Indianapolis Times, Indianapolis, Marion County, 2 December 1944 — Page 8

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‘he Indianapolis Times

PAGE 6. Saturday, December 2, 1944

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“SING AMERICA” > AYN infinite fellow is this Henry J. Kaiser. One whose life's business is deep in charts and graphs and girders and cranes and other things. mechanical, nevertheless, he has the soul and the imagination of a poet. Maybe that is “why he is called—and is by the record—the “can-do” man and also why his optimism for the future of our country is so stimulating in these dark days of war as we face the labyrinths of peace. If it weren't for his performance—Boulder dam, Oakland bridge, Bonneville dam, Coulee dam, ships and more ships, cement plants, steel plants, aircraft—over 20 giant producing businesses in all—maybe we would regard him as another Mulberry Sellers, or a male Pollyanna, or just a great big boy. But what he has done justifies our sharing with him the hope he sees on the horizon. And so we aren’t surprised when he titles his latest speech—before the Indiana State Chamber of Commerce here yesterday— ‘Sing America”; or when he quotes the old lines about “Thy rocks and rills, thy woods and templed hills”; and talks of love of country as the great motivating force working for the ultimate unity of industry, labor, finance, agriculture and government which will carry us through to higher economic levels than we ever have viewed before. Co . ~ . » ” » “HUMAN UNDERSTANDING and co-operation,” he says. “Plain, old-fashioned words, yet so little comprehended and so seldom applied that governments, political - institutions, even nations themselves have fallen because they neglected to put them into practice. . . . ‘Man’s inhumanity to man makes countless thousands mourn’.” Applying the creed, he sees labor relations not as something for cold experts but as human relations, in which man is naturally jealous of his dignity and self-respect, in which “he wants to be heard on issues that affect his wellbeing, in which he wants to earn his own way and enjoy the fruits of his labors. . . . But he must recognize that they are fundamentals of survival.” Kaiser's theme points up to jobs for all, at good pay, elimination of all monopolies, competition free, encouragement of risk capital investments—volume through new enterprises coupled with the purchasing power necessary to expand ayd sustain that volume from which, through taxes, our national debt may ultimately be retired after the war. 8 = =» - . s 8 =» OF THE MULTIPLICATION of human wants, like the making of books, there is no end. And if through production and ample pay to the producer those wants can be supplied, we are in for a new and loftier plane of national volume than even a war boom brings about. “The war,” Kaiser says, “has advanced science, invention and technology by decades. We are ready to build 1960 models of almost everything.” ‘ : And through this all runs the motif of human understanding and co-operation, those plain old-fashioned words Yet so little comprehended and so seldom applied—and some more poetry expressive of the can-do hope and courage of this man Kaiser:

My mative country, thee— Land of the noble free, Thy name I love. ’

Or, to lapse into the vernacular, we get a lift out of Henry.

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| FIRED BUT NOT ANSWERED

(CONGRESS ought to find out whether President Roosevelt fired the right man when he dismissed Assistant Attorney General Norman M. Littell for “inexcusable insubordination” to Attorney General Francis Biddle. Specifically, Congress ought to investigate Mr. Littell’s charge that the attorney general of the United States is

80 much under the influence of Thomas G. (Tommy the Cork) Corcoran that he tried to settle a government landcondemnation case in favor of the Corcoran law firm and against the taxpayers’ interest. Readers of Thomas L. Stokes’ Washington dispatches to this newspaper have had ruch enlightening information about the activities of Mr. Corcoran in recent years. Earlier in the.New Deal “The Cork” had a government Job himself*and was a White House favorite, running errands for the President, lobbying for administration - measures, doing favors for congressmen, and helping friends ~—Francis Biddle among them—into important official posi- , tions. Then he left public office to engage in law practice. 8 » » » » ~ BUT WHAT Mr. Corcoran has really practiced, reporter Stokes wrote yesterday, is “influence.” To quote from the Stokes dispatch: ~~ “When Tommy left the government in 1940 . . . he began immediately to capitalize upon the many men in key. positions whom he had helped fo place, calling upon them in the interest of his clients. The attorney general was one of his top exhibits, though he had contacts in every department and agency. Mr. Biddle has always been most responsive.” ~ Mr. Stokes went on to tell of Corcoran cases he has investigated, including the land matter mentioned by Mr. Littell. At one time; he wrote, Mr. Corcoran “hung his hat

.

there. From that office he sallied out to try to threaten _ and intimidate lawyers of the anti-trust division who were working on a consent decree. He tried to get the terms - modified. , . . The attorney general was helpful.” ‘We fully agree with our able Washington columnist that subservience to a lawyer-lobbyist by the attorney . general “is not good government” and that the charges are

in the attorney general's office and made his headquarters |

in many mirids the question of Mr. Biddle's fitness’ Roosevelt did nothing to dispose of that |

REFLECTIONS — Trail Blazer By Harry Hansen

“NEW YORK, Dec, 2.—Yes, lads, there was work to be had in the New England textile mills when Edward Bellamy was a boy in Chicopee, Mass. They paid nine cents an hour, worked a 12-hour day, and women who did housework received $1.75 a week and board. . When large immigrations reached Massachusetts ‘things got worse and young Edward began to ask himself: Is it right for some employers to get rich on starvation wages; must laboring men live in tenements and shims? Do the mills have to depend on pale, ragged children? Why should some men spend money on luxuries. when .many can’t afford necessaries? ~The man who asked these questions became the author of a famous. book, “Looking Backward,” which sold 1,000,000 copies in its first years and even today is going strong. Modern Library, which issued an edition with a preface by Heywood Hroun, has sold 9000 copies in the first six months of this year—60 years after publication, Its author has been dead since 1898. . i

Shown Against Background of His Times

HIS FIRST BIOGRAPHY is “Edward Bellamy,” by Arthur E. Morgan, former chairman of TVA and now president of Community Service, Ine. (Columbia University Press, $5). Sympathetic in many ways with the ideals of Mr. Bellamy, Mr. Morgan has portrayed the author against the economic background of his times, an era in which tremendous industrial expansion was associated with a glut on the labor

bootery in Wall Street. Edward Bellamy—son of a Baptist minister, editorial writer, book reviewer, utopian economist and author of a book that influenced William Allen White, John Dewey, Bernard Shaw, Norman Thomas, A. A. Berle Jr., and many others, holds a unique place in thought. * Writing at a time when the country was changing from a decentralized, rural economy to a complex industrial economy—as Mr. Morgan points out—and before any government control of interstate scommerce was even suggested—Mr. Bellamy came out for, nationalization of railroads, postal savings banks, parcel post, income taxes and abolition of profit in liquor making and selling.

Socialists Didn't Want Him

THESE PRINCIPLES so offended owners, who

kind, that Mr. Bellamy was widely ridiculed as a

of opprobrium. Oddly enough the Socialists didn’t want Mr. Bellamy, and he disavowed them, Thé capitalists said “Looking Backward” was the work of a fanciful dreamer, and the Socialists said it was the work of a crude materialist. What Mr. Bellamy really did was to awake a lot of people to social thinking, if not social action.

1 WORLD AFFAIRS—

Two-Thirds Vote By William Philip Simms

WASHINGTON, Dec. 2—The opening guns of what may develop into one of the most crucia: constitutional battles in the nation's history have been fired. The issue is whether to maintain or repeal the provision requiring a two-thirds vote of the senate to validate a treaty. As it now reads, the Constitution says the President “shall have power by and with the advice and consent of the senate to make treaties, provided two-thirds of the senators present concur.” What some now seek is to change this so that treaties will be Submitted to the house as well as to the senate and that a simple majority may accept or reject them.

Proponents Are in a Hurry

THE FIRST MOVES have already been made. Unanimously, a house subcommittee has approved a proposed constitutional amendment to effect the change and the amendment is now before the house judiciary committee for consideration. The next job is (1) to win over two-thirds of both the senate and the house and (2) three-fourths of the states. Proponents of the project are. in a hurry. Most

gress works fast there is a chance that the necessary states may approve the proposition and the house would have the desired say in the forthcoming peace treaties. Such lightning progress, however, is not, likely. Throughout history the senate has jealously guarded Its prerogatives in the ‘fleld of treaty-making and Senator George (D, Ga.), ranking member of the foreign relations committee, predicts the senate will not have a majority in favor of the change, let alone twothirds. - House members argue that opponents of the proposal haven't the right to block it if three-fourths of the states want it and the only way to find that out is to subiit the proposal to the states.

Figures Refute Criticism

ANOTHER ARGUMENT is that under the twothirds rule a single senator from the smallest state— Nevada, with a population of onl: 110,247—could prevent ratification of a treaty desired by four-fifths of the American people. Thig criticism, however, is hardly borne out by the figures. WR. J. McClendon, writing in the Journal of International Law, says that “From 1789 to 1901, at least, the two-thirds rule played a very minor role.” Only 16 treaties which commanded a majority vote were so réjected and all but three of these were reconsidered. Five were then accepted exactly in the same form as originally rejected and four others were ratified with amendments. One was tabled and one was withdrawn by the Presidént. Some 10 rejections are cited down to the present, the best known being the Treaty of Versailles, which would have put us in the League of Nations, and the World Court protocol. Neither Republicans nor Democrats has any monopoly on complaints against the two-thirds rule. In 1897, Richard Olney, Grover Cleveland's secretary of state railed agained. it, saying, “The senate is steadily encroaching, on the one hand, on the executive and, on.the other, on the house of representatives.” And a couple of years later, Willlam McKinley's John Hay grumbled bitterly that he had fivé or six matters which he could settle quickly and honorably if it were not for-“a malcontent third” in the U. 8. sehate who would “dish every one of them.” : .

Psychological Effects Stressed

J. H. HAYNES (author of “The Senate and the U. 8.) thinks “The rule's most calamitous effects are

attempt delays. . . , Such an ad hoc bloc in our

the other end of Pennsylvania avenue that two-thirds rule can never be put out of mind.” = ot

market, low wages, cut-throat competition and free |

had never tolerated government strictures of any |

crack-pot, a utopian, and, a Socialist—then a term |

state legislatures will meet in January. Thus if con- |

psychological. , , , It heartens any tiny group to.

senate can and-does exercise a ‘pathological obstrucs. .| tion’ in the handling of our foreign relations. . . . At

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Charice to Score—Grab/ It oe

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1 wholly disagree with what you say, but will defend to the death your right to say it.—Voltaire.

“LETTER IS NOT VERY SPECIFIC” By R. V. Harrison, Indianapolis In your column of Hoosier Forum of Nov. 28, a comment written by Rue J. Alexander, secretary of state, Indianapolis, the secretary of state says in nis letter that he is in receipt of a copy of a letter written somewhere in France by Sgt. Paul FP. Perkinson, 4444th QM. Composite Co, A. P. O, 574, care PM, New York, N, Y,, relative to his application for a soldier's war ballot. Your records disclose that you received the above Sgt. Perkinson’s application on June 14, 1944, and mailed his application to his county clerk a soldier absentee ballot on July 28, 1944. I am curious to know why it takes a month and a half to process an |application. Your letter to the | Hoosier Forum on the above date lis not very specific. I would like lan answer through this column as lto the specific county to which this {soldier's application for absentee [ballot was mailed. | You state that you are very sorry |that Sgt. Perkinson did not receive his absentee balldt and request that he inquire of nis county clerk. Now as a matter of inquiry, I {would suggest, as above requested, that you name the clerk and the {county that the ballot was sent to.

{ 2 5 #8 | “THEY KEEP US IN THE DARK” 'By James R. Meitzler, Attica Recently in The Times was (printed a letter in favor of a blan‘ket raise of $400 a year in the permanent wages of all postal em|ployees. No doubt some postal | workers ares underpaid but not all. | They give us no figures on which to form an opinion. They keep us in the dark. The only evidence they advanceto justify such a raise is to say that their war bonus of $300 a year expires in 1945 and for 19 years, or since 1925, they have received no increase in their basic wage. What they don't say and what we must consider is, they have had no cut in their pay for 19 years while everybody else has. There is no objection to the continuance of, their bonus for the duration though

Side Glances=By Galbraith

(Times readers. are invited to express their views in these columns, religious controversies excluded. Because of the volume received, letters should be limited to 250 words. Letters must be signed. , Opinions set . forth heré are those of the. writers, and publication in no way implies agreement with those opinions by The Times. The Times assumes no responsibility for the return of manuscripts and cannot enter correspondence regarding them.)

since they suffered no diminution in income when we all did, there is no justification for it. They really got a raise during depression prices through the increased purchasing power of the steady income they received. They want all good citizens to write their congressmen and sen: ators in favor of this raise. Now, if you think a steady income for 19 years plus a pension fund for retirement, while everybody else had their income cut and cut and sometime completely obliterated, is an argument for a raise in the postal employees income and that this war income should be made permanent when we know that this war prosperity will very likely vanish like it did and take your and my income with it, write as they ask. And if you think othewise, write, sn ” » “FAITH PRESENTS THE SAME LEADERSHIP” By Harrisen White, Indianapolis A few days after Gen. Douglas MacArthur had arrived in Australia from Bataan with his family, be went to the capitol and at a dinner given in his honor at Parliament house he made his pledge of luyalty and co-operation to the people of Australia, where he said: “There is a link that binds- our countries together which does not depend upon a written protocol, vpon treaties of alliance or diplomatic doctrine. “It goes deeper than that. It is that indescribable

consanguinity of race which causes us to have the same aspirations, the same hopes and desires, the same ideals and the same dreams of a future destiny. My uresence rere is tangible evidence of our unity. I came as a soldier in a great crusade of personal liberty as opposed to perpetual siavery. . “My faith in our ultimate vic is invincible, and I bring you tonight the unbreakable spirit of the free man's military code in support of our just couse. That code has come down to us from even before the days of knighthood and chivalry. It will stand the test of any ethics or philosophies the world has ever known. It embraces the things that are right and condemns’ the things that are wrong. Under its banner the free men of the world are united together. There can be no compromise, we will win or we shall die, and to this I pledge you the full resources of all the mighty

blood of my counirymen.”

given England's suppor: to Australia in face of the Jap hordes was a minus quantity and to those people he became the beacon light in the darkest hour of their history: that faith’ of his which he termed as “invincible” presented acceptable leadership to them which brought them through. To us as Americans in the plight we find ourselves at the present time, that faith of his presents to us the same leadership. In my opinion that speech takes precedence over Lincoln's Gettysburg address. » » » “THERE 1S NOTHING UNSOUND”

By Alma Bender, Zionsville I think you miss something in your editorial on the legislative report on the welfare department, when you say you do not see why they gbject to having the work so completely in the hands of professional social workers,

the modern soci~' worker is a dif-

power of my country and all the

At the time the above address was

The point, in my opinion, is that

POLITICAL SCENE— -

Tommy Uncorked?

By Thomas L. Stokes

(Continued From Page One)

handedly turned the light on a smelly municipal - political situation which sent a passel of folks to jeil Senator Ferguson got a glimpse into the Corcoran-Biddle situation as a member of the Mead’ committee, formerly the Truman committee. This committee concluded that it could take .no jurisdiction to investigate anything beyond the dispute as to ‘whether the attorney general had tried to discipline Mr. Littell for testimony before the committee. Senator Ferguson's curiosity was whetted by what he learned there about the Corcoran-Biddle business. He is also a member of the senate judiciary committee. This offers a way .to open up the whole justice department situation in that body. When the nomination. of a successor to Mr. Littell is sent to the senate for confirmation, the judiciaty committee must pass on it.

Not the Sort to Pull Punches:

SENATOR FERGUSON said it is proper to inquire into whether the successor is likely to be under pressure from the attorney general or whether the successor is under the influence of Mr. Corcoran, which will lead the inquiry into the circumstances surrounding the Littell-Biddle controversy. The Michigan senator is not the sort to pull any punches Some Democrats on the committee may try to protect the attorney general, and some pressure from high places may be expected. But it is doubtful if the ‘public interest aroused over the Corcoran idnfluence on the chief law officer of the goveriment would permit this issue to be dismissed lightly. Tommy, of course, will be pulling strings as usual. In his years with the New Deal he did a lot of favors for members of. congress. When he appeared before the Truman committée three years ago he was handled with kid gloves. He" wiggled nicely out of an investigatien into the biggest case he had handled .up to that time, the Sterling Products, Inc. anti-trust case, involving a GermanAmerican drug cartel, which was before the justice department. ’

$100,000 in Fees for Tommy

AT THAT TIME Tommy testified that he had méde $100,000 in fees in the year he had been out of the government, handling cases concerned. with the national defense program, to which the Truman committee confined itself. . These cases ramified into numercus departments and agencies. He did not tell what sort of fee he got

to be far more than all the others put together. At that rate in the three years since he must have got quite a neat pile for himself. He remarked, airily, when he appeared before the Truman committee, that he never looked at a case for less than $5000. The ‘business works very nicely because he has so many friends inside the government, whom he was instrumental in placing. They are helpful, even though some of them have. got into trouble on account of it.

IN WASHINGTON—

Turnover Problem By Charles T. Lucey

WASHINGTON, Dec. 2.—Here are three examples of the kind of problem government officials and industry are faced with in trying to respond to Gen. Eisenhower’s appeals for greater production all along the line to speed the end of the war: . In plants making heavy duty tires, 303¢ workers were hired in October but 2942 workers were released; in effect, the tire compan-~ fes had to hire more than 3000

to get 92. In the Chrysler plant in Chicago, making engines for the B-29 bomber, about 900 persons are trained every wek but 750 are leaving the plant every week; 750 who already know something about building the engine walked out the back door as 900 who must be trained come in the front door. . In the Douglas plant in the same area, building the C-54 transport, 250 persons are being trained weekly, but about 200 employees are lost weekly, and so only about 50 are retained. The turnover rate in these cases, cited by J. A. Krug, war production board director, and other WPB officials, is much higher than that prevailing in ine dustry generally, and yet such instances do occur -in critical munitions items.

Poor Housing, Transportation Play Part

WAR MANPOWER COMMISSION officials estimate that the turnover rate has dropped perhaps 20 per cent in the last few weeks due to a “restoration of a sense of urgency,” but they acknowledge that they are beset by a large variety of difficulties in many areas in trying to keep war workers on their

in the Sterling Products case, but it was reported

ferent person fre. the rest of us.| jobs

If he isn’t, why do so many people

articulate of the tribe?

Talk of reconversion—and often it is just rumor

fear and distrust Harry Hopkins, who is the most prominent and

with little or no foundation—is a major contributing factor of high turnover.

of the Chicago plants cited by Mr. Krug—transporta-

Poor housing continues a factor in many areas, and in others—as in the case

of social workérs in Indianapolis in

I remember the national meeting

1916. In those days, Jane Addams was considered a great social worker—Jane Addams, who preached all the time. that you must be careful not to pauperize the people you worked with, or take from them the pride of being self-reliant. I also attended the national meeting a few years ago. You didn’t hear a word there aboyt keeping people wanting to be self-reliant! And they sneered

tion causes a high percentage of “quits” on jobs. Establishment of trailer colonies to provide living quarters .is being resorted to in some localities.

“Resistance” to “utilization surveys” made by local

‘offices of the manpower commission to see whether labor supply is being fully utilized is set down here as an obstacle to action which might reduce turnover. Where plant management has co-operated in such surveys, WMC officials say, it has been demonstrated that the. “quit rate” can be cut.

Often such matters as lack of community facilities

in areas where war plants are located may be a factor in workers’ departures. Unclean washrooms or poor lighting in ‘a factory contribute. Manpower officials say failure of management to explain to workers the urgency of their jobs—to explain the need for the particular products being manufactured—accounts for part of the high turnover.

Other Factors Are Involved

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