Indianapolis Times, Indianapolis, Marion County, 11 November 1940 — Page 10

PAGE

apolis Times (A SCRIPPS-

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RILEY ‘5551

Give Light and: the People Will Find Their Own Way MONDAY, NOVEMBER- 11, 1040 :

AFTER 22 YEARS | WENTY-TWO years ago at noon today, Woodrow Wilson went before a joint session of Congress to make one of the most moving addresses ever delivered by an American President. “We know,” he said— “, .. that the object of the war is attained—the object upon which all free men had set their hearts—and attained with a sweeping completeness which even now we do not realize. : be “Armed imperialism such as the men conceived who were but yesterday the masters of Germany is at an end, its ambitions engulfed hy disaster. Who will now seek to revive it? Eo “The arbitrary power of the military caste of Germany, which once could secretly and of its own single choice dis- - turb the peace of the world, is discredited and destroyed. And more than that—much more than that—has been ac- - complished. The great nations which associated themselves to destroy it have now definitely united in the common purpose to set up such a peace as will satisfy the longing “of the whole world for disinterested justice, embodied in . settlements which are based upon something much better and much more lastirg than the selfish competitive interests of powerful states.” | The years have made lies of Woodrow Wilson’s words. We know now that all that had been accomplished on Nov. 11, 1918, was a temporary cessation of fighting. We have learned a bitter and costly lesson. But this ‘Armistice Day finds American once more preparing vast “armaments.” If we are truly wiser than we were 22 years "ago, we will insist that they be used for no purpose other than-to keep our country out of war—and this not merely through selfish interest in jour own safety. T We can not end war by taking part in war. But the time may come when an America strong enough and in- _ telligent enough to maintain peace for herself will have opportunity to help an exhausted world to realize a more enduring Armistice, based upon that disinterested justice of which Woodrow Wilson spoke in vain,

. NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN

“His interests lay at home in the repair of the financial system and in|domestic reforms, but events abroad cut short his ambitions and, reluctantly, after long resisting his fate, he found himself involved in what was up to then the greatest war in our history. Worn out by the struggle, he died before success had crowned our efforts, to which his own steadfast courage had contributed so|much.” : 8 =n | 2" 9» HOSE words, so precisely applicable to Neville Chamberlain, were spoken not of Mr. Chamberlain but by him. It was some months before the war started, and he was talking about his great predecessor, the younger Pitt. “I trust,” he added, “that my lot may be happier than his”—a wish that was doomed to tragic frustration. For the name of Chamberlain became a hissing in the mouths of millions, as the once pleasant word ‘‘appeasement’ evolved into a term of opprobrium, and the abrupt termination of ‘peace in our time” found England wretchedly unprepared. Mr. Chamberlain has been unduly abused. “Appeaser” he was, without doubt; one of his first: acts upon succeeding Stanley Baldwin in the spring of '37 was to write a cordial personal letter to Mussolini, and another was to send Lord Halifax to visit Hitler in Berlin (the prelude to Anthony _Eden’s resignation). That was the beginning of the road that led to Berchtesgaden Godesborg and Munich.

8 8 = | 8 8. = But appeasement was no invention of Mr. Chamberlain. In seeking to keep the peace he was the mirror of the English people. 1 It may be that a stronger man, instead of merely reflecting the will of his constituents, would have led them, and molded their will in such a way that Hitler might have been thwarted in time, Perhaps Churchill might have done it; but in those days Churchill was an outsider, a tire‘some Jeremiah. yf It must be written that Mr. Chamberlain was a failure, ‘for he failed to avert the war. But he strove gallantly, and it is doubtful if the English people would have let another man do better. :

—

“SHOULD CONGRESS QUIT?

WITH the election over, the psychology in Washington . has shifted toward adjournment of Congress. That . was bound to happen, no matter who won. The lawmakers are weary of the spotlight, want a rest and doubtless need it. And if they vote to go home it will be two years before their constituents will have another chance to vote to keep them there. ; | But the election has in no way altered the reasons why Congress should remain in session. That body, under the _ Constitution, is still charged with the responsibility of borrowing money, levying taxes, raising and supporting armies, : ete., and in all lines of legislative activity there has accumu“lated a large volume of ‘unfinished business.

IT’S AN AMERICAN WAY : THE city manager of Yonkers, N. Y,, has suggested that the cost of municipal government can be reduced a quarter of a million dollars a year if householders will roll their own garbage and ash cans from cellar to street and ‘pack again on collection days. hy . The householders do not like this suggestion. They are preparing to protest any order putting it into effect. And, whatever else may be said of their attitude, it is at least _ thoroughly in harmony with the spirit of a country whose people are (1) always complaining that taxes are too high, nd (2) always fighting any proposal that they should return to the practice of doing for themselves the chores that -governmert has undertaken to do for them,

Fair Enough By Westbrook Pegler

- Eight Years of Association Proves To Him That So-Called Liberals Are Mostly llliberal and Often lllogical

\TEW YORK, Nov. 11.—In the last eight ‘years we have learned at least that there are no worse bigots than the men and women who call themselves liberals and work at it in print and on committees for or against this or that. Sometimes they get appointive jobs on Government commissions in which they .are likely to kick up mischief because they are so intolerant. Soon after the New Deal came into power it began to appear to me that to get along with a liberal you had to concede him many advantages at the start and keep

nounced as a reactionary, which is supposed to be something very bad. Actually, a reactionary is not necessarily bad, for after a movement has gone so far it may be a good thing to have a reaction. In the other war they spoke of it as consolidating their positions. An advance would be made and some units would run on ahead of their objectives and others wouldn't quite make theirs, so after a time the advance would be halted while the gains were established. This meant that some of the advance elements had to be hauled back to a front more or less even with the rest. ; o ” ” A= a while I began to notice that the liberals couldn’t even get along with one another and were constantly getting into little spats, some of which developed into bitter personal grudges in which both sides were implacably and bitterly right. It certainly was plain that anyone who wasn't a professed and labeled liberal didn’t have any rights at all which they ‘felt obliged to respect. Their writers were very free with personal insults and sneers based on sheer gossip, and they would rewrite imaginary facts or assumptions about people whom they didn’t know at all until these untruths came to have the value of truth with them. They are, on the average, very bad reporters, and because they are always pleading one cause or another they habitually conceal facts of which they are

tions. If you. scan the roster of the original New Deal writers and bureaucratic fuss-budgets and track down the individuals now, you will find that many of them have broken away in hatred. As to their regard for truth, I could cite the reaction of the liberals to the recent appeal of old John (Longwords) Lewis on behalf of Wendell Willkie. This was an appeal or exhortation, and not a command. Nevertheless, Lewis now was bitterly denounced by people who had been his friends as one who had betrayed labor, which just meant that the man was supposed to have no free choice of a candidate or any right to recommend his choice to others. ” = » ND not only that, but the liberals then discovered that Lewis had been a dictator for years or, in the words of one excessively liberal publication, «g vindictive, ruthless despot who does not brook the slightest disagreement.” That may be true, but if so it was true when I was saying substantially the same thing three years ago and catching half-bricks from the liberals as a dirty reactionary. It took the liberals a long time to admit the truth of remarks which they denounced me for uttering then, but, of course, they knew the truth all the time. “When,” this liberal paper asks, “has Lewis held as free an election in the United Mine Workers and in the C. I. O. as the people of this country will have on Nov. 5? Never!” These winsome little qualities in Mr. Lewis were not discovered until he exercised his right as a free citizen of the republic to vote for a candidate of his own choosing and to recommend his candidate to others. But the liberals meedn’t be feared if you understand them. tae The thing to do is to keep constantly posted on what they are up to. They are mostly noise, and an honest man has the advantage, because truth and tolerance simply are not in them.

Business By John T. Flynn

Transfer of European Colonies

Near U. S. Would Check War Peril

EW YORK, Nov. 11.—There is very little doubt » that the presence of colonies in this hemisphere —tHe colonies of European nations—is a continuing possible source of war to this country, The chief owners of such colonies are England, France and Holland. These colonies are a danger to America be- - cause every time the mother country of any such colony gets into a war the colony itself is at war. It is liable to seizure by the enemy power. When that happens this Government becomes, by reason of its policies, in danger of immediate involvement. This is the case now with Mar‘tinique. It belongs to France. If Germany attempts to seize it we will have an immediate collision between the United States and

Germany. This of course would mean war. The question arises—does Germany wish to bring the United States into this war? Of course every sane man knows that Germany does not, If Germany could defeat England—which seems less possible now—the war would be over. She would have her victory. But if we go into the war and Germany should bring England down, she would still have to fight us. Germany does not want us in the war, not because she loves us, but because she likes herself and does not want to take on enemies with the power we have. That is plain common sense. Therefore we may be pretty well assured that Germany is not, for the sake of a small island which is of no great value, going to bring us into the war.

' HE question then arises—should we act on that very reasonable assurance and take a ,chance, which is a very good chance, of remaining put of a war, which will be an appalling charge uponjus? Or should we, for the purpose of remaining out df a war in the future which may never occur, plunge Into one now. It would be a desirable thing to get France, England, Holland—every country—out of this hemisphere as an owner of colonies, But certainly we ought not to plunge into a war about it. France has said that she does not intend to surrender these colonies to Germany. She has indicated that she has no intention of giving them up. But would she not be willing to do what Russia did, what Spain did and what Holland did with reference to Alaska, the Philippines and the Virgin -Islands—sell them to us? France is desperately in need of funds. She will need them more when the war is over, Would an offer of money to her for these American possessions not seem a very enticing one then? Of what us¢’is Martinique to her? It is just another distant outpost— an outpost thousands of miles distant which guards nothing and which she must defend. : Should not some effort be made to effect a peaceable transfer of these colonies—not to us, since we do not want any colonies in South America—but to the people of those possessions?

So They Say—

TO CONVERT OUR great industrial strength to war strength, we must consciously divert much of the efforts from peacetime products to war products.— Dr. Zay Jeffries to the National Metals Congress. * *

PUT US TO THE test, and we shall prove our mettle as loyal, American citizens!—Tooru Kanazawa,

on agreeing with him or be de-.

aware but which conflict with their own representa-_

THE INDIANAPOLIS TIMES

MONDAY, NOV. 11, 1940

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‘Papa, Did You Say You'd Take a Walk?”

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I wholly defend to

The Hoosier Forum

disagree with what you say, but will the death your right to say it.—Voltaire.

\

GALLUP WAS RIGHT, BUT TOO CAGY Ralph C. Weber :

I'm inclined to agree with Gen. Johnson that he won't be required to eat Dr. Gallup’s words for the simple reason that the good Doc ate them first. Gallup was right but didn’t have the innards to stay with his own figures. They showed very plainly that Roosevelt would win..

» » #

DEWEY OR TAFT BETTER THAN WILLKIE!

By E. C. T.

Now that the campaign is over, I am more than ever convinced the G. O. Ps major blunder was in not naming either Senator Taft or Tom Dewey as the candidate. Either one would have made a better campaign. Willkie kicked away every important campaign issue—the war issue, the weaknesses of the New Deal Administration, the Florida ship canal and Passamoquoddy. Why enough was wasted on those last two projects to equip a big

As for the Republicans in this State, they kicked away complete control of the State when they turned down Judge Emmert and chose Hillis. Hillis is a fine chap, but as colorless as dishwater.

5 = 8 ARMS INDUSTRY ANSWER TO IDLE MONEY PROBLEM By L. V.

The value of money, like all commodities, is determined by the demand for money coming from the industrial field. Its rise and fall in value is an integral part of investments used in the development of industry. As industry expands stocks pay heavy dividends, wages rise; when decline begins dividends and wages shrink together. Investments become plentiful with the expansion of industry, creating a demand (value) for money. But as industry -develops it moves toward a state of perfection—a maximum quantity of goods with a minimum of human energy expended, and thus in so doing labor power as well as products lose value. This process first creates a surius of products. Prices lag. Work=s are cut off, as the surplus of products already on the market increases with the advancement of

(Times readers are invited to express their views in these, columns, religious controversies excluded. Make your letters short, so all can have a chance. Letters must be signed, but names will be withheld on request.)

machine technique. Investments become stagnate. The value of money declines while money in circulation fades. But, because money is taken out of circulation does not indicate a scarcity of money. Money is plentiful. In fact, dirt cheap, just because there is no demand for it coming from any undeveloped industry. It therefore becomes idle capital. Idle capital is an economic waste and so long as it remains idle the less value it contains. For there is no demand. This idle capital, or surplus value becomes more and more idle because of the narrowing down of investment possibilities and a declining rate of dividends out of which labor draws wages, thus putting a crimp on money in circulation. The crux of the whole matter is the failure of capitalists to uncover an undeveloped industry where investments will pay rising dividends, causing wages to rise in that particular industry. With no expanding investment field opening over a period of years money along with labor power goes begging. Without a gainfully employed nation of people money along with people (labor power) become cheap. , And so—because there is”a socially useful surplus of both under the present economic set-up—all surplus capital, and surplus human energy must be massed into new productive lines—war material. tJ ” ” READS ELECTION RESULTS AS MANDATE FOR PEACE By Edward F. Maddox This election is a mandate from the victors, as well as the losers, for peace. The unmistakable will of our people, the Democrats as well as Republicans, was, and is, to keep out of foreign wars. Both candidates recognized that fact. and both candidates solemnly pledged themselves “not to send our boys to fight on foreign fields.”

That was the great issue, and

since both Mr. Roosevelt and Mr.|

Willkie promised faithfully to keep

our soldiers on our own territory the

Side Glances—By Galbraith

NG. T. M.

| Japanese-Ameripgan editor, speaking for the N TA aor of Ji hor :

"Pop. Mom says you'd Bg

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an

er tackle the. school board for that

only issue on that question was which one could be best depended upon to keep his promise. The majority chose Mr. Roosevelt and they are going to expect him tc fulfill his promise. . . .

# 8 CONTENDS NATIONAL UNITY RESTS WITH WILLKIE By N. L. Cotton Dear Mr. Willkie: National unity —the thing that every true American, including yourself, most desires at this time—is your responsibility! In the decisions you make during the next few days and weeks will rest the power to bring together the people of this country into one mighty organization. Your power at this moment is greater ‘than that of the President’s. What you say and what y do in the immediate future will determine whether this nation will be united and strong to meet the problems it faces. ,. . The President of the United States will probably ask for your personal help. He cannot but recognize your ability, your ideals and

United States of. America. The greatest single thing that could happen in this country today to unite the people in a common cause would be for the President to call you to an important government post and for you to accept. The

for the conqueror but two Americans would be working side by side —working toward the same objec-

your belief in the future of the] §

vanquished would not be working |}

tives. Up to this moment the people are disapopinted with your attitude toward your defeat at the polls last Tuesday. But it is not too late for you to redeem yourself! You still have the opportunity to prove that you are the great American that millions of us have felt you to be. You still have an opportunity to go down in history as a man who did his best to preserve American democracy. Will you accept the responsibility? Will you serve your country now as zealously as though you had been elected to the Presidency? Will you come to the realization that your power to bring about national unity is greater now than if you had won the election? May God help you to act wisely and in the best interests of your country! # » » WARNS ARMS SPENDING NOT PERMANENT SOLUTION By Frank Lee We now begin to feel the first lifting impulse from the armament expenditures, It takes months for government spending to be felt, even after the money is available. But. we must remember that there is no permanent solution for our

economic problems in this armament spree. If is necessary. If must and will come under any administration. But the temporary relaxation of economic pressure must not be confused with a permanent cure. After the ride is over, and the economic machine levels off, it must still be made to run smoothly on its own power,

PEACE, SOLDIER, PEACE By DANIEL B. STRALEY Peace, soldier, peace. Duty called you from our shore To return home never more. Peace, soldier, peace.

Sleep, soldier, sleep. As the dawns tread softly by Poppy sheeted slumbering lie. Sleep, soldier, sleep,

Dream, soldier, dream In the solemn interlude Of a nation’s gratitude. Dream, soldier, dream.

Rest, soldier, rest. May your battle torn soul Find calm refuge at the goal. Rest, soldier, rest.

DAILY THOUGHT,

He that hath my commandments, and keepeth them, he it is that loveth me: and he that loveth me shall be loved of my Father, and I will love him, and will Sianitess myself to him.—John

HE WHO wishes to secure the

Gen. Johnson Says—

Willkie Should Not Enter Cabinet; Two Party System Requires That Minority Stay Strong and Vocal

ASHINGTON, Nov. 11.—It is suggested that Mr, . Willkie should be appointed to Mr. Roosevelt's Cabinet and accept. I think not. We must stand united in preparing this country for defense, but that

| doesn’t mean that we should give up the principal ine

strument of our democracy which we are preparing to defend—our two-party system. 4 We are not at war and even if we were, we would commit suicide for Americanism if we abandon the institution of political debate by responsible leaders of opposing schools of thought. Fer the present, Mr. Willkie is the ‘titular leader of the party of ‘almost half of the American people. That half is in opposition to many of the policies of this Administration, He * : now acts as their anointed spokes man and advocate. If he abandons that part, he would certainly be derelict in the duty he owes to thém for their trust. i He has shown, we all have shown, an invariable

| | disposition to support every act which tends toward

armament against any possible foreign enemy power, PE UT there are other weighty questions, the answers to which may affect our destiny, Foremost among them, is the question of too much involvement in quarrels of Europe and Asia not necessary to our de= fense—especially when we are not ready to make it effective because we are hopelessly behind in armament. . |

Mr. Willkie’s own campaign position on that has not been too clear. I believe that his true position is conscientiously opposed to that of Mr. Roosevelt's ex« treme belligerence. I know from my wide |contact, that popular opposition to that belligerency is over= whelming. I believe also that Mr. Willkie’s failure to state that clearly, as I understood he was going to do, is responsible for his failure to walk in by an overe whelming majority. It is unkind, in view of his gallant fight on other issues, to mention this, but these matters are so seri< ous that failure to mention them would be cowardly and unpatriotic. Mr. Willkie so far gave away at the outset the greatest asset of his party—the strong opposition of millions to any involvement in Europe's quarrels—that I sometimes wonder at his decision to run and his Philadelphia acceptance. : :

” ” » HERE were pre-convention candidates who did represent that opinion. He ‘didn’t challenge them on that vital point then, If his beliefs on that

question were those of so many people in opposition to

this Administration’s, he should have fought for them more openly. In his silence on that, if his secret opinions were then opposed, he should never have accepted the nomination. That is water over the dam, but it seems to me that he again faces a similar decision. If he really repree sents the heart-felt convictions on that and other differences of tens of millions of his supporters—and they need it—he has no justification in silencing that expression in the dangerous days ahead by going into the Cabinet. You can’t be in the President's Cabinet and oppose his policies, either by the tacit approval of silence or by thé more open voice of criticism,

A 's Vi i Woman's Viewpoint By Mrs. Walter Ferguson | RISE fo amend the old motion about changing

steeds in midstream and, for the for the benefit-

of the ladies and their causes, would like to urge that we do not change hats in the middle of a women's convention. If there were some way of putting on bare-headed feminine conferences, or forcing the delegates to stick to one top piece, during the sessions, the spirit of the occasions would be established on a more friendly footing. Milliners might suffer but the causes would not. 10:7 Bare heads would be the first preference, of course, - although sometimes a rearrangement of locks acts as a disguise, Hats are a perfect hideaway for the indi. vidual, and unless you have seen a female in every hat she owns you can never be certain whether she’s the Mrs. So-and-So you met the day before yesterday or a complete stranger. | ; Your first sight of the delegates leaves you with confused impressions. This is especially true [if you are a person whose wits go wool gathering when they should be nosing out and registering upon your, meme ory the features of the lady to your left at the lunche eon table, whom you want to recognize at once toe morrow. Tomorrow comes, the conference gets going, but where are the faces of yesterday? You had bright visions of walking up to the left-hand neighbor and being able to say, “How are you this morning Mrs, Jones?” You were almost certain you wouldn’t| forget Miss Smith’s mug. | But invariably both women wear different hats— and the world's greatest memory expert would ‘be stumped by their altered appearance. Even their personality seems different. When you chatted with Mrs. Brown last time, she wore a smart brown toque with a red |cock’s feather. Today she’s decked out in a black pancake effect with 4 bunch of fur like a rabbit's tail drooping over her right eye. Tomorrow she may addle you further. by looking peeled and brazen in a wide off-the-face creation. Perhaps hats can be blamed for the sluggish move ment seen in so many women’s conventions. It takes so much brain work to figure out the half-remembered faces under their varied head pieces that there's little left to use on our Bigger Problems.

Watching Your Health

By Jane Stafford

r most parts of the country mothers of young children are now faced with the problem of wearing apparel that will protect the youngsters from cold, snow or chilly rain while they are playing outdoors. ‘The popular snowsuit is the answer to the problem for many. |: The snowsuit should be made of a fabric that is windproof, waterproof, warm, and lightweight and flexible. Avoid bulky, heavy fabrics. They may protect the child from the elements but will restrict his movement, discourage him from playing and may even cause poor posture. | Gay colors are advised not only because they are pleasing to the child, but because they serve as a protection against traffic accident. Dark blue or brown on a child playing at the edge of the road will not catch the eye of the motorist as quickly as bright blue, red or green, | Snowsuits, like all clothing for children, should be large enough to give the child plenty of room for reaching or bending or squatting, but they d not be so large that they prove cumbersome. the sleeves are the wide raglan style with loose arme holes, they will fit easily over sweaters or other extra clothing that may be necessary on very cold | days, Knit wristlets will hold the sleeves in place and keep out cold. "-s be A one-piece garment has the advantage of not pulling apart at the waist, so there is plenty of proe tection no matter how actively the child plays. | Twopiece suits, on the other hand, are practical in that the coat can be worn alone when it is not cold encugh to require the entire suit. ie The neck should fit fairly closely to keep out the cold, but it should not be too tight or bulky, ana if the materisl is prickly’ and fits snugly, it will make the child uncomfortable and may even cause & rash on the child's delicate skin.

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