Indianapolis Times, Indianapolis, Marion County, 29 December 1942 — Page 4

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WASHINGTON, Dec. 29 own members. The league finally

(U. P.).—Text of Vice President Henry A. Wallace's address on America’s part in “world reconstruction:

For the people of the United States, the war is entering its grim- _ mest phase. At home, we are beginning at least to learn what war privations mean. Abroad, our boys in gver greater numbers are coming to grips with the enemy. Yet, even while warfare rages on, and we of the united nations are redoubling our great drive for victory, there is dawning the hope of that day of peace, however distant, when the lights will go on again, all over the world. Adolf Hitler's desperate bid for a Nazi world order has reached and passed it highest point, and is on its way to its ultimate downfall. The equally sinister threat of world domination by the Japanese is doomed eventually to fail. When the Hitler regime finally collapses and the Japanese war lords are smashed, an entirely new phase of world history will be ushered in. The task of our generation—the generation which President Roosevelt once said has a “rendezvous with destiny”—is so to organize human affairs that no Adolf Hitler, no power-hungry war mongers, whatcan. ever again plunge the whole world into war and bloodshed. The situation in-the world today is parallel in some ways to that in the United States just before the adoption of the constitution, when it was realized that the articles of confederation had failed and that some stronger union was needed.

WORLD IS SMALLER

\ _~

> Today, measured by travel time, the whole world is actually smaller than was our little country then. When George Washington was inaugurated; it took seven days to go by horse-drawn vehicle from Mount Vernon to New York. , Now army bombers are flown from the United States to China and India in less than three days. . It is in this suddenly shrunken world that the united nations, like our 13 American states in 1787, soon will be faced with a fundamental choice, We know now that the league of nations,” like our own

union under the dYticles of con-

federation, was not strong enough. Tre league never had American support, and at critical moments it lacked the support of some of its

disintegrated under the successive blows of world-wide economic ~depression and a second world war. Soon the nations of the world will have to -face this question: Shall the world’s affairs be so organized as to prevent a repetition of these twin disasters—the bitter woe of depression and the holocaust of war? ' It is especially appropriate to discuss this subject on this particular date, because it is the birthday of Woodrow Wilson, who gave up his health and eventually his life in the first attempt, a: generation ago, to preserve the world’s peace through united world action. At that time, there were many who said that Wilson had failed. Now we know that it was the world that failed, and the suffering and war of the last few years is the penalty it is paying for its failure,

HELPED COMMON MAN

When we think of Woodrow Wilson, we know him not only ior his effort to build a permanent peace but from the progressive leadership he gave our country in the years before the first world war. The “new freedom” for which Wilson fought was the forerunner of the Roosevelt “new deal” of 1933 and of the free world democracy which is the goal of the united nations in this present struggle. Wilson, like Jefferson and Lincoln before him, was interested first and always in the welfare of the common man. And so the ideals of Wilson and the fight we made for them are an inspiration to us today as we take up the torch we laid down. Resolved as we are to fight on to final victory in this world-wide people's war, we are justified in looking ahead to the peace that will inevitably come. Indeed, it would be the height of folly not to prepare for peace, just as in the years prior to Dec. 7, 1941, it would have been the height of folly not to prepare for war. As territory previously overrun by the Germans and the Japs is reoccupied by the forces of the united nations, measures of relief and rehabilitation will have to be undertaken. Later, out of the experience of these temporary measures of relief, there will emerge the possibilities #nd the practicalities of more permanent reconstruction. We cannot now blueprint all the details, but we can begin now to

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think about some of the guiding principles of this world-wide new democracy we of the united nations hope to build. y . Two of these principles must be liberty and unity, or in other words, home rule and centralized atthority, which for more than 150 years have been foundation stones of our American democracy and our American union. When Woodrow Wilson proposed the league of nations, it became apparent that these same principles of liberty and unity—of home rule and centralized authority—needed to be applied among the nations if a repetition of the first world war was to be prevented. Unfortunately the people of the United States. were not ready. They believed in the doctrine of liberty in international affairs, but they were not willing to give up certain of their international rights and to shoulder certain international duties, even though other nations were ready to take such steps. They were in the. position of a strong, well-armed pioneer citizen who thought he could defend himself against robbers without going to the expense and bother of joining with his néighbors in setting up a police force to uphold civil law. They stood for decency in international affairs, but in the world of practical international politics the net effect of their action or lack of action was anarchy and the loss of millions of lives and hundreds of billions of dollars in a second world war, The sturdy pioneer citizen, proud of his own strength and independence, needed to be robbed and beaten only once by bandits to be ready to co-operate with his law-abiding neighbors. I believe the United States also has learned her lesson and that she is willing to assume a responsibility proportionate to her strength. England, Russia, China and most of the other united nations are perhaps even more eager than the United States to go beyond the charter which they have signed as a declaration of principles. The united nations, like the United States 155 years ago, are groping for a formula which will give the greatest possible liberty without producing anarchy and at the same time will not give so many rights to each member nation as to jeopardize the security of all.

MACHINERY NEEDED

Obviously the united nations must first have machinery which can disarm and keep disarmed those parts of the world which would threaten the peace. Also there must be machinery for preventing economic warfare and enhancing economic peace between nations. Prob-

national court to make decisions in cases of dispute. And an international court presupposes some kind of world council, so that whatever world system evolves will have enough flexibility to meet changing circumstances as they arise. As a practical matter, we find that the regional principle is of considerable value in international affairs. For example, European countries, while concerned with the ‘problems. of Pan America, should not have to be preoccupied with them, and likewise Pan America, while concerned, should not have to be preoccupied with the problems of Europe. Purely regional problems ought to be left in regional hands. This would leave to any federated world organization problems involving broad principles and these practical matters which affect countries of different regions or which affected the whole world.

liberty, equality, security and unity of the united nations—liberty in a

tunity in international trade, security aggist war and business depressiofl gag to international causes, and unity #f purpose in promoting the general welfare of the world.

REVENGE IS BARRED

In other words, the aim would be the maximum of home rule that can be maintained along with the minimum of centralized authecrity that ‘must come into existence to

|give the necessary protection. We

in the United States must remember this: If we are to expect guarantees against military or economic aggression from other nations, we must be willing to give guarantees that we will not be guilty of such aggression ourselves. We must recognize, for example, that it is perfectly justifiable for a debtor, pioneer nation to build up its infant industries behind a protective tariff, but a creditor nation can be justified in such policies only from the standpoint of making itself secure in case of war, : A special problem that will face the united nations immediately upon the aftainment of victory

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ably there will have to be an inter-|

The aim would be to preserve the|.

political sense, equality of oppor-|-

Henry A. Wallace . . . sees need for world council and court in post-war world.

over either Germany or Japan will vision, or at least inspection, of be what to do with the defeated the school systems of Germany and

nation. Revenge for the sake of | Japan, to undo so far as possible revenge would be a sign of bar-|the diabolical work of Hitler and barism—but this time we must|the Japanese warlords in poisoning make absolutely sure that the the minds of the young. guilty leaders are punished, that| Without doubt, in the building the defeated nation realizes its de- |of a new and enduring peace, ecofeat and is not permitted to re- nomic reconstruction will play an arm. The united nations must | all-important role. Unless there is

back up military disarmament with | careful planning in advance the repsychological disarmament—super-|turn of peace can in a few years

Jcome, have been greatly distu

Jand vigorous action, a series of

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bring a shock even worse thx the

{shock of war.

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The magnitude of the pu here in the United States, fp ample, is indicated by the bility that in the peak year © war we shall be spending thing like $90,000,000,000 of ~-ublic funds in the war effort," wh eas two years. later we may be sp noing less than $20,000,000,000 for 1il.tary purposes. In the peak ye: r of the war effort it is probable th: we shall have around 10,000,000 ncn in the armed services and 20,00 ,000 additional men and women pro ucing war goods for the armed : 1vices. It would seem that wi hin the first two years after the 'n ace at least 15,000,000 of these 30,001 000 men and women will be sex ing jobs different from those Vv ich they had when peace came,

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ECONOMIC STORMS

Our expenditures have been at a rate fully seven times as as in world war No. 1 and

conversion. of our industry to artime uses has been far mor€ oniplete. Thousands of thoug ful businessmen and economists, r:membering what happened afte last. war, being familiar with the fantastic figures of this war ard knowing the severity of the sho. <= «0 ed. Some have concerned thems: with plans to get over the first zr. Others have given thought to : more distant future, It should be obvious to practi everyone that, without well-pla.:

ong reat we

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nomic storms will follow this These will take the form of i tion and temporary sacrifice, haps follownd by surpluses, cr ing prices, unemployment, b: i} ruptcy and in some cases Vio

revolution. If there is lack of « 1Iplanned and vigorous action, | quite conceivable that the hun misery in certain countries =: the war may be even greater *! during the war. It is true that in the long any nation, like any individ al, must follow the principle of « lf-|

help, must look to its own efic rts

to raise its own living standards. But it is aiso true that stronger nations, like our own, can provide guidance, technical advice, and in some cases capital investment to help those nations which are just starting on the path of industrialization. Our experience with the Philippines is a case in point.

VIEWS DISTORTED

The suggestions I have made with a view to promoting development and encouraging higher: standards , of living are necessarily fragmentary at this time. But in some quarters, either knowingly or unknowingly, they have been grossly distorted and misrepresented. During the recent political campaign one member of congress seeking re-

“| election made the flat statement

that I was in favor of having Amer-

‘| ican farmers give away a quart of

milk a day to every .ihhabitant of the world. In other quarters these suggestions have been referred to by such terms as “Utopian,” “soggy sentimentality,” and the. “dispensing of milk and honey.” But is it “Utopian” to foresee that Latin America, Asia and Africa will in/the future experience a development of industry. and agriculture compaiable to what has been experienced in the past in Europe and North America? Is it “soggy sentimentality” to hold out haope to those millions in Europe and Asia fighting for the cause of human freedem--our freedom?

111g it the “dispensing of milk and ‘| honey” to picture to their minds the "| possible blessings of a higher stand-

ard of living when the war is over

“land their own productivity has. in1,.| creased? ;

Among the self-styled “realists”

| who are trying to scare the Amer-

ican ' people by spreading worry

5 about “misguided idealists” giving

away U. 8. products are some whose policies caused us to give away billions of dollars of stuff in the decade of the 20's. Their high tariff

~ prevented exchange of our surplus

for goods. And so we exchanged our surplus. for bonds of very

‘ree World Democrac

far greater than ever within a few years gfter this war comes to an end. e can be decently human and really hard-headed if we exchange our post-war surplus for goods, for peace, and for improving the standard of living of so-called backward peoples. more for our surplus production in this way than by any high-tariff, penny-pinching, isolationist policies which hide under the cloak of 100 per cent Americanism. Self interest alone should be sufficient to make the United States deeply concerned with the content iment and well-being of the other peoples of the world. For, as President Roosevelt has pointed out, such contentment will be a practical guarantee to world peace and it is only when other peoples are prosperous and economically productive that we can find export markets among them for the products of our factories and our farms. A world family of nations cannot be really healthy unless the various nations in that family are getting along well in their own internal affairs. The first concern of each nation must be the wellbeing of its own people. That is as true of the United States as of any other nae tion. During the war, we have full eme

EMPLOYMENT IS VITAL

pl nt here in the United States, and the problem is not to find jobs for the workers but to find workers for the jobs. After the war, it will be vital to make sure that another period of unemployment does not come on. With this end in view, the suggestion has been made that. congress should formally recognize the maintenance of full employment as a declared national policy, just as it now recognizes. as national policies the right of farmers to pars. ity of income with other groups and the right of workers to unempioye= ment insurance and old-age annuieties. . : Full employment is vital not only to city prosperity but to farm prose perity as well. Nothing contributes more to stable farm prosperity than

doubtful value. Our surplus will be

(Continued on Page Five)

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