Indianapolis Times, Indianapolis, Marion County, 12 January 1945 — Page 16

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: : PAGE 16 Friday, January Is. 1045 —

thatthe war will cost legs in that 12-

i . FOC Ep WALTER LECKRONE - HENRY W. MANZ ._ Editop . Business Manager

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RILEY 5551

83 BILLIONS, PLUS OR MINUS HE President's budget of 83 billion dollars for the fiscal year beginning July 1 is based on a” guess and a hope month period than Fe Tose labelled | “rate |

is being spent in this or was spent in The 70 billions allotted for war costs is frankly as a “tentative” figure, for, as the President says, the | of actual spending must depend on developments on the | battle fronts.” : fn peacetime, the judgment of congress can determine in a large degree the size of the government's budget. But | in wartime the disposition of congress is to appropriate | whatever our military leaders say is necessary—on the | proper assumption that money ought never be denied when | it will save lives and shorten the war.

5 ”

MUCH MORE SIGNIFICANT is the President's estimate of the yearly cost of our federal government, on a permanent basis, after the war is over and after the postwar adjustments have been made, He puts the figure at $25 billions a year. : : In its most wasteful pre-war extravagance the New

Deal never spent. more than $10 billions a year and its -as around $8 billions. ‘In the

eight year pre-war average W new total which he foresees, of course, there will be perhaps $10 billions a year for interest on the public debt and for payments enough to retire that debt in around 150 years. There will be possibly another $5 billions a year to pay for the bigger army and navy it now becomes apparent we must maintain in spite of all the brave and hopeful talk-about world peace organization. That will still leave $10 billions a year for ordinary spending by the government, which apparently Mr. Roosevelt expects to continue at the highest level of the thirties. The impact of such.a federal budget on the nation’s economy cannot fail to mean profound changes in the present structure of American living. State and local taxes— to pay for schools, streets, policemen, fire departments and all the other services of American communities—have been amounting to an average of around 813 billions a year before the war, are not likely after the war to be any less. | Added to the federal budget—which they must be, since all | the money comes out of the same pockets—they bring the tax total to $38 billions a year, Such a tax structure would mean at least a complete revision of all predictions on | national income. Before the war we never had an income as great as $100 billions a year, although we have expected to have such an income after the war, with full employment and full production.

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ON THE BASIS of a $38 billion a year governmental |

cost,” $100 billions income is pathétically inadequate. It would leave, for instance, oniy $62 billions net income for | consumer purchasing, which is a depression level, not a | prosperity level, and which could not support the full em- | ployment on which a $100 billion income is based. No | nation can, or will, pay 38 per cent of its total income in |

taxes. So, if taxes are to be $38 billions a year the national

income must be increased to a figure far beyond-anything so far seriously discussed. What ‘that should be seems fantastic’in the light of | past performance. A national income of $200 billions “would make the taxes 19 per cent—still an impossible proportion for any but a very brief period. A national income of $400 billions a year would be needed to get the tax“rate below 10 per cent—and while 10 per cent is stil] very high it probably could be maintained. There is. nothing to suggest that such an income could be achieved without tremendous inflation, which is a timehonored, though never satisfactory, manner of handling war debts. The alternative, which is sharp reduction of governmental costs, and tight economy in operation, ap-

parently 18 not under consideration now, —pm

IF WE ARE BUZZ BOMBED

NATURALLY we hope it won't happen but if it should |

it would solve a lot of manpower and other problems with which we are now struggling as the outgrowth of our false optimism.

We refer to Adm. Ingram's warning that buzz bombs | may fall en America—that an attack is not just possible, |

but probable. Such an attack would be the dumbest thing the Germans could do. The destruction could not be important in a military sense. But the psychological repercussions would be stupendous,

Nothing would more quickly stop our national gabfest

and silence the griping in which we all at home so like to indulge—about everything from calling off our pet convention to closing up the horse and dog tracks.

So, while hoping and praying that America may bo | spared, we still say there would be a by-product which |

would splatter back all over the Nazis, as far as Berchtesgaden and beyond.

-*.

~ ORDEAL

.. WAR brings harrowing ordeals far removed from. the ‘ battlefield; &rdeals that bring no medals as reward, > but that test a-man’s courage and try his soul. - And so, before he's forgoiten, we should like to convey our sympathy and understanding to the male army lieu-

-tenant who was sent as recruiting officer to Ft. Wayne

to replace a WAC captain. ;

MHinehing. i :

USIONS OF GRANDEUR,

Roosevelt pronipt : Petrillo?”

ith

5 us to ask!

‘he Indianapolis Times|

and Mexico, 87 cents a | =

{But not._all defeated public servants accept the

Greater in Defeat By John W. Hillman

THE MEASURE of a man is the way he takes his lumps, and this is’ nowhepe more true than in political life, Wendell Willkie is a shining example of a man who, in defeat, rose to greater stature. And here in Indiana, in the past few weeks, we have watched Henry Schricker show how to be a good loser, ‘There have been others. When—Senator Henry F. Ashurst ot Arizona. was defeated for" re-election in 1940, he delivered the finest. swan song ever heard in congress. In'it, Mr. Ashurst said:

“I shall not waste any time on such miserable |

twaddle as to say that I ought to have been elected. . ..In a government such as ours, it is the undoubted right of -the people to change their servants and to remove one and displace him with another at any time they choose, for a good reason, for a bad reason, or for no reason at all. ,.."”"

verdict at the ballot box with such shining grace. Ih a letter to Mr. Ashurst, another distinguished senator

The Man Who Came Back—From Dow

-v

Shadow on Big

By Thomas L Stokes *

In the senate and the country who could do mo than anybody else to dispel such doubt is the senato from Michigan. Vandenberg was at one time the outstanding symbd of isolationism, but because he is recognized as outstanding Republican in congress and has assume the leadership in formulating its foreign policy.

He Used Practical Methods .. -

(Continued From Page One)

ant event as was Senator Vanden berg’s. It will serve to arm Mr. Roose velt in his forthcoming talks wi ‘the heads of the British and Rix sian governments. -In the impolit comment in England. lately the "has been an insinuating note .g ‘doubt that the United States wo go through with its pronounc ments for real international ca ‘operation, that it would assume if responsibilities. The one perso!

This is ngt only because Senato

ASIDE FROM the late Wendell L Willkie,

who had been ‘defeated wrote that he had been a “failure” and had been “repudiated.* y

Gratitude Is a Luxury

__WITH SYMPATHETIC understanding, Mr. Ash-| urst threw a comforting arm around his former colleague in this philosophical and beautifully written reply: My Dear Ex-Colleague:

Yours received and I am sorry that you have | adopted such a dismal view. In your letter, you go | on to say that you are a “failure,” that you have been “repudiated” and that you have “not only been defeated but neglected and forgotten.” I do not agree | with your conclusion; you were brave, pure-hearted, industrious and, within many spheres, an able man, I regret that the lesson of your disappointment, deriving from your defeat, is lost upon you, Your vast experience should carry you beyond complaint.’ He who is on top today will be at the bottom tomor-| row; such is the law of politics, You speak of “great”; no man is great unless he has had suffering,

Be it said that ‘he did his assigned duty without

Stalin goes about his business without pay-

sorrow and humiliation. You say that you expected some “appreciation” from your constituents, but you have overlooked the necessity of ingratitude in a republic. ’ . The constituency of Aristides survives and is a tonic for popular government. Gratitude is a luxury or jewel in which kings and princes may indulge, but a republic will not for long remain a republic if it toys with such an occult gem. Defeat, at the summit | of a notable career, is a symbolism so symmetrical that poets and dramatists never ask a more nearly perfect theme. A distinguished career ending in victory, opulence, and success ends too sugary to be | fascinating.

Fame Is Vivid Because of Defeat |

HAD THE Saints Peter, Paul and Stephen died | from mere old age in very comfortable financial circumstances, their contributions might not have been | so splendid. Demosthenes, greatest Athenian oator, | and Aeschylus, greatest Greek poet, knew that the | banishment under which they fell would crown their | respective achievements with immortality, The re- | nown of Socrates would have been eaten away by the | tooth of time had it not been embalmed in hemlock. | While it is well that a great oration should end with a crescendo, that is, with increasing volume and tone, a distinguished human career to be endued with | glory and sympathy and the mystery of martyrdom | should end with a decrescendo. Consider some sen- | ators whose fame is vivid today solely because of their defeat: Thomas H. Benton in 1851, Roscoe Conkling in 1881, John J. Ingalls in 1891 and Ed Wolcott in 1901. Lincoln, Garfield and McKinley were clothed with majestic dignity by their martyrdom. Ulysses { 8. Grant, without complaint, dying in poverty and pain, was greater than “President” Grant or “General” Grant. .Wilson; broken and dying for his cause, was even

| more gallant tham Wilson arguing for his; cause.

Samuel J. Tilden was the least’ personable and the most deficient in charm of all presidential ‘candidates in our national history, but Sam Tilden, finagled out

of the presidential office was thereby transmuted | The | ill-treatment Tilden received changed a tallow-faced,

into a character approaching the romantic.

cadaverous person into an individual of grandeur and

| of far-shining fame. In conclusion, my cherished- friend, I am, with { high regard and sentiments of esteem, |

Sincerely yours, Henry PF. Ashurst.

WORLD AFFAIRS—

Pacific Showdown By William Philip Simms

WASHINGTON, Jan. 12— There is reason to believe that the

take place in and around the Philippines ‘within the next -90 days. Military: experts cite these reasons: First, the loss of Luzon, master key to Nippon's Pacific empire, would cut her life-line to. the British and Dutch East Indies. Second, Japan's traditional strategy when fighting a power stronger than she is | to refuse a showdown until her opponent brings the | war to her very door. Luzon is in her front yard. Third, the best weather of the year in the Phil-

ippines area is in December, January, February and |

1 { March, ‘ i These factors Indicate that Gen. MacArthur will seek to finish the job in Luzon in the next three months and that the Japanese will throw in every-

the air. i In May, just before Pearl Harbor, Adm. Takahashi wrote under the title, “Nampo Kyoeiken Wo Kataru”

first have to make certain of supplies from the East | Indies

Need for Raw Materials Shretied

FOR THAT REASON, the admiral said, “Some of our die-hards demand an immediate occupation of the Netherlands Indies” He agreed in principle

with this thesis, but he urged caution. For, he warned, victory -might not come as quickly as some of the | more impulsive military men seemed to think “and

| we might be caught in an endurance contest” where |

| most anything might happen. Thus even Japan's hetheads and. die-hards were

interruption for the duration.

against over-confidence at this time,

Japs to do or die.in an effort to stop,

decisive battles of the Pacific will |

» : ~ The Hoosier Forum I wholly. disagree with what you say, but will . defend to the death your right to say it.—Voltaire.

“NUTS TO THE WINTER CARNIVAL” By A Times Reader, Shelbyvilie A recent article in the Indianapolis papers stated that Paul V. Brown, superintendent of parks and recreation, was having .difficuity in obtaining 100 tons of ice to build a throne for the king and queen of the ice carnival at Riverside park. I am sorry he is having so much trouble when there has been so much on the streets that he eould have had for nothing, and without using the taxpayers’ money to buy it. And for such an unuseful pur{pose. The boys at Camp. Atterbury | can't get enough during the summer {to preserve their food. I know, for I have worked there since the jcamp opened. | Ice is as vital as ammunition. | | And when you hold a public per-| formance like that, you cause men | and women to leave vital defense] jobs to see their children perform.! Then some soldier suffers for the | part that should have been made; {while - they were attending -the- ice {carnival. So if other sports have to go, I say, like the. general-said to the Nazis, “Nuts to the winter carnival!”

» 2 “LABOR IS NOT TO BLAME” By Voice in the Crowd, Indianapolis ° With due respect for -Mrs.-J.-W {and her son who stands on the Western front in our defense, I rise to defend The Times editorial, “The People Aren't to Blame.” The shortage of shells that now appears imminent to.the people was seen in military circles perhaps a year ‘ago. Italian invasion it was that we would need not only more shells, but larger shells. The military ‘authorities have had their hands on the ‘situation for months-and {it is no doubt in good hands, as it seems that unless we lost too many supplies in the recent “breakthrough” the actual shortage will not be felt seriously at the

It-seems-that withthe; indicated |

“NOT WHAT WE ARE FIGHTING FOR” .

By John L. Niblack, Judge Municipal Court Room No. & *

It certainly appears that the United States government could use the army better to fight the foe than to fight American citizens. At a time when the Germans were breaking through our lines in France, President Roosevelt gave an order whereby an American general and a sufficient number of colonels, majors, captains, lieutenants and enlisted men were sent to seize, occupy and hold the property of Montgomery Ward & Co. { They would have been better occu- | pied in seizing and holding some should make mistakes because they part of Germany or Japan. are rushed in emergencies. | And what was the occasion? It

i wl | Labor is not to blame, and God|_ o a dispute. or controversy be-

knows I am not trying to defend |, : Ward our home front effort when I make | Ween ard and a part or all its that statement. Our leadership was employees or with’ the War Labor Board. Each side claims it is act-

no doubt at fault in not repealing the “spread the work laws” in favor [ing according to law. What then

of incentives that would get higher | is wrong with the good old Ameriproduction with a manpower short-|can custom and law of taking dis-

| age. :

(Times readers are invited to express their views in these columns, religious controversies excluded. Because of the volume received, let ters should be limited to 250 words. Letters must be signed. Opinions set forth here are those of the writers, and publication in no ways implies agreement with those opinions by The Times. The Times assumes no responsi bility tor the return of manuscripts and cannot enter correspondence regarding them.)

| putes to court and letting the court] We have made polititcal and mil- decide who is wrong and who is

itary errors despite the fact that! right and what is the law, and.

we have made wonderful headway. then let the court see that its manHowever, when the war is still being | date is obeyed? fought. in the calendar months of | Tha Constitution of the United 1946 we will realize that Sherman gate of America, which is still in underestimate the amount of-hell effect, says: “The judicial power what Io Na EET Sit shall extend to ALL cases, in law! enemy's strength and current prop- | 20d equity, arising under this conaganda may vet lead us to under. stitution or the laws of the United estimate the loyalty of our friends, | States, to controversies to which : 8 [the United States shall be a party, “PLEASE JOIN or. between citizens of" different ME IN THIS" . states.” : The country is not under mar-By-Mrs.'.B...D...¥.,_ Indianapolis tial-law. ~There are federal courts Let's do more of this. Please Joiniin all the states, most of them me in this prayer: Oh God, be With | cto ffed with judges appointed by us this day. Be with the boys and | _. _ : . ” FP gr r girls all over the world. The wound- our great President Jumselt io ed ones, Oh God, ease their pain]

even for a while. The ones that|icVPoinis. or because they were

N&W Deal office holders retired from

Mackinac conference with the Mackinac declaratiol

that he did not “believe “any nation hereafter cay

| in this country over political maneuverings by Grea! | this, too, will help the President.

in this, he was supported by another Republican

ly recognized the realities, and he reiterated Mr.

.moment when Germany might strike again, For th

‘Clear Policy’ Taft

| their known leanings toward his| a.

| need courage, be with them, lift |their spirits, give them strength. | And, Oh God, the dying ones forgive them of their sins and take them

office’ by the voters, such as our own Sherman Minton or Justice Murphy of the Supreme Court.

thing they can to stop him—on land, sea and in |

(Speaking of the Southern Co-Prosperity Sphere) that | to win a war against the United States, Japan would |

in agreement prior to Pearl Harbor that in order to. win against. America the Japs would first have to seize sources of raw materials’ in the Dutch East Indies and, second, be able to draw on them without

Defeat in Luzon will mean the beginning. of the end. That is why experts here are already warning | The fate of Japan may well be settled in the 107-mile-long valley |. between MacArthur's beachhead in Lingayen gulf and Manila. It is only natural, therefore) to expect the |

front for several months ahead. It|unto You. They canot help what

iis for then that the people are being | is forced on them. Give us, their

awakened to the urgency. And I/loved ones, the faith and strength mean awakened. We have made | to carry on from hour to hour with some mistakes. It is perfectly nat-|such heavy hearts to see a brighter ural that a non-military nation] tomorrow. Amen.

Side Glances—By Galbraith

| |

‘| By J."W. Beavses, Indianapolis

So why does the President order out the U. 8. army to take over a man's business when the courts are open to decide controversies? That is the way of totalitarian governments. That is the way of Hitler, Stalin or Mussolini. It is certainly not what we are supposed to be

fighting for.

“CAN WE’ HELP IT?”

Just thought I would get my two cents worth in. - Maybe some of your readers can tell me what is wrong with us 4-F's. - It seems as if we are all'slackers and not fit for anything but to get a lot of hell from somebody for not being in the army. I am a 4-F but maybe you couldn't tell it. I have a bad ear. I tried to enlist when the draft first started and I have tried to enlist a dozen times since, but the board just says no soap. i : If we have to go into the armed forces, which I do tomorrow if they would take me, why do we have to-be denied the benefits the others get; we would be drafted just e same as the 1-A's and the rest of the fellows. So why pick on the 4-F's? Can we help it-if we have a physical defect that makes us 4-1? You would think we were a bunch ‘of criminals; ite ]

DAILY THOUGHTS

: 8 how. 4 $8 much

whills: I'm slavi for his apples at

guiinig. what Farmer Brown would bushel, | could be ’

TEA

Michigan senator has done more than anybody els to push the Republican party away from isolationisni He did it in a practical way, gradually from the in side, through the regular machinery. It has been slow, coaxing, step-by-step process, beginning at

which he helped to draft, and later in his co-operal tion with the Connally resolution in the senate an in his part in writing the Republican party's platforn plank. Aa Some people still had their fingers crossed abo Senator Vandenberg. With some people in the coun try, he still stood somewhat in the shadows, for it hard for the public to cast off old conceptions. Bu he went all the way in his senate speech. It repre sented sincerity and conviction;

Struck at Shibboleth

IT'S A LITTLE THING, and an obvious thing but his real conversion was signified in his statemen

immunize itself by its own exclusive action,” for ths struck directly at the shibboleth of isolationism a understood by the people who like such doctrin couched in simple terms. At the same time, the Michigan senator bespok the fears and suspicions that have arisen naturall

Britain and Russia in the liberated countries, and The senator ex pressed it more forcefully than did the President, and

strong for an international organization, his’ col league from Michigan, Senator Ferguson. But, like the President, Senator Vandenberg clear

Roosevelt's plea for tolerance and patience. Th cannot be agreement about everything among th allies, The final minute details of stabilization in Europe will take years, :

Russian, British Dilemma

HE PICTURED the dilemma of Russia and Eng land; facing always the threat of a militaristie neighbor in Germany, which expresses itself qui naturally in the desire to acquire allies for the dread

he offered his proposal for an immediate treat) among the united nations to demilitarize German and Japan so this threat may be removed, and thi reason for creating spheres of influence thus removed He also supported President Roosevelt's declara tion of policy in his d&nnual message that no pro visional government should prevent a final deci by the people themselves on forms of governmen For this he proposed that all unilateral decisions b subject to review and revision by the permanentf united nations organization when it is" created.

IN WASHINGTON—

By Henryl. Taylor

(Continued From Page One)

This means” that the .successful league, if we are going to have a league on the Dumbarton Oaks formula or any other, must be drawn against a reasonably clear | slate. The essence of any league jdea is the willingness of the’ members to abide by Impartial decisions. That. is basic, and any outside agreements which nullify the members ability to-abide by impartial decisions leave a league tira in form, but they cost the league's substance. Words and phrases cannot overcome this

't. : Either the members of the league refrain from | making special military treaties with each other and remain free to abide by impartial decisions of the constituent body or the league is really nothing but an elaborate umbrella over the same old, discredited military alliance system which had bred fear and counter-fear in the past. J

Can't Have Both Alliances “1 HAVE studied the published text of the recent ’ Russian-French aljiance, to cite only one recent exe ample. Without attempting to pass on the reasons, good or bad, for this alliance and similar alliances | signed since the meeting among Mr. Roosevelt, Mr, | Churchill and Mr. Stalin at Tehran, the naked fact is that you cannot have both collective security | through a world league and special military alllances | at the same time, ‘ «previous alliances based on ‘you scra and I'll: scratch yours’ block later decis e.” : a drawing a parallel,” I asked, “from your | studies on behalf of the league of nations and your

disappointments over its failure?” gn doing exactly that,” senator Taft replied.

“The tragic failure of the league did not center in | the league as a conciliatory body: «It centered in the back-door settlements, prior agreements and secret treaties which the league council and assembly, some= ‘times knowingly and often unknowingly, were re= | ed to enforce. : we body of angels, sitting in relation to those limitations on justice and bound to them, could have succeeded. The danger that this will be true again 1s the danger which must be overcome and it cannot be overcome if we cover it up.

Must Aviod Step-Child Treaties “AT ALL COSTS. we must avoid getting something that looks and sounds like international collaboration for collective security, has its form and superstructure and an appropriate label, and whicn seems to protect the rights of all nationsglarge and small alike, but is really just the step-child of the separate commitments | underneath it." ’ ) 1 asked Senator Taft whether this qualified him as he Presiden

my back | ons within

among those whom the t called “perfection~ _ "This is not a question of being a perfectionist,” he replied. “It is a ques of making the battle for

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