Indianapolis Times, Indianapolis, Marion County, 12 February 1941 — Page 11

. WEDNESDAY,

WASHINGTON, Feb. 12 (U. -P.).—Following - is the text of Wendell| L. Willkie’s prepared statement to “the Senate Foreign Relations Committee yesterday: ° 1 am appearing before your committe today in repinae to the invitation of your chairman and the suggestion 'of some| of your members. I am glad to be

whatever contribut: discussion of the i

here to make n I can to the portant {measure

before you. I come not as an expert but as one tremendously interested, as each of you is, inthe vital issues involved. Owing to my absence from the country, I have not been able to bate on p mea-

follow all of the de sure, but such as I have read seem to me to provide an inspiring example of democracy at work This 3 an issu¢ in which emotions are naturally aroused, and yet, with few exceptions, those Who have participated in the discussions, both in Congress and | throughout the country, have done so without acri-

mony and without personalities. The |§

few lapses from that high standard have been condemned. | It is important in discussing such & measure as this, that we be absolutely honest with ourselves. We must not hide important facts and we must have the courage to draw the proper inferences from the facts. Demaocracy cannot live by dodging around corners. a It must think straight and ct . courageously. ‘Whatever I say today represents my personal efforts and my honest appraisal of the situation both as to the facts and the inferences. ‘American democracy has a fateful decision to make at this time. I feel that perhaps the American people have not yet fully grasped the extent of the erisis, or of their responsibility with regard to it. There has been too much loose talk about invasions, too little frank discussion of the real dangers—dangers with which we are faced and concerning which we are forced to decide. In general, two great alternatives lie before us. I want |to outline them briefly, because, no matter how much we may dread to choose, a choice between Ynem cannot be avoided. : One alternative is the suggestion that America withdraw within herself. According| to this view, we should build up our own defenses and not concern ourselves with anyone beyond our| shores. It is said that if we create the strongest army, the strongest nayy, and the strongest air force in the world, no aggressor will ever strike at us, and therafore we will be able to avoid war. But I am of the opinion that this alternative will inevitably result in the destruction of our civil liberities, the loss of our freedom, end, eventually war. For about a decade this country has maintained its standard of liv-

, FEB. 12, 1041

Text Of Willis: s Statement T

A candid Photographer snaps Wendell L. Willkie during his testimony before the Senate Foreign Rela-

tions Committee.

own shores, the need for deficit financing will increase. In addition, the huge expenditures for defense will perhaps double our debt. The inevitable result of such a policy will be ‘a decline in the American standard of living, the demoraliza= tion of our democratic institutions. At the same time, if we isolate ourselves, Britain may have great difficulty in surviving. No man can say, at this time, whether or not Britain can win this war without our assistance in supplies, ships and armaments. But we do know that if she is defeated, the totalitarian powers will control the world. They will control not only Europe, but probably also most of Africa. They may also control the Atlantic ocean.

OUTLINES POSSIBILITIES

Under those circumstances, Germany would probably make a drive —whether economic or military—on Latin America; and perhaps Japan would also make a drive southward toward the East Indies.” Thus the United tSates and Canada would be ringed about: by totalitarian powers, using totalitarian methods of trade, unfriendly to the United States, and not reluctant to fight.

ing by Federal deficit financing. Jf we now 'lock ourselves ‘up with our

In my view, such a calamity would have two results. First, in

order to. compete witl those powers, we qurselves : would have -to radopt totalitarian cohitrols. We would lose our liberty here at home. But. secondly, I. believe that the United States would eventually be drawn into war ‘against - one or more of those powers. They would so cramp us and hinder Us and infringe upon us that we would be forced to fight. In that event we would be fighting, alone, a different battle in the same war that Britain is now fighting. The trouble with the idea that we can withdraw within ourselves is that it is too simple. It has no regard for the way the world is actually built. Great nations cannot isolate themselves. With our modern communications and means of transport, including the airplane, they are woven into the rest-of the world. The other alternative that faces the American people today is more realistic. It recognizes the interdependence, not only of men, but of ideas and principles. According to this view, which I share, an attack against liberty in one part of the world is a threat against liberty in another pari of the world. If liberty is destroyed in Britain, this constitutes a real and immediate threat to liberty in the United States.

But we must-not make the mistake of narrowing the entire discussion ' to the cause of Britain. Within the German lines there are half a dozen nations where liberty has been crushed. Our concern is broader than the welfare of any single nation. It is that the area of freedom be as large as possible. If Britain prevails the enslaved democracies of Europe will revive.

“IT MUST EXIST”

It is only when there is a large international area of freedom that we can avoid totalitarian methods of trade. It is only in such an area that we can trade and compete with free peoples, who love peace as we do and who have a respect for law. We do not have to define precisely how large that area must be. But we know that it must. exist in the future, if wé are to exist in liberty. This is what aid te Britain really means: Not to work for Britain, but to work with Britain to defend an area of freedom. The American people and Congress are already committed to the aid to Britain program. The op-

position to the present bill, H. R. 1776, has not for the most part

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_ THE 1 INDIANAPOLIS TIMES

To Senate Committee On British Lease-Lend Bill

| Soticy of . British aid.

‘| said in this country of late.

-| tive. .| would be disastrous. Ineffective aid |would give Hitler just as good a

‘been based upon opposition to a It has accepted that policy. And we are

| fortunate, I believe, in achieving

such a high degree of national

flunity on this important issue.

Nevertheless, I feel an even high-

ler degree of unity might be .| achieved in the light of the broader :|aspects I have touched upon.

I have heard many cynical things I have heard it said that all this talk

‘| about liberty is just British propa-

ganda to get us involved in war.

"| But I know that the American peo- | ple stand for liberty, and they are ‘| neither afraid nor ‘| stand for it.

ashamed to

The policy of full aid to Britain

| provides them with their best—and

I believe their only—chance to de-

‘| fend liberty without themselves go‘ling to war. This brings me to a i| consideration of the particular bill «| that is before this committee.

TWO REQUIREMENTS

If we are going to adopt a policy

{of aid to Britain, it is above all

necessary to make that aid effecTo render ineffective aid

pretext against us as effective aid.

‘| But if our aid is ineffective Britain]

may go down, The requirements of Britain are

‘| fairly obvious and generally known. “| They divide themselves | categories—immediate requirements

into two

and long-term requirements. The long term requirements, such’ as airplanes, munitions and ships, are now very largely in course of construction in this country. We are building them as fast as we can. But it will be many, many months before our efforts begin to show significant results. Our aircraft program, for instance, will provide a little help in 1941, but it will not begin to give Britain supremacy in the air until 1942, The hope is that with the fulfillment of those long-term requirements Britain will attain a complete supremacy over Germany. But Britain may not hold out long enough to make use of those future materials and weapons unless certain immediate requirements are fulfilled. And these immediate requirements have the most “direct bearing on the present bill, H. R. 17176. Britain’s greatest hazard is not the bombing of her cities. I recently visited many of the northern industrial towns. The destruction that I saw was piteous and heartrending, but it was not primarily a destruction of productive facilities. The damage to Britain's industries has so far been relatively small. Britain’s greatest hazard is, rather, the destruction of shipping. Britain now breathes? chiefly through her northern ports. It is essential not only that these be kept open, but that they be kept supplied with enough shipping to meet the needs of the people and the heavy requirements of the military procurement program. Yet since. May, 1940, Britain lost an average of nearly 60,000 tons of shipping per week—almost three times her present rate of construction.

FROWNS ON CREDITS

Now there have been suggestions before this committee to the effect that the way to aid Britain is sim-

= | ply to appropriate a certain number E | of billions of dollars ahd to turn = | these over to her credit, so that she = | may procure whatever she needs. A tl number of advantages have been

urged for this method of procedure, and many of these arguments have

| great merit.

Nevertheless, I do not feel that the granting of credits can provide the effective immediate aid that I refer to.- The problem is rather the immediate disposition of certain equipment. Much of this equipment cannot be purchased at any price, because the owner is the U. S. Government. It would also seem that under the domestic laws at present in force, the United States is unable to deliver such equipment to a belligerent without cumbersome and lengthy subterfuge. For instance, take the case of festroyers. Recently we disposed of 50 of our . “ebsolescent” destroyers

= | by trading them to Britain for bases

E| ers.

the interpretation of domestic law {in that instance. ‘the spirit, if not the letter, of the 1law was violated.

in this hemisphere. Britain desperately needed those destroyers and a great majority of our people felt that she should have them, Yet there is a grave question in the minds of many lawyers concerning

Many {feel

Britain needs still more destroyMerchant ships are making the crossing without nearly enough protection; in some cases 30 or 40 ships may be “protected” by only a couple of destroyers.

‘MUST PRESS OWN PROGRAM’

If we are to aid Britain effectively, we - should provide her with from five to 10 destroyers a month. We should be able to do this directly and swiftly rather than through the rigamarole of dubious legalistic interpretations. Incidentally, if we are to make more destroyers available to Britain

‘| we should recondition them in this

country in our own yards. The 50

{destroyers that we delivered to the

British some months ago have proved extremely valuable. But owing to congestion and the shortage of mechanics, Britain found it difficult to recondition all of them

‘at once.

At the same time, of course, we

= | ourselves must press on with our

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| destroyer program so as to replace

as quickly as possible the destroyers that we lend or lease to Britain. I

| understand that in 1942 we should

expect a steady flow of from 15 to 20 new destroyers per month, Destroyers are one example of the kind of thing which Britain needs

| but which would be difficult or im- § | possible to obtain through the mere | granting of credit. Another example

is the long range bomber, and particularly the patrol .bomber known as the PBY, and its various modifications and developments. These bombers can be of enormous assistance in patrolling the seas and supplementing. the work of destroyers

off the coast of Britain.

Recently we turned over to Britain

some of these patrol bombers, toH gether with some “flying fortresses.” 1 But 50 do $0 We Lag so 250!

| the

facturers who in turn resold them to Britain. I am against trying to kid along on any such basis, . in one of the most critical times that democracy aas ever faced. I believe that instead of devising evasions of the law we should pass this new law superceding former legislation and giving the Government power to put these necessary weapons at the disposal of Britain. In this regard there is one point of great importance: The decision as to whether these bombers or other weapons ought to be kept in this country, or whether they should be sent to protect the British life lines, is primarily a military decision for the experts of the Army and the Navy. It is important that this point be established in the bill. The same principles that apply to destroyers and big bombers apply also to merchant shipping. Here, of course, the Maritime Commission has been able to deliver vessels to Britain by the simple expedient of holding auctions, which the Commission is entitled to do. If Britain is the highest bidder at these auctions, she receives the ships. But this is a cumbersome device and delay. It is important that we make the most effective disposition that we possibly can of all available tonnage, and for this purpose the present bill provides for the necessary powers.

OTHER ITEMS NEEDED

There are various other items that Britain needs, but these three will serve as examples. The point is that if we authorize our Government to lend or lease material of which it is in possession, we will be able to act quickly enough, with the right things, to keep Britain afloat. If ,on the other hand, we provide Britain with cash only, then our aid

will be neither quick nor effective. Such, in general, are my reasons for favoring the special powers provided for in H. R. 1776. The powers asked for are extraordinary to meet an extraordinary situation. Now I am opposed to the undue concentration of power in the chief executive. Personally, I would have preferred to see Congress, whether through this bill or through’ others, instruct the President to lend or lease these things. I would much prefer to have the impetus come from Congress than from the executive. I believe that Congress should retain+ all possible power. Congress, however, has not acted. Therefore,

only way to render aid quickly enough is to pass this bill with modifications. All modifications

sary authority granted in the bill.

policy of the Administration be-

unity. I have wanted to see Amer-

liberty; the Despiser of all aggressors and despoilers of the democratic way. It would be truly inspiring for us and liberty-loving

be adopted with a non-partisan and almost unanimous vote. Many members of Congress who believe in the objectives of the meas-

broad grant of powers. in the spirit of candor and co-opera-

bill’s true objective cannot be accomplished by the elimination of un. necessary authority. majority do not need their votes to

and the approval of the millions of Americans whom they represent will give to us the strength of a united people—a strength greater than that

planes.

CITES HOUSE AMENDMENTS

Certain very wise amendments have been adopted by the House of Representatives—(1) fixing a time limit on the powers granted; (2) authorizing Congress tc terminate by joint resolution the powers granted. (Doubts are expressed about the constitutionsality of this provision and frankly I have not had an opportunity to look into this phase of the question); (3) apportioning the amount usable under this bill from present appropriations. In the brief time that I have had to study the bill I cannot give you in specific language any additional

t amendments, but I believe that an

amendment limiting the operation of the bill to aid to England and the British Commonwealth of nations, China and Greece would be wise. These are the only countries presently subject to aggression.

power to pass upon aid to any other countries which may be later subject to aggression. There are also certain technical phrases in the bill which, in my judgment should be studied for possible clarification. The phrase “and for other purposes” might be dropped from the title of the bill. Although this is a usual from of legal phraseology, many persons are alarmed by the unusual powers granted in the bill and this phrase, besides being unnecessary, tends to increase that alatm. Its elimination cannot restrict the true objectives of the measure. The word “facility” in section 2 (A) (2) could possibly, through a stralned construction, be construed to cover all or any section of industry, including newspapers and the radio. The word obviously is not used for that purpose but in order to eliminate fears on that score a definition which disposes of any such possibility should be adopted.

WANTS ‘PROCURE’ DEFINED

In section 3 (A) (1) the words “or otherwise procure” are susceptible of . the same kind of strained interpretations. They might be taken to authorize a President to go beyond the needs and purposes of the act. Therefore, a definition of “procure” should go into section 3 (A) (1). There should also be some limitation on the extent of the contracts the President can make which go

ai 194 If possible a

of the amount in-

I am forced to conclude that the |=

should seek to limit any unneces- |Z

I have gone the full limit of my : conscience in supporting the foreign |=

ica stand united before the world as the friend of all who fight for |=

people everywhere if this bill could |S

ure are sincerely disturbed about its |S I urge the |S majority to examine with these men |=

tion every provision to see if the |S

You of the|E

pass this bill but their approval =

of armament, battleships and air-

I|S believe Congress should retain the | Sif

although I appreciate the great difficulty in determining such amount and have no constructive suggestion to make for such determination.

Some provision should be made that, in addition to the 90-day reports, the President should frequently consult with the leaders of both parties and presiding officers of both branches of Congress.

It might be wise in the interests of convenience and confidence, to put all suggested amendments into one final section rather than to scatter them throughout the bill. I deeply sympathize with the American people in the great decision they are called upon to make, and I sympathize with the members of Congress, upon whose shoulders falls the responsibility for decision. Their load is not made any lighter by thé reflection that their decisions at this time will influence the course of history, perhaps for generations. No man can guarantee to you that the policy of aid to Britain will not involve the United: States in war. It is my solemn opinion, however, that, providing the aid is effective, it offers the best clear chance for us to keep out of war. Hitler will. make war on us, or on our friends and allies in this Hemisphere, when, as, and if he chooses. That is his record. . But he is far less apt to be aggressive while Britain stands, than if she were to fall. Neither is any man able to tell you whether or not Britain can win. Military and naval experts can help you weigh the chances on one side or the other, but I don’t believe any man knows,’ or can know. There are too many intangible factors. For what it may be worth, my belief is that Germany cannot suc-

cause of my great desire for national : .

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cessfully invade Britain. Of course, there is a material chawe that she will be able to do so. But what I have described as effective and immediate aid, of the sort that would be made possible by this bill, will narrow that chance. If her north- - ern ports can be kept open and the supply lines. can be kept moving, I feel confident that Britain can:

the belief high quarters in Britain. And if Britain can stand through this summer, then at last the effects of our long-term assistance will begin to be felt. The tide will turn. Reinforced by our gigantic resources, Britain may be able to achieve that effectiveness which the democratic peoples have temporarily lost. We must remember, in facing this issue, tha is not only the present that is at stake. Somewhere in this confusing world we must find—we must build—a future for ourselves. The prospect o future surrounded by totalitarian powers; threatened by dictators whose real desire is for conquest; betrayed by nations whose word is not to be trusted; loaded with. armaments and domestic debt, and faced with a declining standard of living—such a future is not a future for Americans as we have:known .them, If we are to avoid such a calamity we must now have courage. . We must bravely do the things that we know ought "to be done. And we must lay the moral,. intellectual and spiritual foundations for the kind of world we want our children to inherit. That world cannot be a closed world. It must be an open . world. It must be a world in which Americans will share with other nations the responsibilities — and

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