Indianapolis Times, Indianapolis, Marion County, 31 October 1940 — Page 9
PAGE 8 _
BALTIMORE, Md., Oct. 30 (U. P.).—A partial text of Wendell L. Willkie’s speech here last night follows:
You will recall that when I was invited to speak in Baltimore I learned that the third-term candidate was also planning to talk here. Then, thereafter I was informed that this hall had been reserved and there was not adequate place “for him to speak. So feeling that this was still America, where free discussion was the rule, .I offered to share this platform with him.
QUOTES ROOSEVELT IN 32
I read thereafter in the newspapers, that my suggestion had been declined because my invitation had been public rather than private, like to a private dinner party.-I had assumed that the discussion of questions in the course of a Presidential campaign was public,” not family business. As a matter of fact, on several different occasions I have sought to have the third-term candidate debate the issues of the campaign. I thought that was in| the tradition of American political life. You see, I cannot throw off my beliefs lightly. The principle I believe in stays with
ow, for fear that I might have
Partial Text
is a group of cheering supporters.
ing that the third-term candidate debate the issues of the campaign, 1 looked for precedents tp see what other people had said on that subject heretofore, and I want to read
date for the President on this sub-
committed a discourtesy in suggest-
ject;
“Good Government could be
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you a statement made by a candi-|p
ttake us down the road of complete
- | flames. . |alliances of force againgt democracy
Hundreds of miners turned out at Charleston, W. Va., Tuesday to hear Wendell L. Willkie.
served, if in our national campaign the leaders .of the two great parties could agree first of all on the definition of certain problems of Gove1iment. Then, having defined the oblems, it would certainly be useful if each party could, in clear terms, offer their own solutions, joining debate on the advisability, the strength and the weakness of those solutions. But you can’t join debate with only one on the platform.” There is a quotation that I found when I was checking to see whether or not I had committed some grievous error in suggesting that the issue of this campaign be debated. And who do you think made that
D. Roosevelt.
Franklin D. Roosevelt made that statement in 1932, when he also subscribed to the Democratic platform of that year. Here in 1938, you defended your right to govern yourselves by your own representatives. You rebuked the New Deal with your votes. You rejected an attempt by the thirdterm candidate to purge one of your United States Senators. And by an overwhelming majority you returned Millard E. Tydings to the Senate. You did well, not only to rebuke the presumption of the purge, but to assure yourselves a good Senator. Once again you are called on to rebuke the New Deal and reject its attempt to force candidates on you.
URGES STRONG AMERICA
You will repudiate its attempt to pervert our free institutions and
state domination. With your ballots you will reaffirm the common law of the United States: No man shall serve three consecutive terms:as President. The world across the oceans is in New wars, and formidable
are the order of the day. Frcedom abroad has fallen before the ouslaught of he aggressors. Only on the small island of Britain does it still hold out.
statement? You have it—Franklin t
therefore, in plain English three times in my speeches. It is stated without qualification in the platform and I have announced my
form.” This second paragraph I. just quoted is a strong pledge. It is just as strong as the first pledge. They both pledge him to Democratic platform planks. But the second one was not made about peace. It was made in 1932 about sound money. And in April, 1933, five months after the third-term candidate had pledged himself to sound money with those strong words, he abandoned sound money, devalued the dollar. And he still retains in his
© lown hands power to devalue it
With him
alone, Ours is the duty to hold fast the great traditiong of democracy. Our problem is to protect those traditions and those rights. Our problem is to preserve free enterprise. Unless we do so, our democra ill die. We can tect our traditions and our rights by asserting them, and by practicing them. We can preserve free enterprise by making America strong. The
recently that the third-term candidate is the only man who can protect America. We reject the fatal doctrine of indispensability. One-man 1ule is always fatal to democracies. Let me ell you something else, that one man rule leads to it, always leads to the road to war. I want to talk to you tonight about the protection of America— protection in a violent and war torn world,
AID TO BRITAIN PLEDGED
The duty of the President is to protect the interests of the United States. These interests come first. All' of my policies will start with this question: What is best for the United States? In protecting America, the maintenance of peace in the Western Hemisphere will be my objective . aid to Britain to the limits of prudence for our own safety is essential to that objective. I have given you my pledge many times over; I will work for peace. We are against sending our boys into any war, other than the defense of our own country. The third terin candidate has also pledged himself to peace. Some nights ago he said—and I quote— “I repeat again that I stand on the platform of our Party: That we will not participate in foreign wars, and we will not send our Army,
eign lands outside of the Americas rexcept in case of attack.” And now, let me read you something more he said. I quote: “I reaffirmed my attitude on this ques-
tion. The thing has been said,
. WHEN YOU SEE AND DRIVE THE NEW 1941 DODGE
third-term candidate has suggested.
naval or air forces to fight in for-t
- ¥ | further.
PLEDGE QUESTIONED
I ask you whether his pledge for peace is going to last any longer than his pledge for sound money. . . . During the last eight years, the third-term candidate has made reckless flights into the field of diplomacy. made entirely on his ‘own initiative. And they have contributed to the confusion of the world. Statements of the third-term
candidate made in 1939 led British observers to publish opinions that the Uni States would participate in a European war. Those statements of the third-term candidate were probably made with good motives. But they had that misleading effect. The interests of the United States would have been better served if the third-term candidate had been outspokenly for peace and nonparticipation at that -time—instead of waiting to pledge it in an election. Even as late as June 10, 1940, he startled the world. He declared of
dagger has struck it into the back of its neighbor.” In the capitals of Europe this bit of oratory was not taken as a move to keep the United States aft peace.
candidate called for the quarantine of aggressors. But his policy with regard to aggressors has really tended to strengthen rather than to quarantine them. .
porting millions of dollars worth of scrap iron and high-proof aviation gasoline to Japan. We have consistently expressed our sympathy for Britain—and the need for aid to Britain. Yet just a few weeks ago we released a shipment of $7,000,000 worth of machine tools to Russfa, the ally of Germany. Thus we are helping those nations which the third-term candidate says should be quarantined. ,,.
APPEASEMENT HIT
Appeasement is the surest way to war—to avoid it we must be prepared to defend ourselves. .. , First, we must make certain that
ing for our new soldiers. second, we must obtain supplies of raw materials which are nov now produced in the United States— rubber, tin, manganese, and other things essential to national detense. Third—we must make defense weapons which we need and make them faster and in larger quantities. Fourth—we must hasten decision on the types of defense arms that we want industry to build. It is far better to have a large number of good and serviceable defense weapons on hand than it is to have a few dream ones on order. Fifth—we would centralize responsibility. We would take to heart the lessons of the World War which showed th&f high speed production of detense weapons can never be obtained if able industrialists are used ‘used only in an _ad-
THOMAS SEES WAR UNDER EITHER PARTY
CHICAGO, Oct. 31 (U. P.).—Norman Thomas, Socialist Party candidate for president, said last night Wendell L. Willkie, if elected president, would take the United States into war “about as fast and about
on the same terms” as President Roosevelt. He criticized both the Republican and Democratic Party candidates for their indorsement of military conscription add said that he did not believe there were 10 responsible people in Washington who considered the nation in danger sufficient to warrant the expense of armamerits and conscription. “Capitalism has failed to produce ‘what the people need and armaments are being used to fill the blanks,” he said.
ILLINOIS SCION DEAD DETROIT, Oct. 31 (U. P.).—James
unqualified acceptance of that plat-|:
« « « These flights were] ;
Italy that “the hand that held the]!
On Oct. 5, 1937, the third-term | §
. . . We have consistently proclaimed our sympathy for China.|; But at the same time we are ex-|:
there is no delay in providing hous-
visory capacity. We would appoint a chairman and give him and his associates authority*—and hold them responsible, Sixth—we must devote congressional defense appropriations to defense purposes, instead of boondoggling them. . . . Regardless of which side is victorious, we will face a world of economic chaos. . . . We will be confronted with the continued task of finding" job opportunities for our people, of bringing about increased
business enterprise, or aciiievits parity income for the farmer. We must not—we dare not—settle the issue of this election on the basis of the probable European developments within the next few months. .. . We must, settle this election on the basis of the future of America. We dare not let the pessimists
and the defeateists determine that
future. The men who know how to work and how to produce must determine the future of America.
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