Indianapolis Times, Indianapolis, Marion County, 1 November 1940 — Page 22

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<P> RILEY 8551

People Will Find Their Own Way NOVEMBER 1, 1040

Times

NewsNEA

Audit Bufean of Circulation.

, FRIDAY,

?

lator. ; E. Willis.

We consider Mr. Willis honest, straight-forward and

reasonably able. Senator Sherman Mi is one We cannot stomac]

hton's record and behavior in office h.

2

THE MEN WHO MIGHT BE PRESIDENT

1900—William McKinley. 1920—Warren G. Harding.

‘OR 100 years the President of the United States elected

ty

every 20th year has died in office. Vice Presidents John

Tyler, Andrew Johnson, Chester A. Arthur, Theddore Roose-

velt and Calvin:

Coolidge |entered the White House not by

the conscious designation of American voters, but by the

‘accident of fate. co ol We aren’t superstitio s. We don’t think it will happen

this time. should consider

But~in this

ns in any election year, citizens that the difference between a President and

and Charles L. McNary.

: ® &

over the possibility that Mr. po recd

dent.

Mr. Wallace lon

capt | library reading

Henry's trouble. political seas might be sai

8 =

was not on the b

gnized this when he repudiated , he would presently resign and

g and well|and likes him. We asked: yu feel if, Suing a greal national

idge but curled up in the ship's about a new theory of navigation. That's He’s top intrigued by thoughts of how os 8

contrast begins. astically, for the delegat record as a progressive Republican leader. It is not likely that Charlie McNary ever read a book

on astrology or

knows the science and practicalities of politics.

. long service he

But he Through has acquired a close familiarity with the

discussed the nebular hypothesis.

Federal Government and a great skill as a parliamentary

leader.

he has persuaded more De lowed the President—for i

Supreme Court.

going got rough, Mr. Roo to put over New Deal refo As Vice President, he w long accustomed to seeking

Men of all parties respect him.

More than once mocrats to follow him than folpstance, in the fight to pack the And more than once, when the legislative evelt enlisted Mr. McNary’s aid S. vould preside over a body of men his guidance.

And if fate should send him to the White House, the

country would and hard sense.

We're young for will]

have confidence in this man of experiance ~ Xie and McNary.

"HOW TO REMAIN FREE

SAID Franklin Roosevelt,

in his peroration at Boston:

“We can assert the most glorious, the most encourag-

ing fact in the world to

ay, the fact that democracy is

alive; it is alive and going strong

| “We are telling the

orld that we are free, and we

intend to remain free and at peace. “We are free to live and love and laugh.

“We face the future

are Americans.”

ith confidence and courage. We

A beautiful sentiment eloquently expressed.

But we can’t forget

at only a few months ago ‘the

game ‘thing could have -b en said of another people, with

"only

a variation in the

st sentence to read, “we are

Frenchmen” Indeed, such noble, self-congratulatory flights of oratory were the common currency of French political

leaders.

In view of what happened to France, we find more force in Wendell Willkie’s) resolute—

“Only the

productive, can be strong, and only the

strong can be free.”

s 1

NO POLITICS HERE | ~NILIGENT search reveals a few news items that have D nothing to do with the election:

.~ American cheese pro record—468, 390,000 pounds Belleville, 1ll., erected a pre

uction has just set an all-time 3 in nine months. Workmen at fabricated house with such speed

that one of them, John O'Hara, was trapped underneath it.

A section of the floor had

to be taken up to release him.

Two optimistic biologists at Ames, Iowa, believe that

the war will be good’ for ¢ in marshy areas, wil

European ducks. Stray bombs, will open up new ponds where wild . 4

Y. Wallace might become Presi- [

Fair Enough By Westbrook Pegler

F.D.R. Changes the 'Party Line' and Where He Once Curried Favor With Communists He Now Opposes Them

EW YORK, Nov. 1.—When the Democratic National Committee tries to make it appear that President Roosevelt has been hostile to the Communists the record makes the committee look very foolish. The record shows that both the President and Mrs. Roosevelt and most of -the Administration. have been warmly sympathetic with the Communists for .the last seven years, and there is much more

factual information bearing on

this subject than I had room for in yesterday’s document on the subject. The Labor Relations Board has been packed in favor of -communism, and its rulings and the Wagner Act at the present time sven conspire to prevent the dis1 of a Communist from an airplane or ni lant on the ground that he is a Communist, although the WPA has finally come to the admission that Communists are incorrigible and insufferable wreckers and may not be hired or retained on its rolls. An employer cannot discriminate against a Communist because he is a Communist. It was discovered also, in the course of the investigation conducted by the Dies Committee, which President Roosevelt tried to discredit and suppress, that the wife of an agent of the Russian G. P. U. was employed in a confidential position in the Department of Labor, but so many

-shocking discoveries have been made by Dies and his

colleagues that the citizens are practically shockproof. ”n » ” . . UT I do not dismiss the possibility that President Roosevelt and Mrs. Roosevelt are now turning against the Communists, It is not surprising that the National Committee now wants to take credit for the conviction of Earl Browder on behalf of President Roosevelt. Nor is it surprising tiat Mrs. Roosevelt disputed-the Communists in the American Newspaper Guild. They indicate changes in the Roosevelt or National Socialist Party line. In may be remembered, in this conmection, that Benito Mussolini also scratched his back on the same brick wall with the comrades ‘in Switzerland. He played along with them until he was big enough to become his own dictator, and then turned against them. Mr, Roosevelt's aims are more like those of Mussofini and Hitler than of Trotsky and Stalin, His methiod has been to create a great myth of personal benevolence to the masses by working to destroy the industries which provide jobs for the masses, With this loyalty highly developed the unempolyed can ‘be made to hate the operators of private industry more and more for failing to re-employ them and to adore the President more and more for bludgeoning business. » n ” . r and when private investment cannot be persuaded to maintain business any more the investors will put their money into Government securities only, and the Government will pass it on to the industries and become the boss of both employers and employees. That is substantially what Mussolini and Hitler did,

‘and it is better than the Communist system, because

it leaves the business executives still in nominal charge of their properties. It is less noisy and violent than the Communist type of revolution, and if the Fommunisy don’t happen to like it, that is their hard uck. The Communists think they are very shrewd and cunning, but they have been played for dopes before— notably, as I have recalled, by Mussolini—and there is not a single country outside Russia in which they did the preliminary dirty work, as they have been doing all this time in Washington, where they won the Government in the end. France was the latest example. They drove the French people crazy for years, and the result is national socialism under Petain and Hitler. In this country they have followed the samé course, have been used, and now are beginning to lose favor as the Government turns toward an Americanized version of the very system which it professes to hate worst.

Business By John T. Flynn

He Responds to Requests to Explain The President's Economic Principles

EW YORK, Nov. 1--Many people have written in the last four months suggesting that I attempt to offer a simple explanation of the economic principles that underlie the President’s policies. ; These readers complain that they are hopelessly confused by the statements of political speakers, by the President’s own defenders, but most of all by the President’s enemies, who say he is a Communist, or a Fascist, or an enemy of the capitalist system,” Such readers say they would like to see an honest, unbiased clarification of these economic bases of the New Deal. The suggestion is good, particularly. now as the nation is called on to pass judgment on these policies. To explain them briefly is not easy. The fundamental economic policies of the President have fallen into three, perhaps four, separate phases. These phases are not the same. They must be described separately. . The first phase is embodied in the Democratic platform of-1932 and the President’s speeches during that campaign. As he came into office the economic principles on which his plans rested were strictly orthodox, capitalist economics. Put briefly, they were based on (1) a defense of private property and profit; (2) the theory of free enterprise, that is enterprise unhampered by the interferences and devices of big business and business combinations; (3) the greatest possible freedom consistent with world conditions in foreign trade. Because of these fundamental principles, the President believed that the anti-tr laws should be enforced against monopolies and all restraints on trade. He believed that there should be regulation of business, but regulation of the orthodox capitalist type, not to direct or control industry, but to prevent apuses. 2 8 = N the question of the depression, this he attributed to the abuses of big business and the financial leaders during the 1920s, tothe distresses of the farmer and the inadequate earnings of millions of workers. The continuance of the depression he at-

tributed to President Hoover’s extravagant spending

and his refusal to balance the budget. The President recognized that there were always maladjustments in any economic society—old age, poverty, sickness, misfortune. He believed therefore that the aged, the poor, the sick and the unfortunate should be either cared for or helped by the state with money raised by taxes and not borrowed. He believed that recovery could be brought about, first, by balancing the budget; second, by a amoderate program of public works but only of self-liquidating

projects; third, by employment of at least a million |

men in the forests on the CCC plan, and, fourth, by a system of subsidies for the farmers, provided not by ‘the public purse but by themselves—a plan which he insisted should cost the Government not one cent. In fact, he put rigid economy in Government and avoidance of Government debt as the first requisite. He believed. in the gold standard and in every safeguard against inflation. Here was a thoroughly orthodox capitalist economic plan. After the President was elected, however, he adopted a wholly different economic philosophy—a philosophy almost the reverse of the one outlined above, and that philosophy I shall attempt to explain in the next article, .

So They Say—

I MYSELF, never get mad.—Mayor La Guardia of

New York. ® *

IF WE ARE UNWILLING to defend our rights

By Sopee,. if necessary, we soon will have no i defend —Admiral Harry E. Yarnell, r #1

= THE INDIANAPOLIS TIMES" Doubtful Asset

The Hoosier Forum

. 1 wholly disagree with what you say, but will defend to the death your right to say it.—Voltaire.

SPEAKS A KIND WORD FOR BIG BUSINESS By “A Believer in Private Jobs”

Senator Minton goes about talking of “Big Business,” public utilities and such as if they were terrible things. The Ford Company is “big business” and every other auto concern, yet think of the thousands of jobs they give to men. I suppose he thinks those men should be on WPA, then the New Deal could control their votes.

My husband works for a utility, the phone company, and there couldn't be a better company to work for, My son works for a power company, another utility, and he is going to vote for Willkie because he doesn’t want the Government to take over this company as he and othér men working with him feel it will- if the New Deal is re-elected. Wake up, you working men. Would you rather work for a private utility that pays you according to your ability as a workman or like the WPA for a New Deal government that

‘11o0ks at your party affiliation and

ability to bring in the votes. . . . ” ” » CREDITS ‘FEAR’ FOR RECORD REGISTRATION

By H. F. W.

In The Times of Oct. 18 Mr. Clyde Miller brands Mr. Hoover and Mr. Willkie as purveyors of fear. He is absolutely right. It is fear that is bringing about a record registration. It is fear that has prompted many leading educators, religious leaders, writers, leading Democrats, and lifelong Democratic newspapers to denounce a third term and a ruinous spending policy. But if there were no fear on the New Deal side could enough votes be mustered to counteract those for Willkie? Wasn't it fear . that prompted Mr. Roosevelt to delay the draft machinery until it was safe to announce his unwilling candidacy, and wasn’t he afraid Wallace might not be nominated? Wasn't it fear of losing votes that made him reject Willkie’s debate challenge, or was it fear of imminent invasion which made inspection tours more important? Why was the second Information Please short feature starring Mr. Willkie banned by the White House? Why 1s Mr. Roosevelt making five political speeches after all? Why have Democrats bought up all the radio time the night before election? Why this smear

campaign? Why rotten eggs,

Side Glances—By Galbraith

(Times readers are invited to express their views in these columns, religious controversies excluded. Make your letters short, so all can have a chance. Letters must be signed, but names will be withheld on request.)

tomatoes, et cetera? Can all this be attributed to indifference? It would seem that there is a lot of fear on both sides. Those on New Deal payrolls are afread they'll lose their jobs, WPA workers and those on relief are either afraid jobs may be found for them or that they will be abandoned to starvation unless they are right politically. 8 ” ” DOUBTS ROOSEVELT CAN UNIFY NATION By W. G. 0. . » . It/may be tvesstnd no one can now have conviction on the score—that the President may have obtained for labor and other groups gains which are invaluable and which would not have been obtained except through his leadership. That, as I understood it, was the implicit justification urged for a third term in the Philadelphia speech. But at this hour reform leadership is not the need, but rather leadership which will unite the people and make the country strong. The first political speech reveals the President, as do many past, acts, as wholly incapable of that type of leadership. If it is assumed, as undoubtedly is the case, that some of the anti-Roosevelt feeling of the past years was unjustified and grew in part out of resistance to needed reforms, the President has repeatedly failed, and now strikingly fails, to attain the status of statesmanship capable of unifying the country, the type of leadership which is capable. of bearing “malice toward none.”

os » » SUGGESTS “I PROMISE” AS WILLKIE THEME SONG By Ruth Shelton 2

Wendell Willkie’s theme song should be, “I Promise You.” He has gone across the country, from coast to coast, promising jobs so lavishly that even the most naive must

9

i : a COPR. 1940 BY NEA SERVICE, INC. T. M. REQ. 0. 8. PAT. OFF.

"They must be getting along better—he hasn't had to buy Ter a new fur cd months,’ -

: There is a saying, old but true,

(sometimes question his ability to

keep, his promises and wonder concerning their sincerity. Any thinking person knows that there will be many jobs in the near future, regardless: of who is in the White House. Conscription will call thousands of men to soldier jobs. Many conscripted men will leave jobs which other men will be called to fill. Mr. Willkie keeps saying that unhampered production would solve our ills. Business was.certainly not “restricted” under the last Republican Administration, yet nearly every shop in the country either closed its doors or worked only part time! Mr. Willkie does a lot of smiling and arm waving, but his speeches are a good deal like the cotton candy of charnivals—a lot of sweet nothing! Always| his sententences are interwoven with strains of “I Promise You”!

2 2 2 ABOUT THE SOUP LINES OF THE DARK DAYS By Mrs. G. K., R. R.

After the Republicans had been in office for about 11 years they had us, along with millions of other working people, down to where we’ were almost crazy trying to find a way to make a living. We lived in the suburbs and had a few pigs left but we could not gfford to buy corn for them.

My husband along with most of

the other neighbors hadn't had a |§ Since we | &

day’s work in two years. couldn’t buy corn at the staggering price of 16 cents a bushel we had

to kill our pigs, hoping we could |i

sell the meat. I walked and tried every section of Indianapolis, tried

to sell the choiciest pork tenderloin |}

for 10 cents a pound and at every house the answer was practically the same. . , . In most instances little frail hungry children, along with their mothers, showed they were certainly in need of food but as their mothers said, meat, was a luxury they couldn’t possibly have, Where are all you people now, and have you forgotten ail that mental anguish and physical suffering you went through? ... God bless America and God bless President Roosevelt.

s 8 =» FEARS INTOLERANCE ON RISE AGAIN : By N. G. "

While The Times, its three hatchet men, and the petty stiletto carriers are busy knifing Roosevelt, let us for a change turn to the topic of civil liberty. Do you recall the waves of hys-

teria that swept the U. S. A. in 1918,

when most everyone sought to join some organization so as to engage hn the great witch hunt of that y? And when calm prevailed we wisely said, “Never -again.” But today you again see the rising menace of intolerance. One instance is the unnecessary clamor over the teachings of a religious sect called Jehovah’s Witnesses. While we may condemn this type of religion and regret their insistence in placing cross before flag, we know these people are not fifth columnists, and that they do not endanger our society. Then why this persecution? I see no other reason than super-patriotism, politics and plain hysteria. .

PLAYING SAFE ‘By HARRY G. BURNS

And, in mind, it’s well to keep, That when you start to jump— “Look well before you leap.” . It’s best to make sure first, Lest it lead to something bad, And better to know you didn’t jump, Than to wish you never had.

DAILY THOUGHT

Take heed to yourselves: If thy brother trespass against thee, rebuke him; and if he repent, forgive him.—Luke 17:3.

TO ERR is humah; to forgive, di-

FRIDAY, NOV. 1, 1040

Gen. Johnson Says—

An Open Letter to Ambassador Jos In Which Exceptions Are Taken to His Assertions in Behalf of F. D. R.

r NEW YORK, Nov. 1. Hon. Joe Kennedy U. S. Anibassador to Great Britain—or vice versa. EAR JOE: So you flew home to make a last-minute elece tioneering speech for the indispensable man? How could you be spared from your listening post in “our front line trenches”? Because you posidamtively denied that the indispensable one is getting us into Britain's war, millions think you came because the country is convinced that he is doing just that and will vote against that certain dictatorship. Mr. Big sorely needed somebody to “say it ain't so, Joe—say it ain't so.” But will people believe you any more than him and if so, why? You quoted that great military, expert, Walter Lipmann, that any fear we will send troops is absurd because the Atlantic is there and there are no ships or landings. The Allies said exactly, that in 1917. Ten months later they were crying for “troops in their undershirts” and we sent 2,000,000: men. They found plenty of shipping and ports When they got us on the hook. You ‘say this i§ a war of machines, that the British want our equipment, not our ‘men, and that it takes more tonnage to ship machines.than men, If you will consult the authorities, you will learn that it takes more tonnage to ship and supply a 1918 model army than a modern mechanized force of equal fire-power but fewer men."

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OU say the British don’t want us to equip an army, becaiise. then they couldn't get so much out of our equipment. Again and word for word, that is exactly ‘what they sald in 1917—and afterward cursed us for not fighting quickly enough fully equipped. We've got-to equip an.army whether we send it abroad or not, In your next breath you say so yourself. You also say that, if Hitler can’t cross 20 miles of English Channel, he can’t cross the Atlantic. Right. But also in your next breath, you say that we must elect Mr. Roosevelt to keep Hitler ftom crossing the Atlantic? Why not get in step with yourself? Once you get into a war, Joe, you can’t tell where you will fight. It will be wherever “defeat threatens or victory beckons.” If you get in with an ally, you must support him wherever he has to go—to die for dear old Dong Dang or to battle in the Balkans. Joe, this country expects a big electioneering emoe tional explosion. Secretary Hull was. to start it Saturday by knocking in Japan's teeth in a speech. So we extravagantly chartered. four great liners to “evacuate” all Americans from , Asia—14,000 from Japan. That show was a flop and a flare-back. Mr. Hull learned in time that such a fake electioneering use of his high office would destroy public ‘confidence in his great integrity. :

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8.8 =

HEN the first ship arrived, many Americans, who were on the ground, gave the trumped up “danger” the bird and declined to be evacuated. Seven thousand of the. 14,000 “Americans” were Japanese who just happened to be born under the flag in Hawaii. Mr. Hull dehorned and diluted his fiery speech with: kindness. You don’t have enough public confidence to need to worry so much about it. You aren't Cordell Hull, Our press. somehow got the impression that you were hurrying home to “break” with your boss and, by a strange silence, you let them think so until you had seen Mr. Roosevelt. That silence scared the janissariat stiff. You didn’t by any chance use that situation to . make a shot-gun deal about becoming the Bernie Baruch of the new World War? I hope not, because that also takes more cone fidence than you enjoy. Too many friends remember your taking jobs for kudos and getting out while the getting was good without doing anything, and your sulphurous and sometimes slimy skinning of your big bess in private while you were kissing his foot n public.

A Woman's Viewpoint . By Mrs. Walter Ferguson

RE you not sometimes sorry for the years whose marks you try so hard to remove from your face, your figure and your spirit? How beautiful and blessed some of them were, and how much happiness they gave you! Yet speak of them apologetically. are ashamed of them. This, at least, is the way you feel if you are an average American woman nearing or past 40.

&

looking, well dressed, active, useful and filled with a sense of quiet power. In your heart of hearts you do not actually despise those years.. You only wish to ignore them because it has been dinge donged into your ears that they * must be so treated. Never, you are told, acknowle edge th numbers, The scars of living” are dise honorable’ now; but one wants to see the evidences of Life’s high ecstasies or searing griefs. And what, after all, are years? You ‘often ask

yourself that. Are they not mere spaces of Time

which man marks upon his calendars? If it were not for our system of counting they would - ‘have no meaning. This is not true, of course, and you know it. The years of your life mean more than that. They are your creators; they have molded your being, fashioned your spirit and blessed you. with many gifts. Behind you they stand, reproach, waiting to be acknowledged, waiting to be spoken of with pride, waiting to be acclaimed. Look down the vista of your own past. What did yours bring: to. you? This one gave a college diploma; that one bee stowed a job which opened the way to a career; another brought a husband, still others came with children for you. Some brought new friends, changes, and some, with faces velled, offered only SOITOW. Because of them you grew, you learned, vou ene joyed, you suffered, you lived. 1s it not basest ine gratitude to be ashamed of that which has made us? Emerson says it better in the poem beginning “Damsels of Time,” which ends upon the note that is worth every woman's remembering: “And I, too . late, under her solemn fillet saw the scorn.” .

Watching Your Health

By Jane Stafford

WELL person can bechine still healthier, and maybe preserve his youthfulness, by s his vitamin rations, according to evidence presente by Dr. Henry,C. Sherman, of Columbia a the American Dietetic Association. “There are some evidences, although inconclusive, that the conservation of the characteristics of youth are helped by high intakes of vittmin © in daily’ food,” Ir, Sherman =tated. Vitamin C, you remember, is the anti-scurvy vitae min found abundantly in tomatoes, citrus fruits, cabe: bage, and strawberries. Outright scurvy, which

.| plagued seamen in the days of sailing vessels, is not so

common in this country but many people, nutrition authorities say, are on the verge of scury because they do not get quite enough vitamin C in their daily food. Even if you are eating enough vitamin C ta protect yourself against scurvy, you can; be still healipuet 8 ating more of this vitamin, aceording

an, He says: evidence that four to eight times: nT Ut Di rn te necessary to prevent symptoms of sc increased amount of vitamin C should be MR 3 s the diet for the increased demands of pregnancy and lacte ation, in cases of common infections, Wechanioal injuries and during ing viivaiologial strains and exers Athletto increases

wy SW

Undoubtedly, t00, you are nice . °