Indianapolis Times, Indianapolis, Marion County, 31 July 1943 — Page 10
PAGE 10 —_— ha The Indianapolis Times
ROY W. HOWARD RALPH BURKHOLDER President Editor, in U. S. Service MARK FERREE WALTER LECKRONE Business Manager Editor
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SATURDAY, JULY 31, 1943
C.1. 0. CAMPAIGN PLANS THE decision of Indiana C. I. O. unions to raise $100,000 with which to support certain congressmen and oppose others in the 1944 elections appears to have been made with two principal objectives in view. One is the announced purpose of entering the campaign next summer to seek election of candidates who will obey the bidding of the hitherto potent labor lobby in Washington. The other, which may be more effective, is merely to shake a big stick at Indiana congressmen who are already in office and who will remain in office regardless of elections until the end of 1944. The present congress, reacting to overwhelming public demand, enacted the Smith-Connally law placing mild restrictions on those irresponsible unions whose activities interfere with the wartime security of the United States —and no restrictions whatever on any proper union activity. Immediately Philip Murray, president of C. I. 0. and William Green, president of A. F. of L. threatened a purge at the polls of every congressman who voted for it. The program is obviously a part of the national program. There is more than a little doubt of the ability of Messrs. Green and Murray to bring if off. » = = ® hr QOMEHOW the “labor vote,” always a powerful element between elections, so rarely seems to materialize at the polls. John L. Lewis, we recall, invoked it for the defeat of President Roosevelt in 1940, and was so sure of himself he bet his job as C. I. O. chieftain on it. Repeatedly at the height of the civil insurrections which he called strikes in Michigan and Pennsylvania and elsewhere during the last decade, local elections went overwhelmingly against him even while his imported legionnaires held the voting city under a reign of terror. There is much evidence that a union member makes up his own mind at the polls, just like any other American voter, and attempts to deliver his ballots en masse have not in the past been sensationally successful. Nevertheless the threat of hugely financed opposition within his own district is not likely to be taken lightly by any candidate for congress. Indiana’s thoroughly astute and capable C. I. O. leaders quite surely know as well as anyone that their prospects for actual defeat of any congressman because he voted for the Smith-Connally law are glender indeed. Their chances for whipping back into line congressmen now in office by the threat of organized opposition, however, are vastly greater—and that could bring results in September, 1943, instead of January, 1945, if it works. .
NOT HANDOUTS—JOBS HAIRMAN SPANGLER and other Repubiicans won't get far with denunciations of President Roosevelt for promising government benefits to soldiers, sailors and marines after the war is won. Perhaps Mr. Roosevelt is thinking of the “soldier vote” in 1944. So, we suspect, is Mr. Spangler. On the other hand, it certainly is part of the president’s duty to prepare against the day when members of the armed forces will return to civilian life. And few citizens will feel that he has promised too much. The least to which the country’s defenders will be | entitled, as he said, is financial aid while they are hunting |
for jobs, plus unemployment insurance if they fail to find |
Jobs, plus help toward further education or trade training,
plus social security credits for their period of military |
service, plus rehabilitation, medical care and adequate pengions for the disabled. » ® ® =» = » THE Republicans, we take it, will not propose less than that for the veterans. They might more effectively eriticize Mr. Roosevelt's proposals on the grounds of inadeguacy. For, unless we miss our guess, the soldiers, sailors and marines who come home from this war are going to want something more, and something better, than government handouts, pensions or bonuses. They are going to want jobs, instead of public assistance while they hunt jobs. They are going to be more interested in employment than in unemployment insurance, far more interested in opportunities than in security. They may welcome assurance that the government will give them a measure of protection against the hazards of #2 limping economic system. But what they really hope for is a fair chance to make their own way in a strong and healthy economic system, under a government that encourages its citizens to seek the legitimate rewards of industry and honest enterprise.
RATIONING TROUBLES ¥N England, too, folks have rationing troubles. Like the cafe owner, who doesn’t know how to keep books so he dropped peas into a pot to keep track of the cups of tea, eoffee and other hot beverages he sold. To us, that would seem a logical, accurate system, though a trifle unorthodox. But the British equivalent of OPA, the ministry of food, wanted books, with figures in neat columns written with pen, pencil or mechanical device. So Restaurateur Francis was fined 12 pounds. Is there a bureaucrat in the empire, too?
DONT MAKE SOAP I'RIGHTENED by false rumors of an impending soap * shortage, many families have started making their own goap. As a result munition manufacturers are losing the by-product glycerin needed by our army and navy. This ould be very serious. : It cannot be reiterated too much that the government peeds all the fats it can get, ‘0 make munitions. There is no goap shortage, actual or pending. Those who make their own soap not only get a poorer product, at the cost of much
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Fair Enough
By Westbrook Pegler
NEW YORK, July 31.—I am not saying that in a war against a totalitarian power it is wrong to adopt, temporarily, in a free country, some of the devices which the enemy employs. I believe it is necessary and that just how far the free country must go in such imitation depends on the length and pressure of the emergency. In our country, however, some such measures were used long before we recognized the inevitability of military war, against a foreign power. They were resorted to in that emergency which was described as the war on want, in the course of which, incidentally, a few conspicuous well-connected individuals of the ruling group seized opportunities presented by the emergency and pyramided their incomes and their fortunes to great heights. I have been frisking my books for some presentation of the methods of fascism in Germany to serve
as a standard by which we may determine whether, |
in fighting fascism, we have been going Fascist and I submit for consideration some observations written by Otto D. Tolischus, who was the correspondent of the New York Times in Berlin, in his book, “They Wanted War,” published in 1940. I think this citation is pertinent to the discussion aroused by the remarks of Vice President Henry Wallace in Detroit last Sunday in the course of which he touched up as American Fascists, some Americans who had turned against the New Deal administration. It seemed to follow that anyone who had turned against the administration was fascistic in his view.
Economics the Key
I WILL point no parallels myself, but some may present themselves to you as you read. Mr. Tolischus wrote that Hitler's economic mobilization was the key to the whole Nationalist Socialist economy and consisted of the total conscription of manpower, which Mrs, Roosevelt has eamestly proposed for us, thus far without success, and of its resources— ‘of capital and labor, producer and consumer, of men, women and youth and their co-ordination in a system ruled not by economic calculations but by iron discipline which still provides certain paternalistic ‘socialism’ for workers and leave the limited profit motive to employers to spur their energies.” Mr. Tolischus said Hitler had created a gigantic trust devoted to total economic and military war and that those who would have opposed his methods were forced to adopt them in self-defense. When her rearmament began Germany was in an economic crisis with her industrial production down nearly 50 per cent and great unemployment. Our own state of affairs was very bad, too, about the time we entered the war on want.
Wiped Out Unemployment
BY BRINGING her idle production capacity and idle labor together through total conscription Hitler wiped out unemployment and created his war machine. To do this, he fixed prices on a cost plus basis, and limited profits by price control and the compulsory investment in government loans of all profits above 6 to 8 per cent. However, some profits remained as high as 14 per cent and the investments in the loans, of course, are theoretically sound and are not confiscations or taxes. Companies were made to invest their surpluses in war-essential enterprises and were forbidden to build non-essential plants or, if permitted to build them, had to yield them to government control. Another economic measure wag the control of industry by the allotment of government orders for raw material and yet another was a limitation on the wages of the heads and directors of corporations. The wages of labor were fixed as of a certain date, subject to minor adjustments. Workers were frozen to their jobs to prevent shifting. The right to strike was abolished and independent labor unions outside the labor front, a subsidiary of Hitler's party were forbidden. Virtually all food was rationed, to the detriment of the living standard and the prices of farm products were fixed and markets were regulated to compel delivery of products to the control agencies.
‘Beauty of Work'
“WORKERS,” TOLISCHUS wrote, “enjoy a ‘socialism’ which improved working conditions through ‘beauty of work’ organizations, established paid vacations for all, organized leisure and vacation recreation throlgh ‘strength through joy’ organizations, provided labor courts for appeals against dismissal and honor courts for appeals against insults to workers’ honor.” For farmers, Hitler's brand of fascism reduced in-
| terest rates and provided cheaper fertilizer and other
supplies and prices above those of the world market but below those which they might command in & free domestic market in time of shortage. I recommend Mr. Tolischus’ book to Mr. Wallace and all others who denounce as Fascists those who have opposed portions or all of the New Deal oo Ye Vepmnimg of the war on want to the present s of the war on fascism and as those have been so denounced. rs eo
We the People By Ruth Millett
THE TIME: 1043. THE PLACE: Home. THE CHARACTERS: Husband and wife who are talking at the dinner table. HUSBAND: “Honey, I'll bet you completely forgot what day this is.” WIFE: “What do you mean, I've forgotten? Was today the last day to use our coffee or sugar stamps?” HUSBAND: “Nope. Try again. to keep better track of important dates : “Was it the deadline for an automobile
To the Point—
ITS HARD to at ea Sag. Your own. expense—on the - ROOSEVELT SAYS penalty. Why not just
- - people? . :
really ought
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MAC ARTHUR ADVANCES (N THE PACIFIC
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GERMAN CITIES
INDIANAPOLIS TIMES ___ Making a Stab
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THE HOME FRONT Sse WALLACE NAME CALLING
GRICE MUDDLING
FOOD BUNGLING : 41 CERM POLITICS
ORS TAIN
The Hoosier Forum
{ wholly disagree with what you say, but will defend to the death your right to say it.—Voltaire.
“A BEGINNER FIREMAN GETS ONLY $1700” By A Reader, Indianapolis I was surprised to see my favorite newspaper print falsehoods in regard to the police and firemen's pay dispute. You quoted Smiley Chambers, July 27—who we could expect to be all wet—and lo and behold, you print an editorial.revealing one of your own staff as careless or reckless with the truth, to emphasize his point—July 23. Please get things straight—because this dispute affects as you know:
1. Taxpayers. 2. Your HOLY politicians. 3. Public attitude toward police and firemen. You state July 28: “No fireman now receives less than $2100 as a beginner.” Truly—a beginning fireman receives $1700 yearly. The trie schedule in Indianapolis for fireman's pay—as private: ist year—$1700 2nd year—$2026 3rd year—8$2050 4th year—8$2075 5th year—$2100—maximum as private, Now I suppose you would call a man with five years’ experience a beginner. Just try five years in the fire department, and then see what you have to say. Heart trouble develops—band lungs from inhaling heat and smoke, along with broken bones and bad body bruises — I KNOW this happens. Investigate yourself, This beginner is put in cowntown companies — where there is work. (For experience, Ha! Ha!) The broken-down men—the older ones —outside, to recover — never does. The beginner works for $1700. I have recent figures of salaries of departments all over the country—compare these figures of neighboring cities. Truly shows
Mr.
(Times readers are invited to express their views in these columns, religious controversies excluded. Because of the volume received, let ters must be limited to 250 words. Letters must be signed.)
Chambers’ ignorance. Where does he get his famous survey figures???
Maximum BePrivate's ginPopulation Salary ner'’s $2100 $1700 2100 1950 2160 2160 1890 1926 2100 1920 1866
Indianapolis Hammond, Ind. Gary, Ind. South Bend, Ind. Ft. Wayne, Ind. " Peoria, Il. Th Columbus, O, Lakewood, O. Increases comparable to Indianapolis or better will be paid to these in 1944, If you want to print something truthful, print that firemen pay out of their salaries—these things that the public have never been told
about,
Toilet tissue for the engine house, all fire clothes, uniforms; telephone—mostly for neighbors, public; gas, utility bills; soap. Terrible contributions to political parties; all laundry, clothes, bedding. Contributions — Red Cross and all other charities (a set minimum). If patriotic— war bonds—10 per cent or more. Pension fund, death assessment, retirement fund, firemen's unfon, firemen's association, insurance premium-—fire department official-controlled.
Figure out just how much a $1700 man takes with him, after paying all this, to meet the high cost of keeping a family. Present increase dispute will grant beginner only $2000 yearly-—not $2400—as so often stated. TRUE-taxes must be held down. Hold down the political higher-ups «the vote getters—the so-called officers of the department. Pay the private who does the work. Thanks to the alert Indiana leg-
1/5 ours 1/3 ours
a little less 1/5 ours
Side Glances—By Galbraith
Fr
“Don't worry how much 4 of my first
spent for the flowers, Mom—I've 's pay, and | co
islature—the privates’ needs were seen and taken care of, This increase for the private will be paid==irrespective of all this political bickering—but DO set the public straight--ess falsehoods and guessing. It may be true that Indianapolis spends more of its total operating budget for its fire department than does any other comparable city— BUT NOT FOR PRIVATE SALARIES. If this is true, find out from the officials where it is going—must be carelessness in this department. Get TRUE facts—then speak!!! You should be complimented for at least trying to print the truth the other Indianapolis papers are even afraid to let out a peep about this touchy political squabble. Long live “The Indianapolis Times.” ® = ® “NECESSARY TO GIVE SOME TIME TO COMMUNITY” By R. M., Indianapolis
My dear “Reader of The Times:” Your interest in the air raid precaution controversy is most interesting. One of the primary purposes of civilian defense is to train an army in first aid, and unquestionably it has been extremely successful. While Indianapolis may have been one of the last cities in practicing dimouts and blackouts, it was because attention was turned to vital areas that could have been in more immediate danger at the time. With reference to your conversation at the bus station—a most interesting place—however, the soldier who was conscious of defense seized a good opportunity to chide those he was leaving behind for their lack of effort. With reference to the NYA, some good will come from the experi ences. Taxes spent in cultivating community spirit and public education is money well invested. Since the outbreak of the war, I have seen the necessity of devote ing some of my time to the city and community in which I live. I have found an opportunity to do this through the office of civilian defense, We are organized under the head of OCD for more than just air raid protection. Some of the OCD volunteers assisted in dragging the canal in an unfortunate drowning of a little boy. The city and county civilian defense organizations spent a great deal of time during the flood—they were on duty 24 hours a day. They direct traffic. These things are vitally important that the city of Indianapolis has a strong auxiliary force of civiljans to assist the local departments of public welfare. That we may never be raided is another question. The credit for keeping enemy planes from our shores goes to the military. If you study the experience of England with air raid shelters, the types of bombs, their successfulness against certain materials, and the requirements of a safe air raid shelter in an event of a direct hit, or near miss, you will readily appreciate the fact that we have not
SATURDAY, JULY 81, 1948] Diamond Trust By Thomas L. Stokes
WASHINGTON, July $1-—Ine vestigation by government agen« cies has led to a conclusion that the British diamond monopoly, on cartel, has impeded the building up of an industrial-diamond stock= pile in this country of the size planned by our officials as essen= tial in the war program. x This is attributed in one report to the fear of the cartel that a large stockpile in the United States would interfere with its control of supply and price in case of an early end of the war, which might leave large stocks in this country. Reserves have been. set up in Canada, instead of in the United States. Ay Various reasons have been given by London headquarters of the Diamond Corp., Ltd., the over-all con<’ trol group of the cartel, for limiting shipments to this country. These reasons are bluntly termed excuses in one quarter, which holds that the British syndicate has put obstacles in the way of our procure ment program. One estimate is that the stockpile can only be built’ up to 50 per cent of its requirements under the present circumstances.
Further Evidence ot Danger : od
WHILE THIS does not presage a shortage, with?! the Canadian reserves to be drawn upon, it is furthers evidence to government officials of the danger to the} United States in overseas cartels which control needed; raw materials, particularly in the post-war era. > United States industry is at the mercy of the} British syndicate for industrial diamonds, now needed in increasing quantities, as its South African mines) produce virtually all of the world’s diamonds, ands production and sales are closely controlled. There isi a relatively small production in South America. Reports from the trade to one agency are tha§ despite an agreement that prices were to be held at prewar levels, they have been increased from 30 to 60 per cent for all types of industrial diamonds except crushing bort, which has declined 50 per cent below prewar levels. Investigation by the justice department, which among others has inquired into the diamond situa« tion, was started on a complaint by an Arkansas dia= mond mine company, the North American Diamond® Corp., which was twice refused a war production board” priority for materials to develop that property. An amazing amount of information has been compiled by various government agencies about operations of the British diamond trust.
Raises Anti-Trust Question
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IT HAS raised the question whether the British .
cartel might be reached through our anti-trust statutes, which were effective in breaking up GermanAmerican cartels in many strategic materials during the crusade led by Thurman Arnold when he was assistant attorney general. This question is under study. The Arkansas diamond company asked early last year for a priority for $506,000 worth of. machinery for underground exploration at its mine, which has. been in production off and on since 1906. It whittled. this down to $266,000 before action was taken. 1 This $266,000 machinery request was rejected Aug. 6, 1942, in a letter from Richard J. Lund, director of" WPB’s miscellaneous minerals division, on the basis of a decision by what he described before the senate small business committee as “the facilities committee” that the materials situation did not permit of such a priority. “ong It was rejected the second time on Oct. 29, 1942, after being whittled further to $225,000. The justice department has looked into the cir cumstances of this action. oh
In Washington
By Peter Edson
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WASHINGTON, July 31.-<With a frank admission that “No sensible person would seek a job of this * kind,” Chester Bowles of thes Springfield, Mass, Republican Bowleses hit Washington on one of its hottest mid-summer days to tackle his still hotter position as.’ senior deputy administrator for: the office of price administration. And thus begins OPA’s third or fourth or fifth new lease on life. Bowles met the press four hours or so after he came to town, which was good public relations in dispelling the aura of mystery with which many new public ofiicials like to be surrounded. : He has a manner of raising his eyebrows when. he talks, wrinkles up his forehead. He talks a- little bit out of the lower right-hand corner of his thin- * lipped mouth, but it isn't John L. Lewis-like tough-..
ness that spills out. He might get tough if he had
to, but on first acquaintance he's mild-mannered and soft-spoken, though without a marked New England - accent. Bowles got over his first Washington hurdle all right. He agreed to the press conference by long distance phone from Hartford the night before, but he got cold feet on arrival. “How many people will be there?” he wanted to know. About: 50, he. was. told. “My God!” he said. “How long will it last?” They told him about half an hour or so. “How do I end it?” he usked next, “Do I fall over in a dead faint?” As a matter of tact, his first Washington conference ended on a note of comedy. Someone asked him if he wanted to get in a plug for the Danbury fair and he replied that it. was a darn good fair and if . anybody had the gasoline he ought to go.
Will He Be Any Good?
WHAT KIND of a general manager will Bowles | make for OPA? An easy answer is that he should do a better job than fireball Lou Maxon ever could have done, for Maxon was one of the most unfortunate choices of businessman-executive ever brought . to Washington.” He was seldom here and he ma » everybody mad when he was. Without. having: Maxon= in mind at all, Bowles summed up such situations with a statement that “Many businessmen are highly ° capable and others are less so.” On economists, whose role in OPA has caused so much strife, he said he didn’t know of any business that hadn't brought in some economists so why shouldn’t the government. ' Subsidies he viewed as a necessary evil. Most | people, Bowles said, think that on every issue the ~ government has a choice between a right way and a wrong way, when really the government usually has a choice between three or four bad ways. Imi discussing subsidies, however, everyone concentrates ° on the faults and not on the chaos that results if
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