessing and not a sin. It is the surplus of the people, the common people if you please, that buys war and victory bonds at 10 to 14 billions at a time. The co-operatives may be ‘“patterned after the Scandinavian coun~ tries,” but they are very much a scheme to transact business without paying taxes and they will prove their value if they can exist when some day they have to pay the same taxes as any other business establishment. All things are comparative, but you cannot compare the United States or its conditions with a other country. It is different. The Scandinavian countries prewar may not have nad any slums, But over there a family did not need a radio and a car and a $500 debt on a fur coat to be a slum. They are all willing to come bere and live at our lowest level for the opportunity of doing something for themselves. If you want facts, open your eyes to them. These are troublous times and if you have plenty to eat and decent shelter, morc than threequarters of the world’s people would trade places with you and be happy.
$0 these boys may come home. They are no better than any other boy. Besides why not let these single boys go over and do the occu~ pation work? They are in no danger like my and all of the other
| By Thomas L. Stokes
| is ever quite satisfied with a Presi~ | dent or congress, which is normal
POLITICS—
f
Gripe Era
t
WASHINGTON, Oct. 4.—Nobody
in our democracy.
We elected both. Therefore we've :
}g0t the right to tell them off, privately and publicly
—and we do, The end of ‘he war let out the. pent-up steam. So the air is full of griping, which is natural and normal. The world is full of troubles, and so is our own part of it here at home, i . Everybody suddenly wants everything that he as more money in the pay envelope, more profits from the business if he operates a business, the elimination of all regulations in the way of these, a big reduction in taxes, and so on. vg Congress gets all these gripes, by the carton. President Truman escaped for a long time. Everybody wanted to give him a break. Now he is beginning to get gripes too. i he He is President, and therefore he becomes the focus. By the same token he is expected to become the mouthpiece for the people, to he their voice, to give them direction. i In the confusion of the times a voice is needed. In the last few days, as you wander about this city and listen in, what you hear most often is a
and assert his leadership, the leadership of the people, to dispel the confusion, set ‘the objectives,
One Clear Voice Needed ; ONE CLEAR voice, it is urged, is needed above the babel here and'all over the country of the various pressure groups which have multiplied in recent
they are all talking at once.’ The demand is increasing from President Truman’s well-wishers that he would take hold of some situations that are currently disturbing, analyze them for the people, and outline a clear and definite policy. ! They all boil down to one over-all trouble. This is the eagerness of all sorts of groups—honestly in-
bag. They don’t take too much thought of the ultimate consequence, which is that the public welfare would be jeopardized by a serious inflation. That would hurt everybody, labor, business, agriculture. > The President has been guided by a commendable purpose in his administration. That is to delegate authority to his respbnsible cabinet officers. Some of these have spoken out. clearly and forcefully about the dangers that beset us. Some of them have acted. But his is the influence, his the personal respon= sibility that would count most.
Nation Faces Rough Period
WHAT THE nation faces, it is now becoming apparent, is a rough period ahead, full of complex problems, which will require patience, national unity, and plenty of public understanding. In some ways it is comparable to that which President Roosevelt faced in the depression and later in the war. Uppermost now are two situations. One is the wave of strikes representing labor's demand to get big wage increases right now. These were expected. They have been exaggerated in some quarters in the effort to discredit labor. But, at the same time, they complicate the problem directly ahead. The other situation is the effort of business interests of all sorts to break down price controls and reap quick profits. Everybody, it “seems, would capitalize upon the ready money in the country, and the ready money now is as a barrelful to a thimble compared with what there was after the last war. Then we had a terrific post-war inflation. One suggestion is that the President speak out frankly to both groups, speak on behalf of all the people. At the same time this would encourage those here who are working, at personal sacrifice, to hold the line against inflation. They are the shock troops who don’t get much credit or sympathy.
IN WASHINGTON—
Confused? By Peter Edson
WASHINGTON, Oct. 4—8o i you're confused about the way | things are going. So you'd like to get a picture of the new quarterly - report of the director of war mobilization and reconversion—meaning John W. Snyder —who is supposed to know and who is ordered by law to tell the President and congress what's what, every three months. The answer to “Where are we now?” is unfortunately never as simple as: up in Mabel's room, down in the cellar behind the ax, on top of cloud number eight, at the bottom of the deep blue sea, bound for heaven in a chariot or headed for hades in a hack. ° It would be a .relief if one of these topdrawer officials would some day put out a report as understandable as that. This new report is shorter than most—which is a break—but still replete with the usual econmic palaver. As such, it is another report which congress will file and forget. Trying to find the one key phrase that tells all, you come upon this: * ,, . We are emerging from a taut economy . . . into an economy of mobility.” Now you know—or do you?
Examples of Double-Talk THIS economy of mobility apparently has no reference to the act that Oct. 1 is national moving day or that on Oct. 1 the clocks were all moved back one hour. There's a lot more to it than that. As the report says, this is the period of paradoxes. Busipess expansion along with business contraction, increasing employment while there is increased unemsployment, inflation while there is deflation. In short, nobody knows where we're going but we're gn our | way. %s a matter of fact, farther back in the report there is one section, chapter V, which is headed, “On Our Way.” But it says right in the first paragraph that with only 47 days having elapsed since the capitulation of Japan, “It is too early to make a definitive progress re Yd Right ei Sport a sub-heading, “Clews to Progress.” 80 that’s the way it is, They don't come right out and tell you where you're going. They just give you clews and you have to figure it out for yourself by recognizing the surroundings. Two of the
was denied or denied himself during the war, such
wish that President Truman would step out boldly
years. They held their tongues for a While, Now °
tentioned, perhaps—to get their hands into the grab
