Indianapolis Times, Indianapolis, Marion County, 9 December 1944 — Page 6
LOTS I Go
eae wrasse
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to fight.
The Indianapolis Tim
| PAGE 6 Saturday, December 9, 1944
es
MARK PERREE Business Manager
WALTER LECKRONE Editor
(A SCRIPPS-HOWARD NEWSPAPER)
ROY W. HOWARD President .
9
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Cireulations. A
Give Light and the Peopie Will Find Ther Own Woy
RILEY 5551
LET'S KEEP OUR .VICTORY WENTY-FIVE years ago a war-weary people, convinced that world war I had been a successful struggle to end all war, let down their guard. We sank our navy and reduced the army to a virtual garrison. We wanted no part of war. But we got it. The sons of world war I veterans are fighting and dying in a new conflict. This war we are bound to win. But we could have lost it. We came desperately near eithér losing it or suffering such severe defeats in the beginning, before we were ready, (that it might have taken years longer than now seems probable to overpower the enemy. This is a mistake we dare not risk again. The next time our lack of preparedness could be fatal, as it nearly was this time. Never again can we soothe ourselves into a false security by hopefully wishing that somehow we can keep out just because we don’t want to fight. ” . ” . ” . OUR MISTAKE after world war I has taught us several lessons, which more and more people are coming to recognize. . : - One of them is that the best insurance against another war is adequate preparedness for war. As Gen. Marshall has said, we must be prepared by maintaining a small professional army and a large reserve; . This large reserve can be acquired only through universal military conscription—a year’s military training for every able-bodied man, say at the completion of his high school studies. And we mean real military training, not an NYA in uniform. If, then, we do become embroiled in another war— which all America will fervently hope doesn't happen—we will be ready. Our chances of having to fight will be diminished, for the most effective: preventive of war is full preparedness. We were attacked this time because the Japs and Nazis believed us soft: and unwilling and unable
AS CONGRESS approaches this problem, we will hear again that military training is contrary to the traditional love of this country for peace. ’ We will hear that enactment of a conscription law for peacetime may prejudice our efforts to establish a permanent peace agency in the post-war world. . We will hear that military training will make our young men warlike and increase the possibility of our getting into another war. } These are stock arguments and unless the majority which favors peacetime military training makes itself heard, the opponents, by their noise and political pressures will delay and perhaps prevent congressional action. A military conscription would implement rather than
damage our efforts to maintain peace and it would show |
we mean business.
IT SHOULDN'T STAY DEAD
ON April 9, 1943, the house of representatives passed the Hobbs bill by a 270-to-107 vote. The house thus replied decisively to a United States supreme court decision that by intent of congress labor unions and their members can, without fear of punishment under the federal anti-rack-eteering law, use threats and violence to make employers pay union wages to unnecessary, unwanted and unused “employees.” ’
The Hobbs hill says that anti-racketeering law penalties shall apply to “whoever” obstructs interstate commerce by robbery or extortion, attempts or conspires to do that, or uses or threatens violence with intent to do that. The word “whoever” would include union officers and members found guilty of the offenses specified.
In the case decided by the supreme court, union teamsters had waylaid trucks entering New York City and used threats and violence—physical beatings—to compel the truckers to hire union drivers whose services were neither wanted nor needed, some of whom refused to do any work after taking the money. . » ” » » . WELL, FOR 19 months the Hobbs bill has gathered dust in a senate judiciary committee pigeonhole. No attempt has been made to hold hearings on it or bring it out for senate vote. And there it seems doomed to die with the present session of congress.
This will please the labor lobbyists who have fought the Hobbs bill and other attempts to legislate against abuse of organized labor's power. But the bill should not stay dead. Its author, Rep. Hobbs of Alabama, intends to reintroduce it in the house when the new session convenes, and there ought to be insistent demands for early action on it by both branches of congress. We can't believe that honest union members want robbery and extortion to be protected as “rights” of labor, and we are sure that congress cannot afford to lét that supreme court decision stand unanswered. :
“BUNGLING AND CONFUSION?”
"FFHE national park service, department of the interior, has issued a “concession facilities” schedule for the winter season in our national playgrounds. Golf, riding, hot springs, beautiful scenery, rooms and meals—the parks
have ‘em all, ready for the customers.
- The petroleum administration, department of the interior, keeps telling us to shun all pleasure driving and Head of the department of the interior, including the petroleum branches? Secretary Haro
REFLECTIONS — Contradiction By James Thrasher
THE TEMPER of America is away of isolationism, as the result of the Nov. 7 elections proved. Our European allies had a right to rejoice in that result, since it was as much to their interest as to ours. But now the political aftermath of liberation in Europe almost makes it seem as if these same allles were inviting us to return to a cynical, isolationist frame of mind, ; Certainly the role of liberator is a delicate and difficult one. Old discontents could not be forgotten in countries where the end of the Nazi domination meant the chance to start over with a clean political slate. Nor could liberating forces avoid the task of maintaining order until a stable, popularly acceptable government could be’ established. Yet the task is being complicated by clashes of desires between the liberating powers which are fanning the fires of civil dissension and piling resentment on top of gratitude. Few can doubt thaf’ in the end these clashes will be resolved with the establishment of governments in Poland, Yugoslavia, Romania and Bulgaria that Russia finds acceptable, and of governments in Belgium, the Netherlands; Italy and Greece that are acceptable to Great Britain.
‘Consent of the Governed?’
BUT WHAT ABOUT “the consent of the governed?” Take the example of Italy. All six political parties agreed to the appointment of Count Carlo Sforza as foreign minister. But the British did not approve the appointment, apparently because they consider Sforza anti-Badoglio and anti-monarchy. Bo are a lot of other Italians, it would seem. Nevertheless, Count Sforza didn't get the job. Polish patriots did not have the strength to drive out the Nazis. But millions of them chose to live and die at the hazardous business of resistance, thus paving the way for liberation. Surely they have earned the right to choose their own governors. Yet Russia has not suggested accepting a coalition cabinet in Poland and adjourning territorial settlement until a freely elected government takes office.
‘Sovereign Equality of All States?’
ONLY IN FRANCE have the patriots won. out. And there they needed favorable circumstances and superior leadership to overcome long opposition of the American and British governments. + Except in France, we have stayed clear of these disputes. Our hands-off policy is probably wise if | we would save our greatest strength to apply within the framework of the united nations organization. | But it is also the policy of isolationism. And it may | thrive if it appears, once the united nations begin functioning, that Britain and Russia are deeply committed to continuing the policies of Europe's provisional governments. The Atlantic Charter respetts “the right of all peoples” to choose their form of government, and presumably its administrative officers. The united nations organization is based on “the principle of the sovereign equality of all peace-loving states.” But political events in Europe seem to be steering toward contradiction of these principles to which the majority of Americans subscribe,
WORLD AFFAIRS—
Key to Influence By William Philip Simms
* WASHINGTON, Dec, 9 —United nations officials here attach the utmost importance to Secretary Stettinius’ rebuke to the British for their intervention in the domestic affairs of Italy. They believe that American collaboration in the post-war security set-up depends on whether the non-inter-ference principle can be made to stick. For many months the smaller nations have been steadily losing hope of obtaining justice from the big powers. At
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\ : * L The Hoosier Forum 1 wholly disagree with what you say, but will defend to the death your right to say it.—Voltaire.
Practical ‘Fellow
“PUT THE BLAME WHERE IT BELONGS” By Disgusted, Indianapolis If you are not afraid to print everybody's views, then print this. Everybody is yelling how short they are of shells on the battlefront and it seems everyone is blaming the workers. Well, I happen to work at Bridgeport Brass Co. where they can produce three times as many shells as they are now doing. We have three rolling mills, eight 5b: cal. punch presses and six 30 cal. punch presses sitting idle. The motors are wrapped in paper to
.|keep them from gathering dust. .| These nills are capable of keeping
these presses in production. They are now working two shifts on 105, 90, 76 and 40 mm, shells where they could work three, yet when it-comes to placing the blame for the slowdown in production, it is always fhe worker not the company or the government. Please print this and put the blame ge. it rightfully belongs. " » . LJ
“WHAT CAN BE.DONE WITH STRAY DOGS?” By Mrs. W. §.. Indianapolis
first they pinned their faith on the Atlantic Charter and on the United States as the avowed champion of right over might. But both have failed them, Russia and half of Poland. She has shown every indication
of getting up a government of her own making in |
Warsaw. She has organized a Balkan federation under her own Marshal Tito and changed the frontiers of eastern and southeastern Europe to suit herself. And neither Britain nor the Unitéd States has offered material objection. On the contrary, Prime Minister Churchill, one of the chief artisans of the Atlantic Charter, has indicated his acquiscence in all this and President Roosevelt has kept his own counsel.
Gives New Hope to Small Nations
NOW COMES a sudden and startling restatement of the American position. It has given new hope to small nations, They interpret it to mean that perhaps all is not yet lost, because while Mr, Stettinius’ memo ostensibly had to do with a British action in Italy, he made a particular point of saying that “this policy (of non-intervention) would apply to an even more pronounced degree with regard to governments of the united nations in their liberated territories.” Even so, observers here fear the attempt to revive the Atlantic Charter—if that is what it really is— may come a trifle late, Students of common law recall the principle whereby mere usage sometimes creates rights. If a farmer permits the public to use a private road across his land long enough, he can be stopped from fencing it off. Similarly, the Atlantic Charter having been violated with impunity down to date, the question now is whether American protests will carry any great weight, United nations envoys, however, believe it is not too late to save some of the pieces. Everything depends upon the courage and the skill of American diplomacy.
Much Depends on Nature of the Peace
NEARLY EVERYONE concedes that without the United States, the world security organization, .as planned at Dumbarton Oaks, will fail. Obviously, therefore, our collaboration is ardently desired. At the same time, the American people are anxious to take part—provided the peace is the kind of peace they believe to' be worthwhile, ] Thus, much depends on the nature of the peace. The American people attach vast importance to certain principles. The Hoover-Stimson doctrine of nonrecognition of territory acquired by aggression is among them, So are the principles enunciated in the Atlantic Charter. Any peace treaty or world security organization which ignores these fundamentals is almost certain to be turned down—if not by the American delegation first called to pass upon them, then afterwards by the senate, i Diplomats representing the small’ nations are convinced that the key to American influence on current events is to be found right here. The United States, they believe, should make it plain that public opinion here would not sanction
has-annexed Lithuania, Estonia, ‘Latvia |
This morning 1 tied the scrap paper securely in bundles and placed them on the curb. About noon 1 noticed the neighbors’ yards were completely covered with papers. I stepped outside and there were four big dogs tearing, {pulling and slinging papers east {and west, . ‘ Why do people Keep such no- | good dogs when they not only tear up, mess —up, but also destroy things? The strings had been chewed into that held these papers. I, like all the other people, tried {to do what little bit I could to aid {the war effort, to have it destroyed land scattered over the neighbor- | hood by stray dogs. : | These particular dogs not only | scatter paper but they also over- | turn the garbage pails on pick-up days at the hours of midnight and | later they stand under the neighbors’ and my windows and bark at the dark. If such dogs are of no benefit only to run after cars, bark and | destroy things, why do people want
| such beasts around them? There
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is one family that owns four grown dogs on this street. Are there other neighborhoods that have these pests, too? What can be done with the stray dogs? I do like dogs, but in “a dog's place.” 8 = =» “WHY SHOULD WE BE IN SUCH HASTE?” By J. Hymer Williams, 5830 Broadway Referring to the current agitation in government and congressional circles in favor of compulsory military training, please permit me to make a few observations, 1. In the first place, why should we be in such haste to take this matter up? 1s it feared that when vhe war hysteria has passed that ‘such a program would not commend sufficient appeal to meet with national and congressional approval? 3 2. Of what advantage will it be? It has not kept any nation, where such a program has been in effect, out of war nor has it prevented the defeat of such countries in conflicts with other nations. It might possibly be used as a means of promoting war on our part just as it has on the part of other nations. It might cause sufficient concern on the part of our neighbors, especially South American countries as to be the cause of them combining against us as a matter of selfprotection .and a consequent loss of good will, 3. It is entirely un-American and
contrary to the principles of free-
Side Glances=By Galbraith
dom and personal rights and will result in still further regimentation of our population with a corresponding loss of initiative, free and constructive thinking that has been responsible for the greatness of our nation. 4./After the present war has been concluded I fail to see where any power on earth could possibly be in a position to attack us for a long time, possibly 25 or 30 years at the earliest, and if this is true boys compelled to take this training for the next 10 years, would be too old to take part in such a war, therefore the need for haste in passing such legislation is unnecessary. 5. No permanent peace is possible without Christian principles as the basis of relations between all nations. Compulsory military training certainly does not promote such relations, neither would it be conducive to inclucating such prin ciples in the minds of 17 year old boys compelled to take such training. * 6. If we have sufficient funds to spend on compulsory military training, permit me to suggest that this money could be spent to much better advantage in promoting good will: and fairness in relations between all nations and that this country take the initiative and set an example for the world to follow. Such a program would go much further, if properly conducted, in preventing wars than could possibly be brought about by compulsory military training.
» ” “WHAT ARE WE WAITING FOR?” By F. M., Indianapolis It is time that war was stripped of all sentimental nonsense and
of “chivalry.” It's a dirfy, brutal business and should be recognized as such—to be fought out with the most effective weapons to kill
and demoralize the enefny and]
force his swift capitulation. Yep—you guessed it. I'm urging the instant use of gas bombs on Nazis ‘and Nips. In the case of the former, if we must be “chivalrous,” broadcast. one single, blunt warning to the Germans: “Cease use of your robot bombs at once. If not we will within 24 hours drench your country from border to border with gas bombs and continue the deluge
_|around the clock.”
Barbarous? Of course. But what could be more barbarous than the V-2's and V-1's? Killing and mangling—the major business of war —{s barbarous, no matter what weapon is employed—the battle ax of the dark ages or the flamethrower of the present. Humane? Paradoxically, it 1s. Use of gas on an enemy only feebly equipped to retaliate in kind because of a tremendously reduced air force, will bring the conflict to a swift end, save the lives of American boys, as well as saving the lives of enemy forces. So—what are we waiting for? . “THERE WOULD BE LESS ACCIDENTS” By Jesn Nixon, Indianapolis It seems to gie that if the of the Indianapolis
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adherence 16 the so-called riles|:
’ (Ernie Pyle U. 8. SUPE] pan, Dec. 9.—T three years beh tress, will be la are now ‘moun
POLITICAL SCENE— ~ pe
By Thomas L Stokes I ASETR GION. Dec. Pa
chiefly in the senate, | r His influence in the selection of President Roosevelt's assistant sec= retarial nominations in the state’ department was a factor in th sudden and noisy flare-up in the , senate, the result of which was ta send the nominations back to the foreign relations committee for further inquiry. : The senate takes very seriously its prerogatives as a partner in the conduct.of foreign-affairs. The
outburst of criticism was the first volley to denote i 4 it does not intend to be overlooked. This, of coursq pig - was aside from the valid questions raised abouf, ' blade of our s the big business caliber of two of the new appointees from raw mate: —Nelson A. Rockefeller and William L. Clayton, the without which | big Texas cotton man—which followed so promptly the elevation of Edward R. Stettinius, whose business The heavy e
third anniversa well have adde
career was identified with General Motors and U. 8. Steel.
More and more of such exercise of senate rights 3he Superiarte: ected. a may be ep : war effort. Always a Background Figure Industry I HARRY HOPKINS, always a background figure AS STUDE)
who operates mysteriously, has kept out of the way of congress and the politicians in recent months, devoting of Ti to secret matters relating to the
sprawling confi greatest concen in any world | Nakajima aire: percentage of t parts is manufa Cloge by Tol only 20 miles 2 base of Yokbsu trated shipbui! refineries, elect: for production electrical and y
war and the higher realms of diplomacy, His hanll peeked out from behind the curtain in the nomination to the supluse property board of exe Governor Robert A. Hurley of Connecticut, an old friend and fellow worker as a state administrator in WPA days. It showed plainly in the elevation of Mr. Stettinius to the chair vacated by Secretary of State Hull, for Mr. Stettinius is known as a Hopkins protege. The follow-up appointments which sent up such
a roar in the senate were convincing proof that rage balloons a: Mr. Hopkins still was a dominant influence, a tories and yard. powerful hand in the pattern of foreign policy, reach= could do untold ing right down to the personnel who are to ade We have he
minister it. . That naturally caught the attention ‘of the senate. What annoys senators, about Harry Hopkins, is that they can't feel or reach him, though they know he is there. He is a close friend and confidant of Mr. Roosevelt, a most important influence in all that goes on, both at home and abroad, and ® personal appointee protected behind the veil.
of decentralizat raids. No doub!
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Comfortable and Familiar Presence Gone.
WHEN “OLD MAN HULL” as they call him a$ the Capitol, was running the state department, they felt they had a comfortable and familiar presence there, for Cordell Hull had been one of them at the Capitol. He talked their language. He knew their troubles. Now they feel some vague influence in the state department which they do not reach when they contact Secretary Stettinius or his new aides. hi Mr. Hopkins bécame an issue around Washington about a year and a half ago through several incidents that. irritated members of congress and for which they blamed him. They thought they saw the Hope kins hand here and there. They would sit about the luncheon table at the Capitol and berate him and, always, somewhere or other in the talk, would bob up the fact that he and his new wife lived at the White House. This did not sit well with wives,
nor, as disclosed in letters, with constituents. Women half sandwiche folks are that way. } set out looking The harrassments of war contributed to all this, finally gave on the tensions under which members lived. A scapee Illinois and th goat was needed. But Mr. Hopkins moved out of: Market and the
“Put and Take’ not as smart a did NOT make stantinople que the new capit: question was: known as Cons The answer, 0 of Constantino
the White House and dropped out of the picture so far as congress was concerned directly.
No Longer the New Dealers’ Idol
IT MIGHT be noted, too, that Mr. Hopkins is no longer the idol of old-fashioned New Dealers, if that phrase nay be used, and 12 years - give that license. . ; To anyone who knows Mr. Hopkins it was always
amusing to hear him denounced by Republicans in course, is Anka a ey. That Noct , bu was so far fro course, a campaign purpose OR :
the truth as to be laughable; Mr. Hopkins is a hard-grained, practical fellow, who enjoys his power and uses it. He's a little too “practical” now for the type of New Dealers who are scorched over the state department set-up, and who go around asking each other who won the election.
IN WASHINGTON— vv . / ‘Belief in Man By Daniel M. Kidney
WASHINGTON, Dec. 9. ~Archi= bald MacLeish, poet and librarian of congress, who has been nome inated an assistant secretary of state in charge of cultural rela tions, recently stated his own cultural credo under the title, “Humanism and the Belief in Man.” It first was a paper at a seme inar at the University of Wiscone=
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EACH DECI made it my cu the purchase o by the local b - association. Be
sin and later published in the death rate took Atlantic for November. now available s Mr. MacLeish’s nomination was one of the four for the whole sent back by the senate to the foreign relations come over the rate i mittee for questioning and more thoughtful cone the crease wi sideration, ‘ . ‘ In poetical prose, Mr. MacLeish expresses the view Rises in In that the two great questions to be solved in the poste war world will be “The questions of government and IT 18 SIG) of education.” was particular] He develops his theme that these must be solved Be rth by a new democratic humanism based on the belief Massachusetts in man-—every man, ‘ ; This increas “It is necessary to believe in man,” Mr. Mace post-war rise | Leish wrote, “not only as the Christians believe in every effort is man, out of pity, or ‘as the Democrats believe in man, out of loyalty, but also as the Greeks believed a in man, out of pride.” M Cites Wallace as an Example Y HE LECTURED the so-called “humanists” for NEW YORI not getting in there and pitching. terday with a “The recent uproar about Henry Wallace makes adi the point with an unintentional but appalling pere 4 little necess: ‘tinence,” Mr. MacLeish said. the blind at 60 “Henry Wallace, said a characteristic article by sales I never I one of the best known of American journalists, is an exceptionally fine human being. He has a feels ing ‘for the tendency of things to come, But he is not at home and at ease in ‘the real world’ and therefore, under the circumstances
