Indianapolis Times, Indianapolis, Marion County, 1 November 1940 — Page 17

FRIDAY, NOV. 1 1940

THE INDIANAPOLIS TIMES

PAGE 17.

Partio] T ext of Willkie’ s Address at Camden

tri IDEN, N. J., |Nov. "(U. P.).—The- partial text o : . Wendell Willkie’s speech here last night follows: | I want to talk to you tonight * about faith—faith in America. ! want to talk to you about! [the i that will bind us all together in . the days to. come; the faith that will enable us to meet the difficult * days that lie ahead. We have had enough of cynicism, . People of America. - We ary sick ¢f the kind or polix tics that refuses to recognize our craving for clean, hard, ppen debate; the kind of politics that seeks to win a third term by hiding behind the bushes of two te Yes, we are sick of th kind of one-man Government that calls an Ambassador of the United States, ‘my Ambassador.” - It used to be “my friends.” Now it is “my Ambassador.” Pretty soon it may be “my generals.” | Then it ~ will be “my people.” But| there is

“one thing that will be perfectly ' clear after Nov. 5. It isn't his

White House. It’s the people's White House,

And if Mr. Kennedy is the Am- _ bassador, of the third-term candi- _ date, who is our Ambassador to Great Britain? That's wh pt I want to know, °

We, the people, want an bassador in Great Britain—and ans is on “the job? And, incidentally, if we hod one, «he would not be over here on order, ¢ To help out with a dying] political * campaign. He would. be a his post ®in this critical hour, doing every- = thing he possibly could to} keep us

rma. =

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1)advised of. conditions in Great Britain.

TASK TERMED HARD

We are sick of the type of Gov-

tion like a scrap of paper. Our Supreme Court is regarded as an obstruction, Our unwritten law against granting a third term to any President is not even mentioned by the third-term candidate. He doesn't even attempt to justify his violation of it. How can we have faith in this kind of Government? How can we have faith in America if our elected representatives have such a low opinion of our traditions and our basic laws? Believe me, the task ahead of us is’ hard. Never have Americans been faced with so much to do, so quickly, Never before has it been so necessary for us to be worthy of our great republic. This is a crusade that we are on. It is a crusade that will not end on Election Day.

—on Election Day.

People of America, we are faced with a great issue. It is the ultimate issue of this campaign.

. There has been, as you know, a terrible reaction sweeping across the peoples of the earth. This is a reactien, a counter-revolution, against what we know as the democratic way of life. The essential principle of that counter-revolution is the domination by the Government of all the important activities of men. It is

the domination, or even the ownership, of their enterprises and of It is the domination

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| not master the machines.

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for last night's major address.

Wendell L. Willkie speaks to crowds at Grafton, W. Va., from the rear platform of his special train while on the way to Camden, N. J,

of their households, of their education, of their learning, of their arts; of their sciences, and of their worship of Almighty God.

RECALLS FIGHT TO BE FREED

That system—that reactionary system—has exerted a powerful influence in our modern world. It is hammering at the gates of the little island of England. It is reaching across that Atlantic to trouble the

peace of this hemisphere. It has reached around the other side of the world to make an alliance with Japan.

reaction? For centuries struggled against .the state. Flor centuries they struggled against the domination of kings and tyrants.

Two hundred years ago, the men of the western world began to break free. They began to overturn the thrones of Europe and to assert the proposition that all men are created free and equal. Through their struggles they came to possess certain rights, rights which no one, not even the state, could take away. This was the achievement: of our forefathers in the American Revolution of 1776. And thereafter one after another, the peoples of the western world heard the call to freedom, and became free.

Why have men suddenly given up those rights. and that freedom? Why have free men throughout the world surrendered?

We are living in the machine age —the industrial age. In the days of Jefferson the working of democracy was relatively simple. But in our day vast new problems have been introduced.

Misery and fear and hopelessness, and because they believed that democracy and machines could not exist together, the peoples of Europe have turned to their Governments. They have said, in effect, “we canThey cause us misery and unemployment So we want you, the state, to take them over. We want you to control them and to control us. If this means that we must give you back the freedom that we fought so hard to win, then take it, take it. Freedom does us no good because we cannot control the machines.”

_ AMERICA’S PROBLEM, TOO

Now we in America are part of the machine age. We have been the leaders in building it.

We, too, are faced with this prob-

: {| lem of controlling the machines, We {| have nine million unemployed, and

for more than 10 years our indus-

| trial system has failed to grow. We

cannot go on like that. We must become .the masters.~not the slaves —of the machines,

And how shall we do that? Shall

ji we, too, like the bewildered people i | of Europe, turn to the state? Shall i | we, too, say “take it, take it, Take

control of it. Take control of us.

: | Anything, so long as you put us

back to work.”

People of America, this is the

: | challenge that I put to you. Often

before this we have shown the way

{|| to liberty. Our Declaration of In-

dependence, our Constitution, our Federal system which Abraham Lin-

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We are faced today with the problem of finding another solution.

|| We are faced with the problem of

finding out how to preserve the democratic system in an industrial age. The people of Britain are fighting

i | with their lives against the aggres-

sor. That is the duty to which they

{|| are called. And we must help them.

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‘OURS IS DIFFERENT DUTY’

¢ But ours is a different duty than the duty to which the people of Britain are called. Our is to find, within ourselves, the solution to this problem that has wrecked the democratic world. Ours is the duty to re-establish liberty on earths to re-establish it in this industrial world, to work out

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Now what is the meaning of this] men |

among ourselves the new principles and the new methods that will be required to preserve it. That is the challenge, people of America, . That is the challenge that I.put to you... We are following a pattern which would look familiar to many of the peoples of Europe. We have spent 60 billion ¢~'lars in less than eight years. \ : have doubled the natimpal debt. Our total tax bill is higreEsthan in any year in our history.} The pattern Mows itself in our politics also. A new party has grown up within the Democratic Party; a party of concentrated power, relying for millions of its votes upon the controlled and manipulated city mashines that feed on the Federal Government. This party, this New Deal Party, has declared 67 emergencies in the last eight years. For almost every emergency it has appropriated more money and seized more power. It still retains all its emergency powers.

LEAVES IT TO PEOPLE

And the head of that New Deal party comes before you people today

power, a vast and unprecedented extension. He asks you to abrogate

assured the American people that no man could gain ultimate power over them—the tradition of the third term.

I will leave it to you people whether this is a falsification. I will leave it to any student of our times, whether the pattern I have described is, or is not, the pattern of the decline of democracy.

It is all written out. the record. . . .

We face enormous problems— problems of great difficulty, which the people of Europe failed to solve, within the framework of the democratic way of life. But I believe that we can solve hem. We can solve them as free men, in possession of our rights and cur liberties.

Yes, we can become masters of our

and asks for one more extension of |

that tradtion which has always|}

It is all on

would scarcely recognize today, but Jecognize the citizens of ause they will be free

I see an America of free workers and free farmers, producing more and more for each other by the use and mastery of the machine. I see an America in which capital, wisely regulated, will be free to flow into every corner of the land, to make jobs.

BALLOT LINKED TO FAITH

I see an America whose repre-

America. I see a country governed by men in whom our producers— labor, agriculture and business— have confidence. People who do not believe in America are entitled to their opinions, but they are not entitled to govern us.

And under our administration they will be dismissed. I see an America in which, by the co-operative efforts of farmers, workers, managers, and owners, new solutions will be found to the problems of the industrial age. I see an America from which democracy will arise to a new birth; an America which will once more

sentatives in Washington believe in'

provide this war-torn world with a clear glimpse of the déstiny of men. My fellow countrymen, five days hence you are going: to the polls. You are going to exercise the right of the free ballot—that right that you have inherited from our forefathers—that right that you, almost alone among the great peoples of the earth, still hold. The ballot that you cast on that day will not be merely a ballot for a candiate for a national or state ticket. That will be your ballot for your faith in America. That ballot will tell the world whether you have lost hope for liberty, or whether you still believe that liberty will live. I know what tHat ballot will say, I have no doubt, The great cause

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