Indianapolis Times, Indianapolis, Marion County, 24 October 1944 — Page 10

PAGE 10 Tuesday, October 24, 1944

WALTER LECKRONE . MARK FERREE Editor v Business Manager

(A SCRIPPS-HOWARD NEWSPAPER)

ROY W. HOWARD

Price in Marion County, 4 cents a copy; delivered by carrier, 18 cents a week. .

Mail ‘rates in Indiana, $5 a year; adjoining states, 75 cents a month; others, $1 monthly.

@P- RILEY 5551

Give [Aght end the People Will Fina Their Own Way

. Owned and published I= daily (except Sunday) by Indianapolis Times 5

MR. ROOSEVELT ON WORLD PEACE ME ROOSEVELT’S foreign policy speech Saturday night was disappointing to those who expected from the President a broad, clear, constructive plan for world peace organization. : Instead, he asked for another blank check. Our representative to a world organization, he said, “must be endowed in advance with authority to act,” without waiting for approval from congress, in a future emergency. : Does he mean simple police powers for the executive, involving emergency use of the army and navy without declaring war? The President of the United States has such power, and Mr. Roosevelt has used it himself, as have Coolidge, Wilson, Theodore Roosevelt and a long list of présidents running all the way back to George Washington. Or does he mean authority to take this nation into war, if he deems it expedien®: without asking congress, without asking the people, without asking anybody? From his words, it could be either. Listeners who heard the speech here disagreed sharply over what he meant. It is the kind of statement that could be construed after election as another “mandate” from the people to confer vast new extraordinary powers on the chief executive—a political strategem Mr. Roosevelt frequently has used in the past. = " 2 ” » ¥ BEYOND THIS one point his address threw little light on his foreign policy. The secret diplomacy which today keeps hidden from us even the general direction in which

demned—and with much justification—the foreign policy of Warren G. Harding, as he previously has condemned the foreign policy of Herbert Hoover. Yet in defense of his own eight pre-war years he was able to cite only two foreign policy moves for which he asked credit: An attempt to join the World Court, initiated by President Harding, and the “good neighbor” policy in Latin America, initiated by President Hoover. And it is at least an open question whether the World Court, which lost by seven votes in the senate, was beaten by the nine Republicans who voted against it, or by the 20 Democrats who voted against it. : Of his own flat and definite refusal to enter the - League of Nations in 1933, and thereafter, he said nothing at all, though he denounced “isolationists” who refused to enter it in 1920. He condemned the London naval conference which he said ‘scuttled the strength of our

letter of Dec. 9, 1935, in which he called this action “a milestone in civilization” and urged still further reduction’ of naval strength. Nor did he refer to the world economic conference which collapsed because he withdrew when his own delegates fell to quarreling loudly among themselves over which of them was more important. 2 » »n . » » - THE TRUTH is Mr. Roosevelt hasn’t a very good case on “isolationism.” He has, himself, followed too closely in the past the course he now so vigorously condemns in others. ; From the day in 1933 when he became President until Hitler's armies went smashing across Europe seven years later, Mr. Roosevelt did not inaugurate a single constructive move toward world co-operation for peace. On the contrary, in statement after statement, he warned against “entangling alliances,” ‘‘involvements with other nations” and “political commitments that might get us into war.” Charges that someone also once was an “isolationist” may very well be true without in any way bearing on the issue a generation later. And the issue today is not what Warren G. Harding believed in 1920—but what we are going to do to prevent wars after1945? On that point Mr. Roosevelt has not made himself clear.

LIFE WITHOUT CAROL

EADING of ex-King Carol's brief stop in this country, we were reminded of a story. Carol, it will be recalled, told reporters in New Orleans that he “wanted no part of

America has treated me.”

is accurate, by William Lyon Phelps, and it had to do with a children’s party which he attended as a little boy. Young Billy grew a bit bored, and said to another youthful guest, “Let's hide behind this door, and nobody will know where we are.” To which the other youngster put this realistic question by way of reply: “What if nobody cares?”

NO WONDER

NE of the chief complaints of businessmen against the New Deal has been the great number of reports they are required to make to the government. Comes now the Johns-Manville Corp. with statistics showing that ‘the businessmen have justifiable cause for complaint. During 1943, Johns-Manville reports, it filed with government bureaus one report every two minutes of every . regular business hour of the year—71,588 reports during the year.

Is there any doubt about why there’s a paper shortage?

MR. ROOSEVELT SAID—

“Bvt there is-a tendency, and to my mind a dangerous tendency, on the part of jour national government, to encroach, on one excuse or another, more and more upon

|

Joint to cover certain regulatory powers desired by

e Indianapolis Times|

we are moving is still as secret as ever. Mr. Roosevelt con-.

navy” back in the twenties—but he didn't mention his own’

this country,” and that “I am going to treat America as |

The story we were reminded of was told, if recollection |

state supremacy. The elastic theory of interstate comMerce, for instance, has béen stretched almost to the break-

REFLECTIONS — Farm Belt View By John W. Hillman

THE PRESIDENTIAL campaign this year has brought about some unusual cleavages. As Tom Stokes pointed out last week, some of the traditional “Main-Line” . Republicans of Philadelphia are supporting President Roosevelt on the basis of his foreign policy—the same issue that influenced Senator Joe Ball of Minnesota, & strong critic of the New Deal's domestic policies, to bolt his party ticket. On the other hand, lifelong Jeffersonian Democrats may be found in the Republican camp. . . The issues, it is clear, cut across party lines and family loyalties. A symptom of that is the fact that while Vice President Henry A. Wallace is out ringing doorbells for Roosevelt, his uncle, John P. Wallace of Des Moines, today came out with a statement indorsing Governor Thomas E. Dewey. 3 John Wallace is a brother of the vice president's father, the *late Harry Wallace, who was secretary of agriculture in the Harding and Coolidge cabinets. With his brother and his father, “Uncle Henry” Wallace, he founded Wallace's Farmer, which for many years was outstanding among the farm papers of the Middle West.

'We Must Not Be Blind Partisans’

“THIS IS one of the most important decisions that has ever faced us in a presidential election,” the Wallace statement says. “It is the patriotic duty of every citizen, particularly at this time, to vote. The answer is vote for the man you think will serve our citizenship best. We must not be blind partisans of either party and no one should go to the polls before analyzing carefully the qualifications of each candidate. I have been asked by many farm folks and by businessmen how I am going to vote. “In 1928, while I had been registered as a Repullican all my life, I voted for Al Smith as I thought he had great qualities of leadership and understood the problems of not only ‘the common man,” which applies to most of us, but had a good understanding of the problems of all our eitizenship. In 1932 I voted for President Roosevelt on the promises he made in his campaign for election and particularly his promises to agriculture, which he came through with 100 per cent. I was disappointed in his failure to cut down government expense. He is entitled to real credit for many things he did as President from 1933 to 1937 and we should give him that credit. Too many people partisanly have not so done. I approved of his war policy but I could not follow him in his domestic policy. I have not voted for him since 1932, nor can I follow him this year.

'Courage to Stand for His Convictions'

I AM VOTING for Governor Thomas E. Dewey for President. I feel that he has had fine training in public life and that he should be an able executive. After graduating from Michigan university and Columbia law school in New York, he began practicing law. This led to his becoming chief assistant U, 8, district attorney in 1931, In 1933 he was advanced to U. S. district attorney. In 1835 he was appointed special prosecutor for the investigation of organized crime in New York, filling this position with distinction for nearly two years. In 1937 he became district attorney for New York county, and in 1941 was elected governor of New York state, He made a fine record in every one of these positions, He showed early that he was a clear thinker and had the courage to stand for his convictions, “I am voting for Governor, Dewey because I think he is best of the nominees. My firm conviction is that he will make one of the best Presidents we could select. “Agriculture, with which I have been closely connected all my life, will, in my judgment, not suffer under Dewey's administration. I believe he will work with farm folks in a program that will give prices of agricultural products comparable to the price of the things the farmer has to buy, and that is what the farmer wants, plus the opportunity of running his own business. In other words, he wants ‘equality for agriculture,” and is entitled to it.

‘Labor Policy Is Sound and Constructive’

“HIS LABOR POLICY is sound and constructive. I believe he will select a cabinet that will be one of

the best we have ever had and hold the heads of

various departments of the government responsible for carrying out their important offices. I believe he is capable of handling the world peace situation and will represent this country in a fine way when the program for world peace is taken up. I believe he has sound views and a program that will work in getting jobs for the many millions of folks who will be out of employment when the war ends. “Governor Dewey has real qualities of leadership and makes his own decisions after carefully considering the problems that come before him. The more I have analyzed Governor Dewey's program the more I believe he is right in what he proposes to do if he is elected President. As I see it, he is an ideal candidate for the office. He is fearless but does not take a stand until he has thought things through. He is young but not too young to be President. He is a clear thinker and has the vision a man in high office should have. The nation needs this kind of man in the President's chair in the next four years ahead.”

What of Russia?

By David M. Nichol

mm MORE FREQUENTLY than any other question about the Soviet Union, the people of the United States are asking whether we will be able to live in the same post-war world as the Russians, After almost two years among these people, I would say without hesitation that we can. Whether we will or not is a different matter which will depend as much upon the policy of the United States and the understanding of the American people as it will upon the actions of the Kremlin, It would be absurd and dangerous to underestimate the difficulties. The period will be filled with exasperations. and angry exchanges, with doubts and suspicions on both sides. But it would be equally absurd to minimize the possible results of genuine co-operation. Most observers are convinced, I believe, that that way lies the only hope of peace in Europe, .and, more broadly, in the world. Before we can make much headway toward any improved relations, we must accept the simple and homely fact that Russians are human beings. They laugh and sing and suffer, get cold and hungry, and bleed and die very much like the people of any other country. m :

Judge It By the Same Standards

BEFORE, TOO, we ‘can achieve any adequate or fair appraisal of the Soviet government, we must bégin to judge it by the sam apply to our own, to recogn that the Kremlin

basically is concerned with the future and interests’|

and national security of its own people. Any other course would be n, in Moscow, in Washington, or in the tiniest country in the world. - In judging the future course of the Soviet Union and of our relationships with it, also, we must realize in addition that no other country is’ as coldly calcu

lating in assessing its own interests. The Kremlin is | entity in itself,

not concernéd with world

but because it believes’ essential to the further

peace as an

tandards we would | |

&

Man Again! :

The Hoosier Forum

1 wholly disagree with what you say, but will defend to the death your right to say it.—Voltaire.

“ASKED FOR A NEW NAME” By B. J. Royse, Indianapolis. F.D. R. asked for a new name for the New Deal. : I suggest that it be called by its correct name—"“The Raw Deal.”

® 8 = “SAME OLD

RED HERRING” By W. 5. Warren, Indianapolis. I would like to write a few an-~ swers to some of the things that have been said about President Roosevelt, some of the most stupid things I ever heard of. One of them is about the Communists in this country. We know there are a very few Communists in this country,

much in Democratic times. When you have Republicans in office, or trying to get in office, is when you hear so much about Communism, The Replblicans would like for the people to believe that the Communists are running the Democratic party. Just as long as we have a Democratic party in power, we won't have any trouble with the Communists, Well, the Republicans like for the Reds to shoot straight at the Nazis. After all, what the Re-

plain working people, the ones that keep this country rolling. Some of them are in labor unions, and some are not. Some of them are farmers and some are small buscinessmen.

As far as election is concerned, whatever they say about Roosevelt, he will be elected by a large majority. But that is not the point I am trying to bring out. It is the stupidness of the accusations of calling all the masses of the people who are supporting Roosevelt, Communists. herring they keep in their pockets for four years. But after the election, they will put it back in their pocket for four more years. » “ 8 “WELL, LET'S HAVE SOME” By Mrs. Lowell I. Thomas, Indianapolis As a taxpayer and therefore one whose interests presumably were being protected by Mr. Benjamin of the taxpayers’ association in his stand at the city hall, I should like to ask Mr. Benjamin to elaborate and clarify some of the statements

you know they don't thrive very|

publicans call Communists are just!

(Times readers are invited to express their views in these columns, religious controversies excluded, Because of the volume received, letters should be limited to 250 words. Letters must be signed. Opinions set forth here are.those of the writers, and publication in no way implies agreement with those opinions by The Times. The Times assumes no responsibility for the return of manuscripts and cannot enter correspondence regarding them.)

he made in the Forum on October 20. Mr. Benjamin claimed that the taxpayers’ association “believes the merit system has many worthwhile advantages, yet wonders if the system can be readily adapted to our city government now operating on

that the answer would indeed be NO, that the merit system certainly cannot be readily adapted to the spoils system. They are inherently incompatible, and eventually the one would defeat the other, But if, as Mr. Benjamin admits, the merit system has many worthwhile advantages, why shouldn't Indianapolis reap the benefit of them? What is the advantage to the taxpayer, Mr. Benjamin, of paying municipal salaries on the basis of service to the party instead of service to the city? i Mr. Benjamin believes in retirement insurance but doubts if such

It is the same old Redan insurance program can be worth-

{while in our city government structure. That would seem to be a criticism of our government structure rather than of retirement insurance. Mr. Benjamin admits that these two desirable programs are impracticable- in Indianapolis, because of the present organization of our municipal government. Yet he objects to the retaining of City-Expert Telford to help secure legislative reform, on the grounds that “there are a number of citizens in our community that can prepare legislation needed for our city.” That

Side Glances—By Galbraith

the spoils system.” I should think . {has been aptly put by others than I.!

ety

may be true, but apparently they are not members of the Taxpayers’ association. Its obstructionist and defeatist attitude cannot be defended on the basis of economy, for poor government is like a paper umbrella—it may be cheap but it just doesn't do the job. You admit the need for reform, Mr. Benjamin, yet you seem satisfied with the status quo. You claim your organization “believes in making constructive suggestions for building the community.” Well, let's have some. ' . » . “WHAT WILL YOU HAVE, AMERICA?"

By 8. Basey, Indianapolis

him, O. K. you independent voters, let's have a look and see who is supporting both candidates in this coming election.

By his supporters shall ye know|

Dewey—I1st—on his list are the businessmen, large and small, who! have in their power to give us all, jobs after the war, 2d—our high school and college graduates. It!

“They, with their knowledge of his-| tory and government, are the hardest to fool” 3d, 4th and 5th—The| free press, the physicians, the insurance companies, all of whom have come so close to being gov-! ernment controlled and regimented | that they no longer find it amusing. | They know that four more years of the New Deal will turn the trick. 6th—the many reputable Republican governors who gave Dewey their wholehearted support at the convention and who will do all in their power to see that we have a good and just administration. Now, let's take a look at Roose-! velt's supporters. 1st—Earl Browder, paroled Communist convict (by order of the President), 2d—P. A. C., a Communist infiltrated committee whose sole purpose is to coerce dollars from C. I. O. employees to get F. D. R. re-elected again, and again and again. 3d, 4th and 5th—Ickes, Senator’ Pepper and Frank Sinatra, | not to mention Toots Shor an others. : Now, what will you have, America? Dewey and Bricker and good government or Roosevelt and Truman and the Hagues, Kellys and Pendergasts and the rest of the rabble Roosevelt has gathered to his bosom in the past 12 years?

# » . “F. D. R. WINS HIS FOURTH TERM” By Herbert, A. Moore, Crawfordsville I doubt whether you will print this item, but here goes. This coming general election will be this way November 7, 1944. Out of the 531 electoral votes, F. D. R.

velt—373 E. V, or more; T. E. Dewey —158 E. V. or less. Thanks. Now are you satisfied? P. 8. Some good guess, eh Times readers? ” » -

“SOMEONE PLEASE DO SOMETHING” By Mrs. A. E. Roberts, 3911 E. 16th st. Help! Help! Unless someone does something quick the “East Siders” are going to choke to death or die of pneumonia.

The smoke from -the city dumps on Euclid ave., is terrific to say the least. g

We have to close our windows at

quick. Help! Help! DAILY THOUGHTS

God; Because ye have spoken ‘behold, T am against

wins his fourth term. PF. D. Roose-}

"Therefore thus saith the Lord |. vanity, and seen lies, therefore, |

in its headquarters on the 1ith floor of Clinton hotel here, has contributed largely to his bid for the presidency.

Most Are Ex-Newspapermen MOSTLY, THE MEN around Governor Dewey are ex-newspapermen about the candidate's ewn age— Elliott Bell, now New York state finance director and a former New York Times writer; Harold Keller, New York American man, who is a kind of managing edie tor on research and writing production; Merlin Pite zele, labor editor of Business Week on leave; Hicke man Powell, formerly of the New York Herald-Tribe une, and a number of others. : How smoothly this staff works was shown the night of the® Teamsters’ union speech. Unlike Wendell Willkie, who carried a large speech-writing staff with him, Governor Dewey leaves most of his at home in

Albany save for Elliott Bell. When Mr. Roosevelt de-

livered his thrusts at Mr. Dewey, the Albany staff didn't wait to hear from the candidate, who was out west and headed for Oaklahoma City, Instead, it pulled P. D. R.'s speech apart in a cole ference that began the minute the broadcast was over, and when it had decided that sharp and immediate reply was called for, it said so a lengthy telegram to Mr. Dewey aboard his train, including salient points on which it believed an effective answer could pegged. ;

Carries Several 'Spare' Speeches

WHEN GOVERNOR DEWEY headed for the West coast in his opening campaign swing, he carried with him two or three “spare” speeches which could be substituted for other addresses along the way if circumstances suggested, When he started work on his Oklahoma City speech he had these to draw on for parts of his reply to Mr. Roosevelt, plus a gens erous sheaf of well-documented memoranda on many subjects on which he and his staff had worked. If he couldn't at once put his hands on what he wanted, he could call his Albany staff for it; one telephone call brought John Burton, the governor's young state budget director, out of bed at 1 a m. the morning before Mr. Dewey went on the air. It all added up to what many still rate as his best speech of the campaign. Governor Dewey is what his aids call an “idea sparker.” Home at Albany between speeches, he may summon his research and writing men to the executive mansion at 11 p. m. and spend hours pulling apart a campaign proposition with them, In these sessions there are no punches pulled. The governor doesn't want to be kidded by “yes-men” The language is as blunt as you'd get in a session of a half-dozen men anywhere; the governor ace cepts some of the thinking and rejects more of it.

Speech Program Is Flexible

THE DEWEY camp can change its point of attack quickly on speeches. For the St. Louis speech last week an altogether different subject had been assigned than that eventually used. Governor Dewey believes that, overall, his speeches should make a pattern, and he decided his first St. Louis speech didn't fit

| into the foreign policy speech he was to make two | nights later in New York. He wished to lay a base

for the New York speech by attempting to show that a government weak on the home front could not be strong in foreign affairs, and a new speech

| was built quickly to do this. ‘

Some of the governor's advisers argued that, going into Missouri, home of Boss Pendergast and Senator Truman, Mr. Roosevelt's running mate, the G. O, P. should bashrthe New Deal over the head with the record of its connections with political gangs and bosses, Mr, Dewey said no; he thought it wouldn't be cricket to make such an attack in the senator's home state.

This ability to shift quickly, in the opinion of some observers, may be a solid asset to Mr. Dewey in the last two weeks of this campaign. If he must answer attacks, he can do it. He has a large reservoir of research and writing material ready and though much of it may never see the light of day, its there in case it's needed.

IN WASHINGTON—

The Home Front By Ludwell Denny

WASHINGTON, Oct. 24. —Maoe Arthur's successful landing in the Philippines and the fall of Aachen, gateway to the Rhine, should cheer us on. But they should not feed the its-all-overe but-the-shouting delusion which has cursed America after every other major advance. It will not be over in Europe until after bloodier fighting than ‘this. war has yet seen—many weeks at best, and maybe not until next year. It will not be over in the Pacific for a year at least, and perhaps much longer. . How much longer depends a great deal on us here at home. At the very moment of the biggest demand for military supplies in Europe and the Pacific, produce tion is falling off. The peace-is-just-around-the= corner poison has convinced: thotisands of war worke ers that they should walk out and seek peace jobs. Just because a surplus has been built up in a few war commodities and some factories are being closed or cénverted, the public forgets that in other strae tegic products the shortage is desperate.

Major Operations Are Being Held Up

THE NEED for landing craft and transports is so serious that major operations in support and extension of the Philippine campaign are being held up. This jeopardizes Pacific victory. The President ‘has appealed to certain West Coast shipyards, telling “every man and woman engaged in the construction of combat loaded transports (of) the importance of

delivering them at the earliest possible moment.” :

On the Siegfried line, Patton and other American

Speech Pattern

By Charles T. Lucey

5 w

problems “witl and open mine Senator Jac) not know all ¢ problems of “But whatever offer to advar manity, that I tain.” He praised t the Indiana f laborer,

Murray Ple Of Veteran:

Raymond PF. candidate for

Beca they

immi is ar