Indianapolis Times, Indianapolis, Marion County, 23 October 1944 — Page 12

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EWEY’S SPEECH TO LABOR

ANY union members have never recognized the danger to the labor movement of dependence on the personal patronage of one man, that one man being President

Governor Dewey told labor Friday night just how great the danger is, how far it has already turned collective bargaining into political bargaining, and how surely its continuance would further impair the rights and freedoms of workers. Impressive as a warning, Mr. Dewey’s Pittsburgh “gpeech was equally impressive as a demonstration of his friendship for those who toil. In his dealings with labor Mr. Roosevelt has carried. extremes even greater than in other fields his propensity for *let-papa-fix” government. Certainly his administration, in the vigor of its early years, produced labor and social legislation that was necessary and desirable and that now must be preserved, improved and extended. But, as Governor Dewey pointed out, such legislation gs neither a New Deal nor a Democratic monopoly. Many “good labor laws were enacted under Republican Presidents. And, as he added, “good laws are not enough. Social ‘progress needs vigorous protection and promotion all the It needs the nourishment of competent free governIt has small prospect of getting that from an Administration grown old and tired and decadent. “That's why § it’s time for a change.” = » ” IT IS in one-man administration of ‘Tabor laws that President has done great disservice to those for whom professes chief devotion. He has insisted on dealing sonally with the leaders of unions; on undermining the ulness and authority of government departments ed to handle labor matters; on favoring some unions the expense of others; on confusing, delaying and thing the settlement of issues on which the workers d every right to ask for prompt, fair, decisive action. The example cited by Mr. Dewey was as shameful as it as striking. : The railway workers, whose wage controyersies had n settled peacefully for 16 years under the railway labor (which became law during a Republican administrajon), asked for wage increases to meet higher living costs the autumn of 1942. This time, Mr. Roosevelt dealt sonally with their requests. After more than a year’s , and after the workers had been driven to the verge a nation-wide strike, which Mr. Roosevelt averted only seizing the railroads, he granted them substantially what hey would have gotten under orderly railway law procedure. But, to obtain this result, the unions felt it necessary o hire, at a $25,000 fee, special legal counsel who turns ut to have been no eminent labor lawyer, no authority on pad economics, but Ed Flynn, boss of New York's Bronx | Mr. Roosevelt's third-term chairman of the Democratic

ie “THAT SORT of business,” Mr. Dewey said, “must |

ome to an end in this country.” We believe that a great y union members are coming to agree with him. We “believe, too, that workers in increasing numbers see in his program for post-war production and employment the best

hope—indeed, the only real hope—for that abundance of |

jobs without which no law and no President can protect labor from want and suffering.

DIANAPOLIS TOMORROW

T was a thrilling vision of the great and beautiful

city Indianapolis may be which George A. Kuhn uned last Friday evening. And it was no pipe dream. The “best part of his whole project is that every bit of it can be

The program which Mr. Kuhn and his Post-War Planning Commission have so carefully developed is completely ‘practical. In an overall sense it deals with the pressing problems of sanitation, traffic, smoke and slum clearance— ‘and those are matters the community cannot afford to dgnore. Nor is it a costly matter—on the contrary, this rogram is quite within our civic means, and many parts of actually will result in important direct saving of money, t a very high return on investment. - It is aimed straight at municipal ills which confront all major cities, at the weaknesses which cause cities to fall apart—poor transportation, high taxes, dirt, congestion, lack of room to play, all the conditions which drive city resi- © dents out to the suburbs to live. "As Mr. Kuhn points out, this isn’t a program that can completed overnight. It may take 10 years, or more, to it, one project at a time. But this vision is one that must bot be lost. This is a job Indianapolis must do. ® 8 =» : s 8 = THERE IS ANOTHER task that Indianapolis must do. t is not easy. But it is a vital part of post-war planning— in roviding jobs and opportunity for war veterans, many of * whom already are marching home, It is encouraging therefore to read of the program an- ® nounced by Robert M. Bowes, Indianapolis manufacturer d backer of race cars in the 500-mile race. America has, this war, proven its production might. The problem then 8 to stimulate demand and expand distribution with the l of an ever-increasing standard of living. So his comy has set aside $100,000 to train and finance veterans as esmen and distributors of Bowes products. This is specific. This is combining vision with action. is the same fighting blood that now is carrying us to v on the battlefields may provide the plasma that will sand build a greater polis. :

CLO]

by John W. Hillmen

.shall be the only great land, sea and air power on

/ at's s Happened?

COLUMNISTS ARE strangely immune to the habit of getting up at 5 a. m. to write a piece for a 9 0 deadline — one of the nicest compliments ever paid us was when an indignant and sleepless subscriber came steaming in to lodge a protest personally at 7 o'clock in the morning; needless to say, we hadnt shown yet. So our thoughts for the day are being composed, as is our custom, on Saturday afternoon. It's as god» tise a8. ws for things are quiet in a newspaper shop on Saturday afternoon; nobody works who doesn’t have to, and the only epicenter of excitement is off to our left where the boys in the back room are pitching the late football scores into the final edition, ‘Somehow, that isn't much of a distraction any more, there, too, leaning over the ticker in breathless suspense as the tape emerged with the flash: “Situation Normal 13, Consfused State 12, at the half.

Can We Be Getting Old?

BUT FOOTBALL doesn’t stir our pulse as it once did. Can it be that we're getting old? After all, it's been quite a few years since we were a third string end in last year’s jersey, dashing gallantly into the game at the 59th minute to protect a 60-point lead. It’s a long time, too, since we wore that gold football we won after the coach decided that he needed a

manager worse than an end—our kind of an end. We wore it proudly, ignoring the skepticism of those who glanced pointedly from our jewelry to our physique. For we loved football, As a perspiring English instructor, we helped the coach with the freshman line, thereby exposing our remaining teeth to the cleats of sundry lads who weren't happy over the mark on their last theme; we sat high on the 50-yard line scouting next week’s opponent and scribbling learned lore about quick-opening plays, tackles who could be mouse-trapped, guards who pulled out of the line and half-backs who were suckers for a slick reverse. We even gave a passing mark to one or two likely lads who remembered their signals better than their syntax. When we weren't doing that, we went to the big games, giving the benefit of our accumulated wisdom to something pretty snappy in a tweed skirt and calling the plays before the quarterback thought o/ them. And sometimes we were right. { In later years, we spent Saturday afternoons— those were the days before we edged up the journalistic ladder and we had to go back to working on Saturdays —flipping the radio dial back and forth between Minneapolis, Evanston, South Bend, Columbus, Annapolis and way stations while the vice president in charge of getting something done at our house made pointed remarks about the crab grass in the front lawn and the great dearth of wood for the fireplace. In short, we were a life-sized portrait of a football fan. But time has caught up with us,

Something Has Happened to Footbal

PERHAPS, THOUGH, it isn't entirely age and decrepitude. For something has happened to football. It's noted by Al Laney, who writes in the New York Herald Tribune: “We are beginning to worry about the football public. The customers are turning out well for the games everywhere, some places in surprising numbers, but they are far too gentle, not to say apathetic. It used to be that every football writer had got his head blown off by mid-October or, if he'd retained his head, it was bruised and bloody from a rain of blows by sophomores from seventeen to seventy. Bul there have now been three football Saturdays and we have not yet received a -single abusive letter from a graduate either old or under. The boys just do not seem to give a damn any more.” We got a hint of what's going on last week-end when we were with a stanch I. U. zealot. When the news came in that Indiana had beaten Nebraska 54 to 0, we expected something pyrotechnical. But old reflexes are strong and, before the announcement sank in, our friend involuntarily blurted out. “Oh, well, that’s all right. Just wait till next year.” - And that, we guess, is what's wrong with wartime football, You just can’t depend on anything,

WORLD AFFAIRS—

Pacific Bastion By William Philip Simms

WASHINGTON, Oct. 23. — By international mandate, the United States will likely make the Philippine islands into one of the strongest military, naval and air bases in the world soon after peace. Philippine independence may be proclaimed at any time. Scheduled for July 4, 1946, congress has authorized the President to advance the date if events make it advisable. Accordingly, he has pledged the Filipino people “that the republic will be established the moment the power of our Japanese enemies is destroyed.” Lack of realism in Washington and Manila in the pre-war years is costing both countries enormously in blood and treasure. Up to 1941, the average American was inclined to ridicule the idea that the Japs would try to take the islands as long as the U. S. flag floated above them. Similarly, many Filipino leaders refused to believe there was any danger from that direction.

Changed Their Minds Too Late

TRUSTING IN the word of the Japanese, the United States agreed, in the treaty of 1821, not to strengthen its outmoded fortifications in the Philippines and, 10 ‘years later, Filipinos insisted on postponing until two years after full independence any discussion of naval and fueling stations for the United States. Later a lot of. people changed their minds, but it was too late. ‘Thus, up to Pearl Harbor, the United States had dribbled out some $800,000,000 on the islands, yet they fell like over-ripe fruit as soon as the Japs struck. Our naval base at Cavite was so ancient that it went up in one big puff of smoke and Corregidor, “barring” the entrance to Manila bay, proved to be a mere -obstacle, not a bar, Winston Chyrchill, oddly enough, saw the menace long before the highest levels in Washington. More than a dozen years ago he said “the United States should have no delusions about the abilitg of her navy to protect the Philippines. It is utterly incapable of doing so.” /

Pacific Peace Will Depend 5 on nV. S.

NOW ONCE Japan is knocked out, the peace of the Pacific will depend largely on the United States. We

that ocean for an indefinite period. The British, therefoss, x no less than the Filipinos, Chinese, Dutch, Freach and others, will want us to take the lead

; adequate have Pearl Harbor but we must also have facilities in

‘Philippines. a a i2, Lave

There was a time when we'd have been out |

in policing it: They will also want us to help preserve bases. We |

It’s a Dog's Life!

The Hoosier Forum

1 wholly disagree with what you say, but will defend to the death your right to say it.—Voltaire.

“VOTE IN SENATE WAS 14 TO 1” By W. B. Paul, Indianapolis. Senator Jackson stated in his keynote address at the New Deal convention in Chicago that “the Republicans were responsible for scrapping more naval equipment at

the Washington naval conference than all the ships lost at Pearl Harbor.”

Dec. 9, 1935, Roosevelt wrote a|

letter to thé London naval conference which was as follows: “The Washington naval conference of 1922 brought to the world the first important voluntary agreement for limitation and reduction of armament. It stands out as a milestone in civilization. I ask you, therefore, at the first opportunity to propose to the British and the Japanese a substantial proportional reduction in present naval levels. . . . I cannot approve, nor would I be willing to submit to the senate of the United States any new treaty calling for larger navies.” Source: Roosevelt's private papers, vol. 4, pages 481-482. The vote in the U. S. senate in favor of scrapping some of our navy was 74 to 1. Twenty-two senators were not present the day the treaty was voted upon, » » » “WHAT IS

COMMUNISM?”

{By Harrison White, Indianapolis.

Being confronted many times by the question, “What is communism?” by people, known to me to have been consistent and unwitting followers of this administration, my

definition has been, “regimentation and socialization of the people by force,” but here is a brief on the question. “Communism is a doctrine or practice, calling for the abolition of all private property, by force or violence if necessary, and the absolute control by the state in all matters pertaining to labor, religion, social relations, etc., it is a phase of extreme socialism shading into anarchy, exemplified in France after the overthrow of the Napoleoric dynasty in 1870.”"—Standard Dictionary, : “The one thing that is shared by all Communists; whether speculative or practical, is deep dissatisfaction with the economic conditions by which they are surrounded.” M. C.

(Times readers are invited to express their views in these columns, religious controversies excluded. Because of the volume received, letters should be limited to 250 words. Letters must be signed. Opinions set forth here are those of the. writers, and publication in no way implies agreement with those opinions by The Times. +The Times assumes no responsi bility for the return of manuscripts and cannot enter ¢ respondence regarding thet)

Fawcett in Encye. Brit, "th ed. vol 6. P. 212. “Communism means the abolition of inheritance, the abolition of the family, the abolition of nationalities, the abolition of religion, the abolition of personal property.” Joseph Cook Labor lectures 1. P. 11-1882. “Industry would be useless, and practical communism established if it were the duty of everybody to do every ‘thing for else.” PF. Wharton law of agency Ch. 7 P. 267-1876. In my opinion a Communist may be regarded as a person who would be a party to the overthrow of his own personal liberty, by his. own vote, unless he is to be one of the dictators. . o - “STRAW THAT BROKE THIS CAMEL’S BACK” By Thomas E. Hinesley, 3345 Graceland ave. Having been a reader of your paper for the past 12 or 14 years, it was with a great deal of hesitancy that F paid your carrier Wednesday night of this week and told him to

lighten his load one copy in the

future. (I don't expect to hear about this letter appearing in “The Voice of The People” either.) The one straw that finally broke this “camel's” back was your editorial crucifixion of our present Governor Henry Schricker. In it you took approximately three paragraphs to tell and list this man's merits and the great things he has done for this state, then you try to tear all of that down in the last two sentences by saying he is a New Dealer so he is probably a Com-

Side Glances—By Galbraith

|dependent paper, but a rabble-

chests in illicit ways and even in- .| votes.

| No, Mr. Capehart! You aren't get-] desperate

munist, too. “We indorse Homer Capehart.” ; This proves but one thing to me.

The Times is no longer a liberal, in-

rousing, capitalistic-dominated, Roosevelt hating, skin sheet that I, for one, no longer wish my home cluttered up with. In conclusion (if you do print this) I hope the rest of the level thinking Americans feel the same way about it. P. 8. Print this one and listen to your circulation manager holler. ” » . “INDEBTED FOR THIS CIVIC SERVICE” By F. M., Indianapolis I want to express my thanks to you for giving voice in your editorial to the indignation many interested citizens feel about the action of the city council at their last meeting. Since Mr. Telford of the Jacobs Co. could not possibly have come here without the sanction of the mayor and the council, it is strange indeed that there should be a question over the payment for services rendered, at this late date. . As for. Mr, Benjamin's speech, most of us who heard him were aghast .at his statement that he thought merit qualifications no basis for office tenure, and that the spoils system, firmly entrenched, was the only way to keep the parties going. His talk was not an impromptu one, either, but one carefully planned with neat malice. I cannot believe that the taxpayers’ association, whose reasgn for being is to promote efficient and economical administration of public funds, can share his opinion. If it does, it is a subversive group of the worst kind. - We are indebted to you for this civic service.

2 = = “DEWEY DIDN'T SAY HOW”

By Harry Warren, Indianapolis. ; I believe I read a letter written to The Times that said that Dewey would make a better President than Roosevelt because Dewey worked for his living and Rogsevelt was always rich, ‘Well mister what you said was true, but you forget that this is America and that the rich are as good as the poor. You see in 1932 Herbert Hoover was a Republican and when he was President, we had to wait in bread lines. I used to wait in a line to get a bucket of soup. I heard Dewey speak and he said that when the war is over, there should be a job waiting for the soldiers if the Republicans got into the White House. But mister, Dewey didn't say how. Mister, I'm a Democrat in case you didn’t understand. . 8 8 “YOU AREN'T GETTING ANYWHERE" By Harry J. Gasper, Indianapolis Who do Dewey, Gates, and other Republican in-sist-on lambasting labor unions for using their power in politics? Why shouldn't they? Have big corporations and wealthy Haividuals the only rights in a Throughout political a the Republicans have built up campaign

timidated workers in order to get

When for district attorney in New York City in 1937, Tom Deel costed $5000 frum Sines Hillman’s union and was glad to get it. , No, Mr. Dewey! No, Mr. Gates!

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: None Too Gontlomanly

THE * NATIONAL campaign figures themselves

have been none .too gentlemanly this year, not to

But. down below, where the backroom boys work,

“figuring out the angles” as they ‘call it, the little fellows who make their living out of politics, it is very n

much rougher and meaner,

‘Republicans now are making a strong bid for the

Negro vote in this city, which is quite substantial. Local party workers are emphasizing the Roosevelt “health issue.” , They use it generally as well as with the Negroes, but with the Negroes they are using a

little different twist. They point to Senator Truman

who would be in the line of succession if Democrats are returned to power, and they tell the Negroes that the vice presidential candidate is a southermer bee cause he comes from Missouri,

. They also make much of the dropping of Vice

President Wallace, whom the Negroes regard as a champion: This em dent Roosevelt's the campaign. The piece of literature most requested by local

on the “health issue” explains Presi-

party workers from city Republican headquarters, is. 2 a pamphlet with a quotation from President Roose- =

velt's Boston speech in the 1940 campaign, promising the mothers and fathers of America that their sons

would not be sent to fight in-foreign wass. This ap~ _

parently is regarded as effective with parents of

boys in the service and in reviving latent isolationism. ;

Handicap in a Practical Situation

REPUBLICANS pressing the national ticket here

have encountered a handicap in a practical situation familiar to local bosses. Republicans control this city. They want to retain control. The city affords juicy

patronage, and other emoluments. In & national election they are confronted with the rank-and-file

“Well, atter all, what is wrong with Roosevelt?”

It seems. to be a rhetorical question,

IN WASHINGTON—

$64 Questions

By Peter Edson

WASHINGTON, Oct. 23.—Now is the time for all self-appointed political experts to make their predictions on the outcome of the

election, writing the expected re-

sults on a piece of paper, carefully putting it away, and then dragging it out on the morning after to show what smart forecasters they really were. . President Roosevelt does this, only he admits that he has never been right on his predictions. , can play this kind of political soli« a convenience to those who care to inpastime, there is presented here a check list of questions on the outcome of this election, Write your own answers and file for future reference: ; 1. Will Roosevelt run up a greater electoral college vote than that by which he beat Willkie in 1940, when the count was 440 ‘to 82? He beat Hoover 472 to 59 and he beat Landon 523 to 8. 2. How many more states will Dewey carry in 1944 than the 10 states Willkie carried in 1940? 3. The total number of votes cast in the presiden-

But you, too taire, and as

tial election of 1940 was 49,815,312. How much big- -

ger will the popular vote be in 1944? 4. The 1040 popular vote was divided roughly 27.-

000,000 for Roosevelt, 22,000,000 for Willkie, Roosevelt

got! winning by 5,000,000. What will the difference be in 1944 and which way?

What About Popular Vote? 5. THE 1040 popular vote was 44.7 per cent Re-

publican, 54.8 per cent Democratic. What will be the *

. Pennsylvania 8. Will Dewey break the solid south, and if go, which states will he carry? 9. Will Dewey carry any of the border: states of Maryland, West Virginia, Kentucky? 10. Will Truman carry Missouri, a “doubtful”

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