Indianapolis Times, Indianapolis, Marion County, 27 October 1942 — Page 6

pssible to leave “this. al ut permission. So I Spplied}

[ wanted to go as a private citias I had gone to England when alone was so courageously holdthe free.. world’s battle line st Hitler. The president agreed

io my wip, and asked that I per.) ] n certain specific tasks for him,|

h I was happy to undertake. It was clearly understood behim and me that apart from specific matters handled for ‘I should go as a free agent. I was at liberty to express my opin-

bs ©

him

on while abroad and equally sof

pqund the world the last two

‘1 PAID MY EXPENSES’

i |ages arrive.

Wendell Willkie veel was at’ liberty to express, my ‘opinion while Tr ! _ abre :

ad.”

Everywhere I made it crystal that I was present as a free zen of a free country, a member of a different party from the dent’s—in ‘fact the candidate ‘Who opposed him in 1940.

solidated bomber, which had been converted for transport service, and hich was operated and navigated

~All my personal expenses I paid

“I 1 ‘have occasion to write articles, reporting on my journey at

paid at my direction to ‘various war agencies that are supporting

the citizens of a democracy have the right to know them. And toRight I am reporting to you, and summarizing my conclusions; as‘an American, interested only in the welfare of my country and proud ‘that I am accountable only to my

If I ever had any doubts that he world has become small and sjompletely independent, this trip would have dispelled them altother. I travelled a total of 31,000 miles, which sounds very far. The net impression of my trip, how- , is not one of distance from her peoples, but of closeness to

cover these apparently 51 , ‘We were in the air a toial of only 160 hours. ‘We usually flew from eight to 10 jours a day when we were on the

of Siberia, crossed the Bering sen. the full length of Alaska -and-the full width of Canada and arrived in the United States four days later on Oct. 13, |

THINK IN GLOBAL TERMS

I say to you: There are no distant points in the world any longer. The myriad millions of human beings in the Far East are as close to us as

fastest trains. I cannot escape the conviction that in the future what concerns them must concern us, almost as much as the problems of the people of California concern the people of New York. Our thinking and planning in the future must be global. Now this world we live in has belcome small not only on the map but also in the minds of men. All around the world, there are some ideas which millions and millions of men hold in common, almost as i as if they lived in the same

rs of these ideas, and one which I can report without hesitation, has tremendous significance for us in America; it is the mixture of respect and hope with which the world looks to this | country. Whether I was talking to a resis:

Bre aE ea alive a

or one toting his burden over his head in Nigeria, or a prime minister or a king in Egypt, or a veiled woman in ancient Baghdad, or a shah or a weaver of carpets in leg-

ove, which means that, out of the endary Persia, now known as Iran, days I allotted to the trip, I hadi, , foiower of Attaturk in those

‘about 30 days on the ground for the accomplishment, of the purposes on hand.’ : The ‘new world that has been opened up ‘by modern - inventions} was never more vividly illustrated, I think, than on our last lap home. ~ We left Chengtu on Oct. 9, traveled almost a thousand miles in China, crossed the vast expanse of the Gobi desert and the Mongolian Tepublic, crossed thousands. of miles

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streets of Ankara, which look so like the streets of our Middle-West-ern cities, or to a strong-limbed, resolute factory worker in Russia, or to Stalin himself, or the enchanting wife of the great generalissimo of China, or a Chinese soldier at the front, or a fur-capped hunter on the edge of the trackless forests of Siberia—whether I was talking to any of these people, or to any others, I found that they all have one common bond, &nd that is their deep Ariendship for the United

; States,

THEY LOOK TO THE U. S.

They, each and every one, turn to the United States with a friendliness which is often akin to genuine affection. I bring back to you this clear and significant fact:-That there exists in thé world today a gigantic reservoir of goodwill toward you, the American people. - Many things have created this enormous reservoir. At the top of the | list go the hospitals, schools and’ colleges which Americans— many of them missionaries—have founded in the far corners of the world. Many of the new leaders of old countries—men who ‘are today running Iraq, or Turkey or China— have studied under American teachers whose only interest has been to spread knowledge. Now; in our time .of crisis, we owe a great debt to these men and! women who have made friends for us. : Goodwill has also been stored up for us, like credit in a bank account, by those Americans who have pioneered in the opening of new roads, new airways, new shipping

They have caused the world to think of ‘us as people who move goods, and ideas, ahd move them

respect. us. a ¥ |Our motion pictures have played Important role in building up Tese of Ssiendlinels. They e world. Peowith)

Los Angeles is to New York by the}

fast. They like us for this, and they |"

"The people of every land, whether industrialized -or- not, admire - the aspirations and accomplishments of American labor, which they have heard about, and which they long to emulate.

Also they are impressed by American business and industry. In nearly every country I went to, there is some great dam or irrigation project, some harbor or factory, which has been built by Americans. People like our warks, I fount, not only because they help to make life easier and richer, but also because we have shown that American business enterprise, unlike that of most other industrial nations, does not necessarily lead to political control or imperialism. I found this dread of imperialism

not associated with it in men’s minds has caused people to go much farther in théir approval of us than. I had dared to imagine. 1 was amazed to discover how keenly the world is aware of the fact that we do not seek—anywhere, in any region—to impose our .rule upon others or to exact special privileges. All the people of the earth know that we have no sinister designs upon them, that even when we have in the past withdrawn from inter. national affairs into a false selfsufficiency, it was without sinister purpose. And they know that, now we are in’ this war, we are not fighting for profit, or loot, or territory, or mandatory power over the lives or the Soyernments of other people. That, I think, is the single most important reason for the existence of our reservoir of good will around the world.

RESERVOIR IS LEAKING

Now, as I see it, the existence of this reservoir is the biggest political fact of our time. No other western nation has such a reservoir| Ours must be used to unify the peoples of the earth in the human quest for freedom and justice. It must be maintained so that, with confidence, they may fight and work with us against the’ gigantic evil forces that are serving to destroy all that we stand for, all that they hope for. The preservation of this reservoir of good will is a sacred responibility, not alone toward the aspiring| peoples of the earth, but toward our own sons who are fighting this battle on every continent. For the water in this reservoir is the clean, the invigorating water of freedom. I bring you the assurance that this reservoir exists. I also bring you the warning that it is leaking. 1t is leaking dangerously. It is leaking at a thousand points. It is leaking through steadily spreading cracks and holes. These heles have not been punched in the reservoir by Hitler, they have been punched by us. All the leaks in this" priceless reservoir are of our own mak-

rvoir is b on confidence in: , in our integlity of purpose, our honesty in dealing, our ability in performance. ‘We have made great promises. Now have these promises been fulfilled? Take the vital matter of our production of war materials. Here we ‘are, supposedly the higgest indus-

i

LITTLE REASON TO BOAST

of war materials out of this coun21 some of the nations 1 yished

i to the immensity of this global war we are engaged in, it is

ldo not know whether to laugh or

{has received from us you simply

|tion, and which stood up magnifi-

{routes clear for our production

everywhere. The fact that we are}. Each of these countries has lost

{for ‘the western world, but of no

ing. For the very existence of thisi;

trial nation on earth. But the flow|

not only small in itself, but com- |

weep when these: crates and pack-

I followed some ‘of those’ streams and other streams to their destinations—and I stopped talking about American production. If 'I were to tell’ you how. few bombers. China

would not believe me, i If I were to tell you how far Russia feels we are from fulfilling our commitments, you would agree with ‘me that we have: little reason to boast about our performance. There are exceptions, I ‘have seen American planes and tanks which have been in hard and gruelling ac-

cently. I have seen the beginnings of shipping routes which will some time carry the kind of traffic the world is waiting for. I have seen something of the heroism and the skill with which Americans—pilots, sailors, engineers—are blasting the

when we get it ready.

‘GIVE US MORE TO DO’

When will this be? That depends, I think, on how quickly we, and our leaders, can begin to think and act offensively, -can begin {fo mobilize, not for defense; but for attack. bf It is my reasoned judgment that |we cannot win this war 40 per cent '|mobilized. There are a great many people listening to me tonight who would like to do more if they knew what more to do. It is up to us to make our leaders give us more to do. For 1 tell you that if we continue to fail to deliver to our allies what they are entitled to expect of us or what we have promised them, our reservoirs of goodwill will turn into one of resentment. We cannot laugh this off or shrug

Five million Russians and five million Chinese have given their lives in this struggle.

as many men as we have in our entire army. We owe them more than boasts and broken promises. We are also punching holes in our reservoir of goodwill everyday by failing to define clearly our war aims. . Besides giving our allies in Asia and eastern Europe something to fight with, we have got to give them Eegcs of what we are fighting or. “The 200 million people. of Russia and the 450 million people of China —people like you and me—are bewildered and anxious.. They know what they are fighting for. ‘They are not so sure of us. “Many of them have read the Atlantic charter. Rightly or wrongly, they are not satisfied. They ask: what about a Pacific charter; what about a world charter? x i Their doubts were expressed to me in simple, unmistakable questions. “Is there to be a charter only for the millions of the western hemisphere?” they asked. “Is there to be no charter of freedom for the billion people of the East?” Is freedom supposed to be priceless for the white man, or

account to us in the East?’ question whieh has become almost g

symbol all through Asia} What about India?

Now I did not go to India. I do not propose to discuss that tangled question tonight. , But it has one aspect, in the East, which

- The wisest man in China said to for freedom was put aside to some future date, it was not Great Britain that suffered in public esteem

Sta This wise man was not quarrel-

olent imperialism, if you like, He

it away or hide it behind censorship. | tions.-

Many of them asked me the ls

"ABOLISH COLONIAL SYSTEM |

I should report i6 you. From Cairo! on, it confronted me at every. turn.|

me: “When the aspiration of India

in the Far. East. It was the United :

we are likely to feel at the end of the war about all the other hundreds of millions of ®astern peo-| ples. They cannot ' tell from our vague and vaccilating: talk whether or not we relly do stand for freedom, er what we mean by freedom. In Africa, in the Middle East, | throughout the Arab world, as well! as in China and the whole Far Bast, freedom means the orderly] but scheduled abolition of: the colo~ nial system. . I can assure you that this is true, I ‘can assure, you that the rule of people by cther peoples is not free-

to preserve. - ‘Please understand—I am vot talking about the commonwealth of free nafions. .I am talking about | the colonial system wherever it exists under whatever nation. We Americans are still too apt to think and speak of the British empire.’ We must recognize the truth that in vast areas of the world there is no’ longer any British empire but instead a proud commonwealth of free nations. British colonial possessions are but remnants of empire. We must remember that throughout the commonwealth there are men and women numbered in millions, who are working selflessly and with great skill toward reducing these remnants, extending the eommonwealth in place of the colonial system. This, it seenied to me, was what Gen. Smuts was talking about in his recent dramatic speech before the cheering British parliament.

INDIA OUR PROBLEM

As Americans we must also 1ecognize that we .share with these men and women of the British com-

‘monwealth of free nations, the responsibility of ‘making the whole world a commonwealth of free na-

The grim, relentless progress of this war is teaching all of us that in a world forced to choose between

dom and fascism, there are no purely local problems. A India is our problem. If Japan should conquer that vast sub-con-tinent, we will be the losers. In the same sense, the Philippines are a British problem. If we fail to deliver, by force of ‘arms, the independence we have promised, to the Filipinos, the whole Pacific world will be the loser. We must believe these simple truths, and speak them’ loudly and without fear, . Only in this way can. the peoples’ of the world forge, in this war, the strength and the confidence in each other;which we will need to win the peace. There will be lots of tough problems. And they will differ in different mandates; different colonies. Not all the peoples of, the world are ready for freedom, or can defend it, the day after tomorrow.| But today they all want some date to work toward, some guarantee that the date will be kept. For the future, they do not ask that we solve their problems for {Continued on Page Seven)

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