Indianapolis Times, Indianapolis, Marion County, 3 March 1941 — Page 10

~~ dally (except Sunday) by

stress should not be thrown carelessly out of gear.

8 reached. But sometime and somewhere reason and logic must re-enter the picture.

deat peace would mean the end of Britain as an empire

he Indianapolis Times

(A SCRIPPS-HOWARD NEWSPAPER) W. HOWARD RALPH BURKHOLDER

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Give Light and the People Will Find Their Oion Way

MONDAY, MARCH 3, 1941

THE LEND-LEASE BILL; AID TO BRITAIN ; OUR DEFENSE: APPEASEMENT; ISOLATION

DESPITE the sizzling debate on the lend-lease bill at . the close of the week there are now signs that the ~~ amendment phase, about to open, will bring forth vital clarifications. At this stage we should like to restate how we hope * the lend-lease dispute will come out: We support wholeheartedly that®part of the bill designed to give all aid to Britain, short of war—in line with the campaign pledges made by both Mr. Roosevelt and Mr. Willkie to “keep our country out of war.” » That part of the lend-lease bill which would result in Congressional abdication we strongly disapprove. It is that part which the amendment phase promises to clear up.

LJ 2 .8 t # »

E FULLY appreciate the importance of saving British |

democracy from defeat. We are equally concerned with saving America. We do not think it necessary that Congress should jeopardize American democracy by the surrender of powers, even while we are still at peace, that Britain’s Parliament has not found it necessary to surrender after a year and a half of war. We should like to see as the final product of the lendlease debate a law that will assure to Britain a maximum of assistance with a minimum of delay, limited only by the judgment of the Army and Navy as to our own defense necessities. England stands today only because she retained at home, before and after Dunkerque, the air force necessary for her own defense. We should not do less.

approves, the American people of course will accept. For that is democracy. But in our opinion there can be little doubt that such public support as is now behind the lend-

lease bill is based upon faith that, through the exercise |

of the powers it gives him, the President will be able to keep us out of war, in conformance with his campaign Dbledge. - We cannot, however, overlook the dangers inherent in - the measure as it now stands. It is true that under the bill Congress will still have sole right to declare war. It cannot, however, prevent a declaration of war against us by Japan, Germany or Italy. Now, rather than later, is the _ time to consider the effect on national morale, if a disillu- - sioned America awakens one day to find that war has been declared against us. We do not believe that the President will use any grant . of power recklessly or foolishly. On ordinary international

questions we prefer his judgment to that of any other indi- |

‘vidual in the Government. On any action which might ~ involve us in war we prefer the collective judgment of _... Congress. § Consideration of amendments therefore should, we think, be directed to that question of Congressional respon- : sibility and authority, bearing always in mind that ours is a . government of carefully defined, equal and co-ordinate powers; of checks and balances which even in times of great

» ” » » ” » S FOR other aspects in this crisis: Appeasement is out. With Hitler or any of his villainous satellites it would be unconscionable at any time. With ro German people it is impossible, now. They cannot be

The German people have been told that defeat now will mean political and economic vas-

‘salage for them more onerous than anything evolved at |

. Versailles. A few months ago Duff Cooper, the British

3 Minister of Information, declared that the crimes of the |

~ German militarists were the crimes of the whole people. So long as this idea prevails the German people will fight with . the desperation of the British, who know that a Hitler-

and the end of the British idea of freedom. No sane per- . son desires a second peace based on the pattern of the v fe of Versailles. 3 The Scripps-Howard Newspapers long have favored a . close understanding and a common objective for the British and American navies combined with a strong policy toward ‘Japan. As early as 1933 we were widely condemned a9 jingoistic for demanding an American Navy, built up to "quota strength, as the only argument that Japan would

MARK FERREE

in Indiana, $3 a year;

pr RILEY 5351 |

‘did engage in a sit-down strike or damage property,

| to the community, in defiance of all local authority,

| fo conduct civil war.

: | FOHIS ight a t What, after the amendments are debated, Congress | [ire oar Serous Precedent might appeal to otheg

held to be within their rights, then other political

| shyster reasoning of the corrupted liberal would see

Fair Enough By Westbrook Pegler

Bethlehem Settlement May Prove Defeat for “Unions Because : It Sets Precedent for Other Groups

TASHINGTON, March 3—So much of fundamental right has been taken away in the rise of power of union officials that many Americans have wearily surrendered to a condition which they know to be wrong. In the name of national unity, in the interests of defense, the citizen is expected and compelled to abandon his position to men who exploit the emergency to gain their ends by warfare in the streets. So now, in the Bethlehem steel strike, the employer is compelled to receive back on the job men who were accused of engaging in a sit-down and damaging property in a plant engaged in defense work. The union, which holds no warrant to bargain for the workmen, gained its objective by clashes with the police and by establishing a picket line, There has been no determingtion of the merit of the charge that the accused men

and it can be assumed that the question never will be tried at all. It will be taken for granted that they will not be prosecuted in the public courts on these charges. yy 8 nN : IE unons have set themselves above laws which apply to all other bodies and individuals, and the national Government has upheld them. Indeed, one of the highest officials of the New Deal was heard to say regarding the memorable sit-down at General Motors that, after all, this was only a case of individual trespass multiplied by the number of men involved. The fact that they were acting in concert, under the direction of a central power with no responsibility

was obligingly ignored in the interests of leaders who were bent. on forcing into their organizations vast numbers of Americans who may or may nos have wanted dealings with them. 1t is not represented that the C. I. O. steel Workers union has authority to bargain for the workers of Bethlehem. The wishes of the workers in that respect, have never been consulted, much less recorded. A private organization simply decided to station pickets at certain points to bar from a plant all those who wanted to work there. This private organization had no credentials from the workers, and, of course, under a fine old theory that applied to the conduct of all citizens except unioneers, it had no right to beat up anybody or interfere with any citizen’s lawful occupation. But that fine old theory has been waived and, with the encouragement of the Government, a special privilege has been established for certain private organizations

a Ras

RIT IR en D hE

—— a BORE

” ” »

groups later—after all, these unions are political in character, too—and if these political groups are

groups wearing trick armbands and trick shirts might, with equal right, decide to take the streets and beat up individuals whose conduct displeased them in any

The Hoosier Forum

I wholly disagree with what you say, but will defend to the death your right to say it.—Voltaire.

way or to bar customers from certain stores. There is no reason why a group representing itself to be a labor, union should have privileges superior to those

That would be monopoly. This. little victory for organized labor is more dangerous to labor and to the rights of all Americans than loss of the argument would have been. After all, under the Wagner Act, faulty as it is, this union had a right to a vote on the question whether it actually did represent the workers at Bethlehem’s plant. The union avoided a showdown and fought, anyway, to obtdin a gain of power to which it may not have been entitled under the returns of an orderly vote. The sit-down is not merely multiple trespass, nor is rioting merely multiple simple assault, and only the

these serious acts as such. And the exclusion from their place of employment on national defense of large numbers of patriotic Americans, as a means of coercing them into the ranks of private, lawless, taxing groups, may provoke reprisals by other private groups. The people of Italy and Germany learned this to their sorrow and great loss long ago.

SWEDISH MINISTER REPLIES TO LELAND STOWE of a private group with a purely political mission, |g,

W. Bostrom, Swedish Minister to the

United States, Swedish Consulate, Washington, D. C. 5

In a recent issue of your paper,

Leland Stowe painted a picture of the Swedish people and their reaction toward the. war, particularly during the struggle, that I feel compelled to characterize as highly unjustified

End apt to mislead American opinon .

Russo-Finnish

Although Mr. Stowe claims to

look upon Swedish and Northern problems with all the restraint that the facts will permit,” his ‘story is, in my opinion, a typical example of emotional thinking.

“without emotion and

The main thesis seems to be that

the Swedish people, having grown

Business By John T. Flynn

Defense Costs Price Controls Are Begun — Now

"EW YORK, March 3.—The dilly-dallying with prices has been so obvious—a lot of big talk and no action, in fact, no machinery for action—that I believe two things are going to happen. The defense program is going to cost us several

soft by materialistic selfishness and shortsighted pacifism, simply refused to fight when Finland was attacked by the Soviet Union, that Sweden by open intervention in Finland could have brought along

of Germany at a north European front and thus also could have prevented. the invasion of the Low. Countries and the defeat of France. , ... That assistance to Finland which Mr. Stowe apparently finds quite negligible and worthless, could be characterized with some dry figures. Since the outbreak of the hostilities Sweden sent to Finland 90,000 rifles and light machine guns, 42,000,000 rounds of ammunition, 75 anti-tank guns, 150 other guns of all calibers, including several heavy ones; complete equipment for six field artillery battalions of three batteries each, large quantities of ammunition and an undisclosed number of bomb-

to Soar Unless

billions more than we planned; and the time for correction will pass, or at least correction will be so difficult that it Fill not be attempted. tT I believe a ceiling should be put over the price structure. This should be followed by a quick study—and it must be quick—to

“understand. We still believe that the only hope for world

democracy is Anglo-American solidarity, in peace times as |

well as in times of war.

IN INTERNATIONAL affairs the British are realists. That is why they exist today, and will exist tomorrow.

a i ink none the less of us f i Ni 7 They will thin e or being equally 50. 1 ing what factories will get the workers and the goods

From Bermuda to British Guiana, Britain has many small

Consistently opposed to isolation, the Serlovs iment

Bwepapars from first to last supported this country’s We fought for the’

ance into the League of Nations. : sage long after most of its American friends had aban-

~ Until the day when Congress finally and definitely ed the idea we supported, wholeheartedly, American adence to the World Court. Knowing the futility of asement, we advocated sanctions against Japan at the

e time of Abyssinia in 1935. On all these issues our attitude has been, and will con-

nterest necessary to insure the survival and the progof the United States. This interest we frankly and

§ tion.

ington.

correct certain unbalances that have already occurred, and then the price structure should be kept under rigid control. However, too much must not be expected from this by itself. The problem of protecting the society from price beosts and. cumulative price boosts is a threefold one. First, prices must be stabilized, Second, the war effort, must be paid for out of taxes, as far as possible. Third, to whatever extent borrowing is attempted, the inflationary effect of the borrowing must be neutralized by counter-taxing. If we borrow money to pay for the war effort— and that is what we are doing on a far greater scale an in the last war—then certain inevitable con-

ing and pursuit planes. .

Furthermore, some 8500 Swedish

volunteers enlisted in the Finnish Army, equipped, uniformed and paid from Sweden, and all led by Swedish officers. (As a comparison it could be mentioned that according to official figures during the whole civil war in Spain—two and one-half years— not more than 12,545 foreigners from 54 countries enlisted in the Loyalist forces.)

all completely armed,

About 200 Swedish doctors and 400

nurses worked in Finland during the war,

More than 1200 Swedish laborers

(Times readers are invited to express their views in these columns, religious controversies excluded. Make your letters short, so all can have a chance. Letters must be signed, but names will be withheid on request.)

Joined the Volunteer Labor Brigades which from the middle of Febbruary until the biginning of last fall took part in building new defense works in Finland. In gifts—in money and in kind— the Swedish people raised nearly 160,000,000 kronor, equaling some $40,000,000. In credits.and deliveries of war materials, the Finnish gov-

ernment actually received from the Swedish government about 197,000,000 kronor, thus raising the figures of Swedish aid to Finland to some 360,000,000 kronor, equaling $90,000,-

the collapse of Russia, the tying up 000

In order to give a concrete idea of what these figures mean, I beg to mention that the population of Sweden is less than 5 per cent of that of the United States. For a country the size of the United States the corresponding figures would be 175,000 volunteers, 4000 doctors, 8000 nurses, 24,000 voluntary laborers, $800,000,000 in gifts and $1,000,000,000 in credits. This would show the relative extent of Swedish aid to Finland so far as statistical data is concerned... . During the campaign in Norway, Sweden, having adopted a policy of strict neutrality in the war between the great countries, repeatedly rejected strong German demands for passage of troops and war materials through Sweden to the German forces in Norway. . . . How actively the neutrality was guarded during the campaign in Norway and ater. ward is shown by such a fact that from April 9 and down to last November more than 40 foreign war airplanes were shot down or forced to land on Swedish territory. Mr. Stowe has a very pessimistic view of Sweden’s present situation. He pictures Sweden as politically

and morally subjugated. . . . Mr. Stowe left Sweden more than nine

Bn flow from it. Business goes into high. Labor becomes Widely employed. Wages rise. All these workers with ‘money in their pockets take their money to the stores. The demand against peace-time goods becomes effective. Prices rise—there is no other way to settle the problem cof distribution. Competition sets in between peace-time goods factories and war-goods factories for labor and for materials.

o o o

HE pressure puts prices up more. Prosperity in the peace-time goods is piled on prosperity in the war-goods industries. There is no way of decid-

save by Government control. But even that merely decides that the preference will go to war industries. This still leaves the peace-time goods industries competing for the war dollars being pumped by borrowing into trade. As long as this pumping of money and purchasing power into the system goes on the subject of price will be unmanageable, unless it is either stopped or neutralized by corrective taxaThis then must be the program-—price ceiling, priorities, minimum borrowings, maximum taxes. That is the price of war. The most terrible mistake that can be made is to suppose that the war can be made an instrument of prosperity, as Mr. Tugwell, Mr. Ezekiel, Mr. Gilbert and Mr. Henderson seem to suppose. The woes that lie beyond that prosperity ought to bring some realization of responsibility to the men in power in Wash-

Mr. Roosevelt once denounced war prosperity as ‘fool's gold.” Fool's gold is now loose in the land. And this economic monster should be provided with a keeper without further delay.

So They Say—

A WELL-COACHED football team will win at any time against 11 men each following his own idea about what to do next.—Charles E. Beury at Temple

University Founders’ Day. ‘THE FORCE that isis society together , . . and, ales it ible for us to have any civilization

Side Glances=By Galbraith

months ago and I doubt whether he has bothered to obtain reliable information about Sweden and the other Scandinavian countries since then. How would he otherwise reconcile his words describing Sweden's 'independence as a hollow sepulchre with the fact that Sweden still

maintains the highest military preparedness? . . I have not the slightest doubt that the Swedish people will fight to the utmost against every aggressor who would try to make an attempt on Sweden's freedom and integrity. An attack on Sweden now would necessarily become a major operation and every aggressive power will have to calculate whether the eventual result will be worth the costs. . . . ‘It is hard for me te understand why the effort of my people to maintain their independence and democratic way of life should not be greeted with sympathy in this country. Sweden has nothing to hide and is quite sure that the American people, rightly informed, will not deny us their understanding, t J EJ tJ EXPLAINS POSITION OF DEFENSE COMMITTEE

By Kenneth Ogle, chairman, Indiana Committee for National Defense.

Answering Mr. Miller's courteous letter of March 1? The position of the Indiana committee for National

States is menaced by a world aggressor who will attack us when he can, because he must.

accumulated evidence of years supports this position, (2) evidence is so overwhelmingly on

relevant to the issues to point out that the Bundists and the Communists are currently in violent opposition. ; For two years these groups have opposed with all their strength, not only aid for Britain but also every singlé item in our rearmament program. Moreover the record of Senators Wheeler and Nye et al. £0 nearly parallels that of these avowed enemies of ours that this alone should have discredited them as leaders. Surely they will be discredited if citizens will resolutely consider the helpless situation our country would now be in if their adyice of recent years had been followed, and the nightmare we would all be experiencing in two years, five years, or 10 years, if the Nazis were to win. The evidence is all in. The debate narrows to a single question: In that eventuality can the United States afford to have Hitler win?

MARCH SHINES

~ By MARY P. DENNY March shines above the lake, It glistens in the last snowflake. It gleams in shining frost Upon the rail where the roads Cross. ! March shines in tiny purple violet And on green mosses of We thicket March beams in shining daftodt And in the face of bright jonquil. It beams in flowing water rill Andon the first. grass upon the hill. March gleams in falling drops of

rain. It ever shines one, silver strain Of joy and life and light

x

DAILY THOUGHT

‘my statutes, and all my ents, and do them: sx am ne; Lord. —Leviticus ‘19:37. a

Defense is simply this: The United |

Our Committee adds (1) that the : that this| 3 our side that true Americans can-|# not deny its nature providing they |

will only look at it,. (3 that is re- |= garding the Lend-Lease B.ll it is|g

Awake again in springtime bright. |

Therefore shall ye observe all | 3 judg- | Notes?’

Says— U. S. Should Profit by -

With Railroads and Not Subs Second Airplane Line to

ASHINGTON, March 3.—There is cons discussion in Washington as to whether € ment should subsidize another air transport tween New York ‘and Lisbon to compete Pan-American Clippers over exactly the same 1 In this argument there is Ht& criticism of the marvelous Bi neering work of Pan-American of planning and putting into exeeus tion this Trans-Atlantic se which, due to the war, has | come a main reliance for our trafic with Europe, both for y and important Government i eials and civilians, It is the bests. similar service in the world ‘and plans for three more a: week, six in all, have been : and financed by the company iv approved by the Government. . No, the argument is neither bad service, high rates nor lack of full co-operation with the Government. It is the word of evil omen in all. American legislative deliberation, like the word “unclean” in s country where there is leprosy. The word is “mo nopoly. ” There is only one air service operating re New York and Lisbon. The argument is that Gove Ve ernment, at much greater cost to itself for mail ve" ice, should subsidize a much less frequent and initi= ally certainly less efficient service in order that there” should be competition on this route. Sik = » »

T is the story of the railroads over again. kind of public service, such as transportation, some elements of public helplessness<-some pian monopoly. In dealing with early high-handed rbd road operators, our Government used two checks. One was regulation. The other was to encourage and sub-: sidize competition—by parallel railroad lines at first, later by artificial waterways, airplanes and roads and other special advantages for trucks and busses. a

‘The final result. of checking by- subsidized compe=" vition was the mare's nest snarl and tangle of ou: inefficient and frequently bankrupt railroad web. The report of the Coolidge National Transportation Com: mittee, recommending consolidation in three or:four: single ‘monopolistic systems, showing that the subsie: dized “competition” idea has proved disastrous and insisting that “the latter (regulation) has been prac<: ticed long enough and sufficiently extended to prove: that it dominates competition or any other influence as the governing law of railroad practice. To the extent that the monopoly inherent in the railroad franchise was a menace, it is of the utmost impor .

‘tance to recognize that current regulations safely.

control it. . . . In so far as Government policies have, been designed, by Federal intervention, to create and. maintain competition with or among railroads as a, defense against monopoly, they should be abandoned as wasteful and unneccessary. Regulation is suffi= cient.” Regulated railroad monopoly is the conclu= sion of all authorities. » » » Cap

HE air route business is an exactly similar case’ in which repetition of errors of 70 years again fumbling toward a solution of the railroad problem: was urged. The present air route has or will appar: ently soon repay the Government through postage what it expends for mail freight—which is the “isidy” in question. ; “

If that mail load is divided up, neither companys! can continue without great loss. ot The present company makes four outbound ‘trips a wetk, which will soon be six.. The .proposed com= petition will make only one every two weeks for mail alone for several months at a much higher subsidy per trip and proposes a later one-trip-a-week sched- © ule for both passengers and mail when Squipmens® can be secured. There is a quetsion here also of eventual Amer=" ican competition with Government-controled monopoly air lines of European countries. To duplicate and ™ double the cost of ground service and other Amer=" ican equipment and halve the potential revenue of» each American “competitor” will terribly handicap: both, not only against each other but against competition. It cannot help but impair the service, * the economy and efficiency of American trans-Atlins % tic service. As in the case of the railroads, governmentally subs, sidized competition as a monopoly control howd be be | abandoned as wasteful and unnecessary. is sufficeint.” Better one good line than . Fog especially as the intended competitor already Sa monopoly of 90 per cent of the traffic through steamship lines of its parent company, ~ £ oy

'A Woman's Viewpoint" ‘By Mrs. Walter Ferguson

VERY time some man wants to voice a new. Declaration of Independence against women," he re-asserts his belief in the superiority of the male cook. This pet masculine myth has survived even to the present time, in spite of the frightful messes s served up daily in hundreds ofc thousands of public eating places where men in white: caps ang, aprons preside over the ranges. There are certain Quears among them, of course—real : artists their finger tips—and. “roma the sweet legend lives on reputation ‘of thess rarities. ue the average man doesn’t” knows . shucks * about cooking,: and” no}. doubt American digestions. : ; dispositions would be vastly proved if he quit the trade: Certainly there is a crying: for women tasters in hotels and restaurants. et The food in nine-tenths of these places is wholly”

- without savor. Eating their chicken is like gnawing

on a chunk of stovewood, the vegetables lack taste,” and when I remember the mountains of watery, lumpy, insipid mashed potatoes I've met, I want te wail for dear old Ireland. And now that the subject of extravagance . uppermost in_the national mind—or is it?—we ght turn our attention to this phase of public The amount of good American food wasted by masculine cooking would sustain the starving J of Europe, if it could be transported to them. = rolls, soggy puddings, rancid butter, tough, & meat—in fact, the stuff is terrible. That's why we see a gleam come into the eyes’ 3 those poor souls who have to eat out most of the time when they are invited to a home-cooked neg i for home-cocking means a woman cook. : It means: that the gravy will taste like instead of thickened dishwater, that the peas : be flavored as if they had grown in a garden; ands the salad will be a triumph of imagination over a storage. Vl There is always the hope that present. national defense will create a new nation “Get the men out of the kitchen.”

Editor's Nate: The views expressed by column newspaper: are their own,” They are not of The Indianapolis Times.

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