Indianapolis Times, Indianapolis, Marion County, 10 June 1943 — Page 16
2.
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HOOVER ON FOOD
; HERBERT HOOVER'S speech to the Farm Bureau federation described the food front as a “muddle of uncontrolled prices, local famines, profiteering, black markets and stifled farm production,”
It would be as hard to disprove the accuracy of that description as to challenge Mr. Hoover's conclusion that better organization and fundamental improvement of government food policies must come quickly if even worse conditions are to be avoided.
Certainly, as he said, it is urgently necessary to consolidate authority over food production and distribution, now divided among nine different federal agencies.
It is necessary to increase manpower on the farms—to a higher level, Mr. Hoover urges, than before the war, so that 1944 planting may be at least 40 million acres greater than this year—and to make available much mere agricultura] machinery.
The present price system, he charged, is not stopping inflation and is restricting production of food. Instead of retail and wholesale price ceilings, he believes price fixing should start as near as possible to the farms, with controls from there on through strict enforcement -of dealers’ licensing “to stamp out the black markets” and through regulation of the trades to prevent profiteering.
He would abandon the “parity” idea during the war and fix farm prices, including floors as well as ceilings, that would take into account labor and other costs, but that above all would stimulate production. . 8 8 * 8 » HE would greatly simplify rationing, limiting it to the absolutely essential foods and letting luxuries “go to the highest bidders” as a good way of getting excess buying power “into channels where the 90 per cent profit taxes can bite into it.”
And, asserting that “It would help win the war if leftwing reforms in our food economy were suspended for the duration,” he would give men in the distributing trades— “the only people who knew how”—major responsibility for keeping food moving to the right places and for policing prices and fighting black markets. eo
Such a system, Mr. Hoover believes, would make subsidies unnecessary. “Subsidies will not stop inflation, They consist of taking money out of one pocket and pitting into another with an illusion attached that the cost of living has been reduced. It is both mere painful and more costly to take money out, of the tax pocket than it is to get it out of the price pocket. . . . Moreover, subsidy money increases government borrowing and debt to the banks and that adds
to inflation pressure. . . . Likewise, subsidies can become a |
weapon of favoritism or of punishment in the hands of the huge bureaucracy.” ® * “ : #® ” t J A GREAT many people in Washington are scornful of Mr. Hoover's advice, but he was a successful wartime food administrator. As he said in this same address: In 17 months after we entered the first world war food prices Ise less than 18 per cent; in 17 months since Pearl Harbor, the government admits, they have risen more than £24 per cent. And, during the first world war, we shipped more food to our allies monthly than is being shipped now, we had no local famines or black markets, and there were only 23,000 paid federal employees dealing with food problems, while today there are more than 120,000,
PUT IT BACK
0BODY can be certain how alfective legislation will be in preventing strikes: and their damage to war produc-
tion, A house-senate conference committee has now agreed on a bill intended to serve that purpose. We think the com- | mittee made it less effective than it might have been by | eliminating a requirement, favored by the house, that labor unions register with the government and file regular finan- | cial reports with accurate information as to their initia- |
tion fees, dues, special assessments and limitations on membership. The committee, according to Senator Connally, felt that this provision would be out of place in a temporary wartime measure. But, in wartime or peacetime, the surest way to better labor relations is to require more responsibility and more honesty in the management of union affairs. The requirement for a 30-day cooling-off period and a secret ballot before strikes in war industries comes dangerously near to implying government sanction of strikes under some circumstances, at a time when there should be none under any cireumstances. And it has no real meaning. PE : . x | DY the committee. bill specifically authorizes the president to take over any ‘war plant or mine if production is threatened by a labor dispute, provides drastic penalties for promoting strikes i in plants. or mines under government operation, and so takes. it possible to outlaw any strike
_ even though voted by secret ballot after a 30-day wait.
The bill, of course; 38) aimed chiefly: at John L. Lewis. It gives the war labor board statutory: powers to move in on any labor dispute affecting a war industry, to subpena witnesses and to. final decisions. Lewis has demon strated that the board. needs these powers, But we hope. the house will insist on restoring the provision for union registration and financial accountability. That, it seems to us, is fundamental. Lack of it helps racketeers to seize and maintain control of union treasuries
nd ns Ya Ha Fm 2 Many well man- :
mi ete financial
‘The Indianapolis “Times
Price in Marien: Coun- |
.cargo vessels ‘and. warships even. in. Denver, high ‘and
carry t the war to the Jap. ‘The Mighty Power Grows
Fair Enough
By Westbrook Pegler
DENVER, June 10.—It should comfort our nerves against the political irritations of the time te realize that from a siting start in June, 1940, when, se Henry Kaiser recently remarked, there were enly 70,000 ill-armed American soldiers available to oppose a Japanese invasion and those few scattered about the land, the United States has now become a nation almest totally devoted to works of war. In that impressive speech delivered in Boston to a gathering of war industrialists and workers ‘from the plant, Kaiser conjectured that the axis actually had let the pay ball ga for a called strike, and the third ene at that, when Hitler failed to push acress the channel at whatever immediate cost and Japan hesitated to attack this country without warning in the West. We had, in one round number, nothing to fight with, and, with Britain down and out and a triumphant and vengeful maniac in the. East and Japan ashore in the West and Russia still allied with Hitler, the United States almost eertainly must have gone down fighting with shetguns, 22's and pitchforks. .
Story Too Big to Tell
WE HAVE gone through a stage in which petulant rulers in Washingten accused the people of complacency, though even then their sons were gone er going and millions were churning around, lecking for some place to grab hold of a rope and pull, But that, too, is ov Nobod not even the president himself, can have a mental picture of the whole war effort of the Ameriean nation now, meaning not merely the government but the individual people. It may not he totality as the British, Russians and Germans know it, but it is closer to totality than we, ourselves, realize, for each person regards the change in his own locality as a local condition, The American war effort, the change of ways from those of peace to those of war, is so vast that no writer or team of writers can tell the story. Everywhere, today, the papers tell stories of the death of local boys overseas or in training flights at home, of local boys honored with medals for heroism, of young men recently in high school, or college, missing or captured by the Jap er German, Young civilians are rare and may generally be credited with good reasons for deferment or exemption and men in uniform are everywhere, not only in the town where you happen to live, but in Kansas City and St. Louis, San Franeisco, Los Angeles, in the South and Southwest, in the East, everywhere.
Soldiers Come and Go
AT ONE place we have a marine base of astounding size, but only one of several. At ene point the navy is training more than half as many men as Kaiser found avaliable to stand off invasion in 1940 and that, too, is only one of several,
Off in the desert, out of sight, divisions of seldiers-
come and go, many of them followed by their wives who endure hardship to be near them until they get orders and vanish without publie notice. In San. Diego we find a big plant, almost a city by itself, which had no existence even on paper when France weyt down, where men and women, trained for their j since that day, contribute to a total output of planes beyond the arrogant boasting of the fuehrer. Up the coast are several others and off in Kansas, Oklahoma and Texas are athers still with engines coming in from Connecticut and Jersey, Chicago and Detroit. Along all the coasts shipyards are turning eut of .all dimensions and dryA and landlocked, a small boats are built to
d miles #fom the sea,
SMALL-ARMS plants, ammunition plants and chemical warfare plants are spotted here, there and yonder, each surrounded by its complement of uprooted American families living catch-as-catch-can. The freights en the long hauls carry tanks and vehicles bound for the seaports and great crates on the flat cars, containing nobody knows what or particularly wants to ask. A specialist school teaches limited service men to be M. P/’s of the new style. Another schools sailors to handle buoys and submarine and torpedo nets and
to rig them in currents to protect harbors and ships
and repair them if they break. The peaceful, reluctant nation of 1940 which took the alarm from President Roosevelt in that dramatic speech to congress after France went down now has internment -.camps for enemy civilians and even some native ‘civilians, and other camps for prisoners of war takén in action. That, amid all this, some Americans can strike the
war industries is no serious impairment of the gen-
eral picture of war-minded diligence. To .a far greater extent than the American people or Germany or Japan ever. believed possible, the nation in three years has gone to war and day by day the mighty power grows.
We the People
By. Ruth Millett
IN A CITY where recruiting of girls for the marine corps is lagging, the captain in charge of recruiting had a word of advice for the parents who assume that a girl should stay at home instead of getting into uniform, His comment was that it is quite possible that women in the ‘marine corps are better protected than they are in many homes. : Parents might tell a girl they didn’t Wait. her to go to certain places—but for all they know the warning may go unheeded.
But in the marine corps, a warning becomes an |
order—and the girl who disobeys it faces the consequences, with court-martial as a possible punishment, If a girl is il], she isn't permitted to decide whether she wants to go to the doctor or not. She is ordered to sick bay .and she stays there until she is fully recovered.
The Girls Keep Busy PARENTS AREN'T always able to keep a girl home from a dance when they know she should be in bed. That's a simple matter for Guardian Uncle Sam. Also, a girl who has" enlisted in her country’s services has a job of which she.can be proud. Many girls, who live under their parents’ roofs, get into trouble because they have too few real interests in life and too much time on mn thell hands So it seems as if of a daughter d enough to enlist are being eri -cautipus When they think she won't be safe out of their sight.. If she is a girl of sound. principles and average common sense, Uncle Sam’s guardianship ought to be all that she will need.
To the Poi. |
| THE NEW TAX plan may make things easier for some folks, but for a lot of folks it will still be
Poa
| Don’ t Tell Us
-
About Any Little Dutch Boy!
The Hoosier Forum
1 wholly disagree with what you say, but will defénd to the death your right to say it.—Voltaire.
‘RATIONING COULD BE MORE EVENLY DIVIDED” By Mrs. C. L. H,, Indianapolis
books. Have read The Times many years, but this is my first time to answer this column. However, Mrs. W. C. P.’s case and opinion on ration books being given to babies and used by adults in the family are definitely my, own views—it's not a fair distribution. : Some people with : new-born
member of the family a ration
in an essential plant three shifts, six days per week, with no place near where he can buy his lunch; therefore he takes six lunches, with 32 peints per week, after buy= ing butter and shortening, I have 19 points fer -two people, plus six lunches, for which to buy meat. Seems to me if the ration books were not issued te babes and very young children and those points given to all adults there would be more for the two-person family and the extra to adults weuld be very sufficient for the babies. We must have rationing, but I think it could be a little mere evenly divided.
. a “A LITTLE CLARIFYING OF DR, PALYI'S ADDRESS” By B. J. G., Indianapelis « + « I would like to do a little clarifying of Dr. Melchior Palyi's address given recently before the Indiana Bankers association. I was present and heard Dr, Palyi speak Dr. Palyi did net, either directly or by inference, say that money was more important than lives. What. he did say was that mass purchas-
ing power cguses inflation and that with full employment it is therefore impossible not to have a high
[cost of living—or inflation.
In other words, he stated that if the great majority of American people are employed and making good salaries they would have to pay more for. fheir food, clothing,
Some mare about baby ration|-
babies rush out to get the new book. Why? My husband works}
(Times readers are invited to express their views in these columns, religious controversies excluded. Because of the volume received, letters must be limited to 250 words. Letters must be signed.) essentials of life and its luxuries. He continued to say that inflation, as such, was not necessarily had, but that only the cessation of inflation causes trouble. Dr. Palyi did net maintain that it would be better to have unemployment and a low cost of living.
so{ He only said that mass purchasing
power means higher produetion costs which in turn mean higher living cests—which is inflation. We had inflation in pre-depres-sion days, we have it now. If the inflation of a few years ago had continued, everyone would have been happy, but when it stopped we were tessed into depression or deflation with low living costs and low purchasing power, There are two kinds of inflation, price inflation, which is what we have today, and currency inflation. ‘Currency inflation is the most dangerous. A eurrency inflation is caused when a government is so burdened with debt it cannet pay hy conserve ative means and issues paper money. The paper money so issued becomes “hot money” and everyone tries to spend it as quickly as possible before prices rise, Currency issued in this manner is not backed by gold: or silver, but only by a “promise to pay.” We have had currency inflations in this country before, once during the Revolution and once during the Civil. war. The expression “not worth a continental” dates back to the period when continental curreney issued bythe 13 struggling colonies was worthless. This almost lost the revolution Again in the Civil war the government issued greenbacks which
later papered many a farmhouse
Side Glances—by Galbraith
co a
room. President Lineéeln, trying=to
stabilize American economy, set up the present system of national hanks. Dr. Paiyi has witnessed several currency inflations and has seen the suffering and tragedy caused by them, and it is this type of inflation which worries beth him and bankers, The crux eof the matter lies in the fact that a curreney inflation has always been preceded by a price inflation. . Price inflation sueh as we are having today will pass—or at least it always has. Currency inflation could very well overthrew beth our economic gnd politieal systems and throw the country headlong into revolution, ® »
“RIGHT TO CAST VOTE OF VITAL IMPORTANCE”
By George R, Brown, 3609 N. Keystone ave. |
Mr. James R. Meitzler’s ideas about -poll tax, as expressed in his letter to the Hoosier Forum under date of June 1, have received the stamp of approval of Carl L. Humphries. In his letter to the Forum of June 5 he says “You are absolutely right, Mr. Meiteler.” But he qualifies this approval, in the rest of his letter, by adding some ideas of his own. Mr. Humphries has lived in several southern states and has discovered that the enly thing that happened when he did not pay his poll tax there was that he was not permitted to vote. A mere loss of the franchise! This did not strike My. Humphries as anything to worry about. Up here in Indiana, however, if you don’t pay your poll fax something really serious happens. You can't get a ‘driver's license! Of course you can vote, but what differerence does that make? It certainly makes no difference to Mr. Humphries, as he freely admits. If Mr. Humphries lived just now in Germany or in any other part of Nazi-occupied Europe he might
"discover that the right of a free
man te cast his vote is of vital importance. These people, under Hitler's heel, if allowed to vote, must vote exactly as Hitler says. Mr. Mejtgler and I each disagree with My, Humphries more than we ree with each other, I am sure from the positive opinions expressed by Mr. Mejtaler that he always votes at a primary or election. I am confident that he. votes early and for the reactionary, isolationist, property-minded type of candidate. Personally, I always vote, but vote against this type of’ candidate that |
Mr. Meitzler so gonsistently .supports. But at any rate we each
value our citizenship and make the
best use of it we can, egch accord-|
ing to his Judgment. ‘IT doubt if Mr. Humphries is even registered to vote. How can . . , Mr. Humphries think he is competent to air his views on poll tax, ‘er any other
{subject of public interest? Any person who doesn't yote should pipe |
down and sing low. ‘A. person who voluntarily disfranthises himself, as Mr. Humphries did when he ‘lived down south, surely has no high regard for his rights and priviiesst as an American citizen.’ 3
DAILY THOUGHTS’ Though thou exalt thyself as
Our Hoosiers By Daniel M. Kidney
WASHINGTON, June 104 That weekly Washington = letter which - Rep. Earl Wilson issues from his office here this week coptained a great. verbal blast against both President Roosevelf and John L. Lewis beeause of the miners’ strike. It is the sort of stuff that the ninth district congressman hopes will make him a possible compromise candidate for the Republican senatorial nomination next year, But when the Smith-Connally anti-strike bil) passed .the house last Friday, Mr. Wilson was back home, He arrived here on Saturday. Asked why h remained away when such an important bill was for passage, the former Hoosier ehooimaster from Vallonia explained: ® “I voted for the Smith bill before. This time J. was too busy trying to get the army to put in proper drainage ditches at Seymour to return and vote, Af any rate I feel that President Roosevelt should Siraigiien out the mess, since he really brought if: a Aad
'Hotter and Hotter to Handle" N.
THE BLAST in Mr. Wilsen's news letter began: - “The labor situation in this country and its ate tendant strikes in the nation’s coal mines are becomes ing more and mere dangerous to our war effort and hotter and hotter te handle.” That “hotter and hotter to handle” bites might also be applied to the Smith-Connally bill, After Rep. Forest A. Harness, Republican from Kokomo and also a semi-subrosa senatorial candidate, succeeded in getting his amendments adopted in the bill, he found some. gall mixed with his honey. °L, Awaiting him was a delegatien of laber lobbyists who said they wouldn't forget what he had done’ when he goes back to Kokomo to campaign, “I will be.one of the conferees between the house and senate on this bill,” Mr. Harness reportedly. told’ them, “You beys just tell me what you want and I will fix it for you.” They seemed to think that this offer of help wag too belated, however,
Why Ludlow Voted Against Bill -
oy REP. LOUIS LUDLOW, Indianapolis Democra$, issued a statement setting forth his reasons for vating _ against the bill, It read in part: “I think the conduct of John L. Lewis has heen perfectly reprehensible and that it constitutes one of
the ugly pages of American history. I share the gen= eral indignation ever his contemptuous flouting of the government and his defiance of public opinien, but I do not believe that we should allow a tide ef emotionalism te obscure the paramount duty which. all Americans owe to stand together back of our leaders in a united effort.” Mr. Ludlow then cited the fact that these in charge of the war effort and production, such as WPB Chairman Donald Nelson, opposed the measure. He recalled the report on productién made by Mr. Nelson to the appropriations committee of which he (Ludlpw) is a member and concluded: “I ean understand the anger of the peeple against Lewis, hut in the face of this wonderful record ef accomplishment of labor, I regret to see the grept body of honest, hard-working, patriotic laboring suffer on account.of the sins of one man, John IL. Lewis. < “In taking their stand against legislation at this
magnificent production record and a fear that legis~ . lation might injure the war effort by affecting the workers’ morale.”
TTT ee]
Veterans Bloc By Fred W. Perkins
WASHINGTON, June 10i—The-
young sailor wh# addressed the house of repréientatives from a. gallery perch reeently, in criticism of the poll taxes still maintained in some southern states, has set some congressmen tp thinking about the future political impor= tance of the men now in uniform, _ After this war, its veterans, 10,000,000 or more of them, plus their clese relatives, can consti= tute the most powerful single political force the country has ever known, Authorities expeet the armed forces to be de-_ mobilized gradually, not enly in order to soften- the ° impact on the economic situation, but also because of the probable need for maintaining large forces of occupation abroad. But eventually most of the surs viving men of the services will return to eivilian life, These men will be organized, no doubt.
Wielded Great Influence
THE GRAND ARMY OF THE REPUBLIC—ors. ganized the year after Gen, Lee's surrender at: Appos mattox—had a tremendous influence, lasting into this century. In many northern states an essential fpr political candidacy was 8 civil war military reeprd. The old pension office building in Washington is one memento of how liberally congress treated the “boys” in blue.” A significant fact is that of the 4,800,000 veterans of all branches in world war I, about 4,000,000 are still living a quarter century after the armistice. The American Legion; born in Paris in 1918; is credited with a membership of more than 1 ,100 Other world war I men are enrolled in the Veterans of Foreign Wars, which was founded just after the Spanish-American war and now has about 260,000 members. . There are several smaller world war I organizations, including the Disabled American Veterans. The Legion and other world war veterans’ groups have thrown open their doors to veterans of the present war. A certificate of honorable discharge iss required. Some accessions to membership, compara~ tively few, have been reported. A “Pearl Harhor Post” was organized recently in Richmond, Va., ey 15 members.
Congress inclined to Go All-Out
‘THE DISPOSITION of congress to do eve it can for this war's soldiers and sailors has been manifested in income-fax concessions, and pros posals are slready heard for a complete write-off of such obligations. Congress also hag granted free mail: privileges .to ‘men in uniform; and has given evidences. of appreciation that are believed nmely samples of larger ones to come The main impact of the returning service thé beginning of peace, is expected to be on ‘employment ‘situation. Under existing eivil itvios,
laws, they already have a “veterans preference” int . federal employment.
Under the selective service law their Jormer. § ..
i} or something equivalent. must be
their old employers—if the employer is | ness, and if the veteran is still mentally and p
Ter i nd pr A cases of men honorably Uischarghd backume of
i