Indianapolis Times, Indianapolis, Marion County, 8 September 1944 — Page 22

‘Times PAGE 22 Friday; September 8, 1944 a % ; igri Editar FERRES (A SCRIPPS-HOWARD NEWSPAPER) 7 Price In Marion Coun‘ty, 4 cents a copy: delivered’ by esrrier, 18 oen

Circulations. @ RuEY 851 Give Light and the People Will Mind Their Oton Wey i:

DEWEY OFF TO GOOD START (GOVERNOR DEWEY opened his campaign last night with a telling punch at the very outset, he said, he wanted to make it clear that— “This is not merely a campaign against an individual or a polilggal party. It is not merely a campaign to displace a tired; exhausted, quarreling and bickering admin-

> Business Manager |

By James, Thrasher

WASHINGTON, Sept. 8.—We had always considered the British a pretty level<headed people until we saw a story in the London -Daily Mail about post-war housing ple in the village of Eye in Suffolk, which is Britain's smallest borough. : The authorities of Eye propose

then let Eye's housewives come in with tape measure and notebook and complete the interior to conform with the housé of their dreams, = The authorities then propose to sfrike a balance, build rpoms and windows and fixtures in accordance with the concensus, and duplicaté the model dwelling 40 times which is all the post-war housing Eye needs. This, of course, is madness. In the first place, few women have but ofié dream house. If they did, all these “better homes” magazines would have been out of business long ago. One month the periodical will suggest a delightful modernization or antiquation of ‘the ‘present - dwelling. Succeeding issues will offer Georgian, Norman, Latin-American, streamlined, Cape Cod or Scandinavian houses=all enchanting visions which leave the housewife in a haze of indecision riot at all unpleasant, :

Not to Be Entered Into Lightly

istration with a fresh and. vigorous administration, Jt is a campaign against an administration which was conceived in defeatism, which failed for eight straight years to restore our domestic economy, which has been the most wasteful, extravagant and incompetent administration in the history of the nation, and, worst of all, one which has Jost faith in itself and in the American people.” Mr. Dewey, accustomed to backing indictments with evidente, marshalled impressive evidence at Philadelphia to support his strong indictment of the New Deal. : He read the New Deal's own record of consistent failure to produce any cure for depression and unemployment —any cure except war “with all its tragic toll of death, debt and dstruction.” ” ® = ” . o HE POINTED to the administrative chaos in Washington, the piling of agency on agency, the quarrels that no one in authority stops, the snarls that nobody untangles, the messes that are made of the people's business at the - people's cost. ; : : He cited the New Dealers’ fears for the future, their . doleful predictions of Siti delays in reconversion and demobilization, their dismal preparations for another depression after the war—including Gen. Hershey's shocking statement that after the war “we can keep people in the army about as cheaply as we could create an agency for them when they are out.” : : But, more than that, Mr. Dewey asserted his own firm faith that America can provide jobs and opportunities for all; that we have not even begun to build our industrial

our capacity to produce more goods and an ever-higher living standard for our people; that we need not sacrifice freedom to achieve social security; that’ “we can achieve real social security only if we do keep our freedom.” Of course, he said, we need regulation of the stock markets, bank-deposit insurance, price support for agriculture, unemployment insurance, old-age pensions, rellef whenever there are not enough jobs, protection of labors right to organize and bargain collectively. Ty “But we must also have a government which believe in enterprise and government policies which encourage enterprise. . . . We must see to it that the man who wants to produce more jobs is not throttled by the government, but knows that he has a government as eager for him to succeed as he is, himself. . , . Our place in a peaceful world can and will be made secure. But nothing on earth will

make us secure unless we are productive and unless we have faith in ourselves.”

8 8 2 » 8 2 7 GOVERNOR DEWEY has proved himself again an’ able prosecutor. It remains for him to prove ta the country that, as President, he would know how to act on’the ~ beliefs he proclaimed last night. Such action, as he said, involves many things—tax policies, regulatory policies, labor - policies, opportunities for small business, the encroachments of bureaucracy—subjects which he promised to discuss in detail in future speeches. We think that his emphasis on jobs and opportunities, on production and prosperity, on the need for vigor and freshness in the government during coming years of peace, got his off to a good and hopeful start.

£0 yee Co

NOT A DEBT, BUT AN OBLIGATION

J EGALLY, we suppose, the city council would be entirely _. Justified in refusing to pay Fred B. Telford, municipal consultant, for his services since the expiration of the Jacobs & Co. contract. Morally—well, that's something else. :

“I stayed here,” Mr. Telford explains, “because I believed there was and is much portant work to be done. Several times I was warned tRat the city had no obligation, legal or moral, to pay me for my individual work. I may not even submit a hill, if the councilmen do not feel that I should. It seemed to be the desire of the citizens’ advisory survey committee, Mr. Bowers, Mayor Tyndall and ‘the entire group that I should stay for a time, but there never was a demand for pay for it and there never was a promise of any pay.” . The city, however, did accept Mr. Telford's assistance and counsel in preparing the budget and installing a personnel system. Clearly, this is a case of services rendered and ‘value received. It probably is not important to Mr. Telford whether he receives any pay or not’: getting the job done right was his chief concern. But it is important to the

citizens of Indianapolis that they should do the fair, and the honorable thing. :

paid for his time and his efforts.

JEOPARDY =~ by

ox

THE first sentence in Gertrufle Stein's *. is reported tobe: ' . 4 MS pits od “I do not know whether to put down the things I do not remember, as well as those I do remember.”

| you hua better be careful. If a Washington

forthcoming book

pitied

plant; that we have not exhausted our inventive genius or |

We believe, on that basis, that Mr, Telford should be |

After all, Indianapolis is known as “no mean. city.” =

often does, even in the most modest households—that is something else. Building, buying or remodeling present concrete problems, Money and practicality enter the picture, f : At such a time women discover that a change of housing, like marriage, is not to be entered into lightly. It is a time of doubt and hesitation, And, in the

.case of the housewives of Eye, doubt and hesitation

are going to grow when their frozen daydreams are the objects of judgment and comparison. And what will happen when the 40 identical dwellings of Eye are construeted? Pride and envy will be practically extinct. Curiosity will be throttled, since all houses are alike. And these things just aren't natural.

kitchen windows, taken from .a neighbor's blueprint, are in the wrong place. The sink is the wrong height. The living room is too long or too short, or the furniture won't fit. ! All this is going to lead to bitter gossip and civil strife. Old friendships will be sundered, childish companionships will be strainéd, business will suffer. Reflect, elders of Eye, reflect and reconsider! For

any farther.

World Affairs

By George Weller

CHICAGO, Bept. 8 Proposals made before the senate by three of its military affairs committee that the United States acquire “island bases,” principally in the western hemisphere, are likely to afforg little satisfaction to citizens who have expected to find the United States making a realistic ~~ and ‘enduring peace after the _ colossal expenditure of this war. Senators McKellar, Chandler i and Reynolds, all Democrats, are backing a resolution introduced by McKellar. The principal provisions of this resolution call for the acquisition of the islands mandated to Japan, plus the Galapagos and Bermudas and West Indian iflands. Of the eoming peacemaking, Chandler states “we must. be realistic this time” A critic of this measure ¢alls it “about as realistic in terms of the pregiit reeds of America’s strategy as acquiring the forts used in the French and Indian wars on the Canadian border, and those used in the Texas war of liberation in Mexico.” In the acquisition of the Japanese mandated islands there is nothing new,

Small Satisfaction for King, Marshall

ON DECEMBER 14, 1918, the present assistant secretary of state, Breckenridge Long, presented to Wilson at the Paris peace conference a recommenda= tion that all the then German islands north of the equator should be acquired by the United States. It has been taken for granted since the tragedies of ‘Bataan and Corregidor that no other power would bar the United States ever agkin from the Philippines and Asia, - Other - than these mid-Pacific islands, whose acquisition was under discussion by the United States as early as Perry's time, the only “island bases” mentioned by senators as needful other than the Bere mudas are islands guarding the two approaches to the Panama canal. This strategy must have delighted Adm. Mahan and Teddy Roosevelt 40 years ago, but its Panama polarity 1s likely to afford small satisfaction to Adm. King, whose lost cruisers and destroyers lie at the bottom of the Java sea and the Indian ocean. It will not reassure Gen. Arnold, who is fighting to hold airdromes in Northern Burma and China. It will give only modest satisfaction to Gen. Marshall, who has had to build American bases in Eritrea, the Persian Gulf and Central China.

Into Course They Wish to Avoid

IN THEIR ANXIETY not to see the United States taken for a sucker the senators seem unwittingly to be leading the nation into precisely the course they wish to avoid. Perhaps subconsciously, still haunted by the isolationism which they have renounced, they still carry this isolationism over into their principles of acquisition. Hence “island bases” becomes a kind of program for acquiring adjacent insular real estate, instead of a program for retaining bases throughout the world wherever an undeniable American interest has been demonstrated by the fact that Americans are fighting there. ’ All the islands proposed for acquisition by the ‘senators are already deep within the realm of Amer ican power. They offer nothing strategically. They are miles in the rear of the nation's present worldwide commitments, which can be considered permanent. Their acquisition may exacerbate allies without strengthening America's permanent hold on her overseas fronts. ; Men who have accompanied our world-wide forces are eager that permanent bases—not necessarily on “islands—should maintain the security they have fought to defend at the points where they have

The aim, many of them think, should be to offer a permanent chain ‘of security like the world-wide bases ‘of the British empire, but separate from them. Critics of the new McKellar resolution consider it of doubtful advantage that Americans should die in Java, in Dalmatia, in Persia and in Northern Africa, and these demonstrated strategic interests be quibbled away for a raw imperialism of islands in the western hemispifere. As for payment, a hundred Bermudas would not pay for what the United States has expended to recover mandated New Guinea alone.

Island Motif Has Become a Fetish

' STUDENTS OF the subject of world-wide bases aré in agreement that the “island” motif has become a fetish, and should be forgotten... Some future American bases will be islands, but some should be valleys—islands in the seas of the air. - :

tion, not gain of territory or trade, privileges.

the foreign sharp review as

strategy.

to erect the brick shell of a house, |

BUT, WHEN the time for decision comes—as it |.

Worse still, Eye's good wives will discover that the |

the sake of civic amity, don't let this thing spread /

fought for it, or as near those points as is practical,

To critics it seems) that the American stake in | world-wide strategy should be the motive of acquisi-

In general, the proposals passed by the senate to committee seem to call for a ‘political principles anda complete: |

. ‘ . : : The Hoosier Forum 1 wholly disagree with what you say, dbut will defend to the death your right to say it.—Voltaire.

“HOME ISN'T HOME WITHOUT CHILDREN” By Dorothie Eudaly, Sheridan. According to the letter written by the person who signed his letter, “A Worker,” only people who make better-than-average wages should try to. raise children. I wonder if he considered how many of the boys

families that don’t have enough money to buy a home

car in rush hours? They have just as many privileges as anyone eisoc. After all, he was young once. If you have ro other means of transportation, I'd like to know how ycu are going to get some place—walk? Also, if there weren't babies born every day, there would be no progress. As for living in places where chil= dren aren’t intended, aren't children mtended in every home? Home isn’t home without children. Sure, you don't enjoy other peo« ple’s children. Does he have children and does he enjoy them?

. a “JUST ANOTHER OBSTRUCTIVE MOVE” By Norman Glenn, Clinton County

The fall of 1918 brought .to an end the first bloody world war and home to the U. 8. A. came a President with carefully made plans to prevent another such butchery. No one doubted the honest, sincere efforts of this man, nor did they doubt his ability. His plan, the League, was new to the public and they could not judge its merits. Due to isolationism and morse to “cursed” polities, a small, determinéd group was “agin’” it. Led by Senator Lodge, they belabored the American people with the idea that the League would make America a slave to Europe and that Article X would send American boys all ver the world to fight the other fellow’s battles. They dis trusted this, feartd that, and viewed with alarm every move that Wilson made. The result was that this group won--and where are we now? Did these Republican leaders really fear the League or was much of it just dirty politics? Do you recall how, in 1936 and ‘40, certain ones viewed with alarm and how

pverseas are more than likely from |

Why not take them on a ‘street-}-

(Times readers are invited to express their views in these columns, religious cone troversies excluded, Because of the volume received, let ters should be limited to 250 words. Letters must be signed. Opinions set forth here are those of the writers, and publication in no way implies agréément with those opinions by The Times. TheTimes assumes no responsi bility for the return of manuscripts and cannot enter cor respondence regarding them.)

they feared the “boloney dollar” would ruin the country? - - True to form, éven before the meeting of the Dumbarton Oaks conference that seeks a formula to prevent another world holocaust, the chosen GOP leader “views with alarm” and fears, and fears, and fears. Why is this? Could it be the same old record playing? The task of reorganizing the world will be a very difficult one with many headaches for those bearing responsibility of leadership. It is absolutely essential that with this responsibility MUST go authority and here we must make a decision. - In 1918 it was the three great powers of England, France, and the United States that subdued Im-

1perial Germany. In 1944 it will be

the blood and wealth of three large powers—England, Russia, and the United States—that crushed Nazi Germany. If Germany is to be policed in the future, these powers must do it; and, if Germany arises again in 1965, these same large powers must sacrifice to do it again. It seems logical if they must do the job and police Burope, they should have authority for the plan of settlement to be followed. There is no reason to believe that the small nations will be mistreated in this settlement, They were not in 1818. 2 Would anyone suppose that, after her tragic sacrifices, Russia would meekly permit Poland, Finland, or

Turkey to sit with equal voice at

Side Glances—By Galbraith

p—

|the peace table? And wouldn't it

be irony for stay-at-home Ireland to sit as an equal at the right hand of battle-scarred John Bull? After observing history, could anyone picture all nations agreeing to any one plan of settlement? Now Mr. Dewey, being a smart man-—as any presidential aspirant should be—knows the above points to be true. Therefore, we must assume that his fears, distrusts and viewing with alarm must be just another obstructive move in the old political game. “LET US NOT BE TOO HARD" By Mothers Work Too, Indlanspelis. Now, now, folks! Let us not be too hard on “A Worker” who is sO annoyed by our children. Beyond doubt, he had parents who were very well off financially; else they could not have afforded to raise him. -Imagine then them dumping him in the back yard and leaving him there until he reached adulthood so that he would not annoy anyone. E No medical or dental care for this little tyke, for his mother certainly couldn't have taken him out among “discriminating people.” Too, doctors and dentists have a queer habit of telling patients when they can come for appointments without regard to whether or not the trolley or bus will be crowded. No well-fitting shoes or clothes for him, either, if his mother left him in the back yard while she shopped. No museums, parks, music, or entertainment to help teach him about the adult world. Never a meal away from home until he WAS grown. Is it any wonder that he grew up warped and intolerant of other people if he was suddenly thrust out into a world without any training for meeting and living among peoples of all kinds? It is indeed refreshing, though, to hear of one person who as a child never annoyed anyone, ” [ a “THINGS I READ MAKE ME SEE RED”

look after the younger ones. That

i : :

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: You don’t have ucated to remember things happened before Roosevelt office. And you don’t have to very old either. ha i

DAILY THOUGHTS Avenge not yourselves, but 4

“rather give place unto wrath: for it is written, Vengeance is mine;

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I will repay, saith the Lord,

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KINGTON, Sept. 8.~

ooo raion bion, played into a egcn,

Congress wanted to write legislation, itself, and it had full opportunity in the reconversion bill, -

Truman Reflects Dissatisfaction on

BENATOR TRUMAN (D. Mo); Democratic vice presidential candidate, obviously reflected President Roosevelt's dissatisfaction with . reconversion legislation in his own criticism of the course it was taking. With the Mcking of conservatives such as Messrs.

A g

i

In Washington By Peter Edson

WASHINGTON, Sept. 8

agent of Germany copies of abstracts of documents useful to the enemy, and of theft of documents which were the property of the U. 8. government, in the custody of Ambassador Joseph P, Kennedy in

nn. The state department now reveals that copies of over 1500 documents were found in Kent's possession, "but what it does not mention is that among the documents were exchanges of coded messages between President Roosevelt and Winston Churchill, believed to discuss repeal of the U. 8. neutrality act, the Johnson act, the destroyer<Atlantic base swap, and outlines for lend-lease legislation—two years before this country finally entered the war. All this intrigue might possibly have. politica] sig-

the state department's report-at this time is to give Kent's official record sa as to quiet discussion in congress and check a letter-writing campaign which the young man's mother, Mrs. Ann H. P. Kent, of Washington, has been conducting for the last few months in the interest of obtaining her son's release from British prison and his return to the Unite” States. bs

Anti-Communist Activities

THERE IS general understanding and sympathy with Mrs, Kent's loyalty to her son, but that does not remove the facts of his trial and conviction. Mrs. Kent herself, in making an appeal to President Roosevelt for her son's release in 1943, wrote, “I know

Kent was in Moscow during the great and became so embittered that in 19390 he was ferred to London, where he was assigned to coderoom work. : Because of his anti-Communist sympathies, he

known as “The Right” member of parliament. In this group was one Anna Wolkoff, a white Russian refugee. Another group with which young Kent became associated was “The

‘Europe lay in friendly understanding between Germany and Britain.

tended to bring these documents back to the United ‘States and présent them to the senate ‘to show how the President was planning to bring the ‘United States into the war in support of Great Britain. the documents documents

nificance in an election year, but the real reason for.

became interested in similar activities in London and

Link,” a group which believed that the salvation of

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