Indianapolis Times, Indianapolis, Marion County, 17 September 1940 — Page 5

TUESDAY, SEPT. 17, 1940

+ Text of Willkie’s

,| has provided him with magnificent] :

COFFEYVILLE, Kas. Sept. 17 (U. P.) ~The teat | OPPOTtunities to make speeches.

. ; These speeches divert Mr. Rooseof Wendell Willkie’'s speech | ver audience. They divert its athere yesterday follows | tention from exactly what he wants I am here today to open a cam-|to hile—the fundamental, I will paign. It is a political campaign. say the tragic, weakness of his own| | It belongs to our American tradi-| part in the play tions. In the first place, while listening | In very few places in the world] to Mr. Roosevelt's oratory about de- | is it possible for a man to de what]

| mocracy, it is all too easy to forget | I am doing here. In very few places] that one of the biggest factors in! is it possible for a freely chosen can-

(the present crisis in world affairs didate to appear before a free peo- |was the failure of the United States, ple, for the purpose of giving free, ‘under his Administration, to re-| political expression to Views con- cover from the depression of 1932. trary to those of the Government| 1pat world-wide depression proin power. | vides the background for the curI want humbly

to thank God that rent war. The democracies were we can still do that in the United |Siruggling to liberate themselves | States of America.

(from its grip. Many, including | The verv reason I am here is to Britain, almost succeeded in doing assure that your sons and mine. 5% and even pushed their recovery when they grow up, will be able to above the levels of 1929. Prosperity | do this same thing, lin America and trade with America | And Because this act of political | Vere just what those countries freedom can be duplicated in so few | needed to become really strong. Our places, we dare not accept it lightly {recovery would have acted on them or take it for granted. In a larger |

| like a tonic. : : But Mr sense the campaign of 1940 is not = LAs just a political campaign. In my Of his responsibility. He launched acceptance speech at Elwood I,2 political attack against our entercalled it a crusade. The more I see Prises; he kept our economic sys-| of world events, the more do I think | €™ In turmoil; he made our deof this campaign in that light. |pression permanent. Instead of] As I speak, a great city on the|

leading the way to a new world, this | other side of the Atlantic Ocean is|Administration helped to drag the| in flames. Bombs have damaged |

{old world back into chaos. It masome of the most beautiful struc- | terially assisted Hitler in his agtures in the world—the milestones |

{gressive plans. of civilization. Gas and water mains| 10 We am piace, Mr. Roosee ripped open, houses are blown oki ar Pra WE win ren lj» democracy, conceals the fact that dead, and others flee for protection | °Y his own meddling in internato stuffy shelters below the ground, |lional politics he encouraged the European conflagration. For instance, he torpedoed the London Economic Conference in 1933 at the very time when the democracies I wonder if we realize what yy] Wore ready to come together on a burning over there. We say it is a | StTONG, united economic policy. And city, the capital of the British Em. Vas the godiather of that un Lh . 5 {happy conference at Munich—the pire, a place named London. But it is much more than that. A phi —yconference from which the word Yosophy is in flames, & way of life] ‘appeasement” was born—the conis in peril. We can nianowt wer this) oionce rom Which Ider ont > rm x (forth to destroy the European dewith our eyes ing And I wonder what stands be-|ocraclos. tween us and that calamity except a! bY fellow Coun. 1 deny smooth radio voice offering us the that Dreniiin Ronee ntever : Sh Cl sees > «his intentions—is the defender of gold brick of safety without sacri-| ~~ o : democracy fice. We are all just as much con- > cerned with the Battle of Britain as Mr. Roosevelt. But we must be more concerned right now with the Battle of America. That battle] comes first. The Battle of Britain is very vivid | in our minds. We see democracy burning in London. But it seems far | away. “Over here democracy seems| And secondly. I charge that here to be safe. We want fearfully and in America he has strained our anxiously to prepare ourselves democratic institutions to the breakagainst any possible military attack.|ing point. I warn you—and I say But it doesn’t seem to us that we|this in dead earnest. If, because have to worry about democracy or of some fine speeches about huour institutions of liberty and law. manity, you return this AdministraBut I am here today to tell you tion to office, you will be serving that this is a delusion. I want to ynder an American tell you that although our cities are Government before the long third not in flames, American democracy |term is finished. is in danger. It is in danger from| Iet me make myself clear. I say without and from within. And it nothing about the personal motives is danger from without because it of Mr. Roosevelt. He is a man eduis in danger from within. This 1s cated and reared in American tradiour Battle of America. tions. He may not want dictatorI am here to declare that the ship. But in his hands our tradifundamental issue of this campaign tions are not safe. He has lost his is the preservation of democracy it- grip on our American principles self. gives lip service to them but he does I know there are many present not know how to preserve them. He who will say: “Democracy is not an has put our democratic system in issue between the two major parties danger of its life. in the United States. Mr. Roose-| The issue we have to decide in velt is also a defender of democracy. |this campaign is whether the poHe has said so many times.” {litical rights that I am exercising Yes, it is true: Franklin Delano | today shall Roosevelt has stepped forth upon|shall leave in the hands of the the stage of history in the ambitious | President of the United States, now role of defender of democracy. scenery on that stage has been ex-| our system. actly suited to requirements. | Shifting from disaster to disaster, it

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has weakened, rather than strengthened, democracy throughout the | world

DEMOCRACY STRAINED

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E INDIANAPOLIS TIMES

pening Address at Coffeyville

PAGE 5

| power is always, and it must always|

be, the beginning of the end of de- | mocracy. Already it has choked our

: |enterprises and deprived our unem- |

ployed of their rightful opportuni-|

the other democracies in the world.

caused him to take one further, and | perhaps fatal, step. When the world was at peace he would not trust us to run our own enterprises. Now that the world is at war he will not trust us to defend ourselves.

RAPS DEFENSE SETUP

The Army, the Navy, and almost all independent authorities who have studied the subject, are agreed

| that the speediest way to build an | armament industry without hurting

institutions is by to a tempo-

our democratic delegating authority

Roosevelt was heedless| {

as the defender of

First, I charge that his influence

totalitarian |

He |

endure; or whether we |

The seeking office, the power to destroy

-iof companionship as well as the

| Coffeyville, Kas.

charge I bring. That goal—the | preservation of democracy—will be | the goal of my campaign. In seeking that goal I shall not (confine myself to the traditional | |arguments between Democrats and (Republicans. I am not setting forth primarily to debate tax policies or spending policies. I shall discuss those problems, draw the issues. and recommend changes or improvements. But those are not the issues that raise this campaign to the level of a crusade.

DEMOCRACY IS THE PEOPLE

I repeat that the thing that is burning in London today is a | philosophy. Let me fix this fact (firmly in your hearts. There is no economic theory that can save democracy. There is no technical remedy. There is no nostrum. All the relief money in the world will not help the unemployed to be|come hopeful and self-reliant citizens. If we are to save democracy {we must save the roots of democracy. We must save the philosophy. Believe me, that is my purpose.

I shall go up and down this land preaching the doctrine of freedom, the doctrine of equality. the doctrine of democracy. This doctrine, and this alone] opens the way to a new world.

We were all children once, and children we learned certain things. Our mothers taught us to be honest, to be polite, to be pleasant and kind with other people. Our fathers taught us to be brave; they taught us that we must look out for ourselves, that we must make our way—our own way—in the world, and that we must prepare for the responsibilities of our own parenthood. We learned also many things at school. We learned the history of four country. Twenty-seven years ago I taught American history here lin the Coffeyville High School. In | teaching some of you about our | country I learned much more than TI taught. I learned that democracy |is not what we call our government. Democracy is the people. At school we learned other things. We got our first lessons in how to get along with others. We learned gratitude. We learned how to play fair, and we tasted the excitement |of competition within the rules of [the game. We learned the meaning

as

meaning of self-reliance. And also in Sunday Schoel and church we learned many things. We | learned there the value of giving to {each other. We learned that when | men hate each other something pre{cious is destroyed in the lives of} | those who hate as well as in other (lives. We acquired a sense of responsibility to God, whom we could not, visualize, but in whom we believed. | All these lessons were our appre-| ciation for democracy. I take time] out to remind you of them, while] London is burning, because without them democracy cannot survive and cannot be defended. When I stand for democracy I stand for these | lessons of our childhood.

There is a simple reason for this. Several centuries ago men began [to think of themselves in a new | way—a way that they learned from Christianity. They said that each

individual should be equal before the law, as before God. They said that each should be free. And they | set up certain safeguards to equality (and freedom which we in America {call the civil liberties Millions of men have suffered to win these liberties, and have died to protect them. Among these heroes were my | ancestors, and yours. | Out of this new way of life grew a political system vital to our ex|istence. Someday soon I shall want to talk about that political system and to show how the New Deal is lin the course of destroying it. | Also out of the new way of life | there grew up an economic system (more abundantly productive than lany ever devised. The industrial majesty of the United States resulted directly from the operation of (this system of private enterprise. | The New Deal has almost destroyed it—and I shall want to talk about |that, too. | But today, at the opening of this campaign, let us dedicate ourselves [to those fundamental values we learned at school, without which democracy cannot exist. Let us | recognize that democracy is not something that just anybody can have. The gangster who makes a joe of theft and murder is an enemy of democracy. If we were a (nation of gangsters we should have

to find another, more primitive form [concentrated the power in his own "hands.

of government. Democracy is the | highest form, and the hardest to | keep. To have it and to hold it {we must understand, and believe and insist upon, the homely virtues that we learned when we were

Wendell Willkie delivers the opening speech of his campaign at

|when few others can. We have paid

rary civilian agency. At the end of the emergency this agency is dishanded and its extraordinary power is automatically dissolved. But the President will not trust

. - fe us even here. He will not permit New Dealers—those great “defend- our industrialists, who knew this

rs” : ros QU any SUPINE Wiese 10h, to take it on. He has set up t And I dc not find an advisory defense commission Dy hs candidate campaign- with some eminent industrialists ini cluded in its membership, but he ing on those values today. has deliberately refused to appoint This is extremely important to a chairman. The Commission is me. Democracy is rooted in the iherefore incapable of reaching impeople. The chief executive of a! por tant decisions by itself and it democracy must therefore believe myst consult directly with the in the people, and in the values | President. that the people believe in. | As a result, our huge defense proFurther, he must have a deep gram must flow across the desk of faith in our sense of responsibility.| this one man—a man, incidentally, He must know that each of us is/who has never had any experience eager to bear his or her responsibil-| in industry, and whose desk is ality. He must have faith in our will- ready crowded with the affairs of ingness to carry our share of the state. Suppose one of you farmers load, and in our ability to do so. had the same attitude toward your A man who does not believe in us farm. Suppose you had a big farm cannot govern us in the democratic and insisted on doing all the chores way. yourself, and all the harvesting, and The charge I make against Fr ank- |in addition making all the deliveries lin Roosevelt is that he has lost that and keeping all the accounts. You confidence. Franklin Roosevelt has Know what would happen. Well, lost faith in the American people. | {that is just what is happening to Just look at the men surrounds | OUf Noten program, ! ing him. They are cynics who scoff | : pe five Jaren in Lpgina, ahd at our simple virtues. They think |p 1% yd here hao ON that the people are too dumb to l yy Di Tg ay 5e understand democracy. Their ioe toed SO pone es hs Se i. 4 ob is that they, the intelligentsia, can n e Ye bB -

: fice who trusts the American peoexch pirates wad ple we shall never be able to de-

These cynics sneak through back gression. doors and pull hidden wires. A| TI pledge you that trust and confew of them form an illegitimate fidence. cabinet that gets the President’s ear

billions of dollars to give food and | yp in the ways of liberty must relief to stricken men, women and realize what this means to us. The children, but the New Deal cynics doubt in the President's heart has

use this money to manipulate votes. so weakened this country that Mr. | belike by “leaking” out stoves that | lieve against his will—toward un-|

They terrorize whomever they dis-| Roosevelt is being pushed—I have no basis in fact. They “purge” | constitutional government. members of Congress who try to] He is being pushed by the foreign be independent of the New Deal situation, in which he considers machine. { himself justified in violating the The cynicism of these men has Constitution. spread through Washington and| He is being pushed by the failure down into the roots of our democ- of his own domestic policies to reracy. Because it does not trust us, lieve us of unemployment, our Government no obliged to tell us the truth. [other lands. Thus, when Hitler began his at-| He is being pushed by tack against the Netherlands, we in this country became alarmed at the state of our defenses. The President talked to us, explaining the need for defense. Having thor-| oughly aroused us he then gave] ‘ - cerning the record of the New Deal. | :emocratic process And, in this second talk, he de- br fended his Administration with the these are the methods that failed deceptive phrase “on hand or On| hring recovery during more than order.” As it turned out, most of seven years when democracy was at the equipment he was talking about [stake in the rest of the world. so confidently was merely “on or-| der,” some of it not to be delivered using these same methods, will fail for two or three years. [to build a defense system now that

[ean industry — an incompetence from which his only escape can be confiscation of our enfeebled enterprises

| democracy is at stake right here in|

the United States. When I read of blood and destruction in Europe I am frightened If the President trusted us, surely to think that our only shelter is— ted | not airplanes and tanks—but a man he would not have misrepresented." coven years of peace could the strength of our military estab- | not get factories producing lishment when we were so anxious peace-time needs. When I reflect to know the truth. | that, regardless of the outcome of (the war, its effect will be to put He has used other subterfuges. I ,<"i competition with bossed and guess we are supposed to believe that | servile labor in exhausted nations lhe was drafted for a third term by elsewhere, I have no confidence in the leadership of the man who, in the free vote of the delegates to the seven years of accumulating power, Democratic convention. I giiess we ‘could not make one man a job. are also supposed to believe that his; A man who cannot Sipearence at carefully | erisis. No man can save democracy graphed occasions, at public parks ho has lost his faith in the People. and dams, is not political. I guess We Sooner or later—and I say the tim

CHARGES SUBTERFUGES

taxes cheerfully so as to finance his in him. trips to the armament factories, confident that he is not even think-

(I represent your power, the power

are supposed to believe that Mr. land to elect in a political campaign Roosevelt doesn’t really want to be his power you have not yet given

If you elect President. I say that all this is a travesty of democratic government. We are treated like gullible children. At a most critical hour in American history the party in power is asking for your confidence without discussing the fundamental issues. It thinks it can win your votes with hatchet

(away to Mr. Rocsevelt.

give it away to anybody

‘1 BELIEVE IN YOU’

I shall preserve this yours because I believe in you. I believe in your sense of respon-|

fend ourselves from threat or ag-|

We Americans who have grown

which! longer feels has been the root of dictatorship in

his own | incompetence to deal with Ameri- |

He is being pushed by his cynical | invented all|

I warn you. This is the man and |

And I say that this same man, |

our |

save democ- | photo- racy in peace, cannot save it in|

Americans are supposed to pay our lis now—the people will lose faith

I am here to represent that faith. |

ing about the campaign. I guess we of the people, to judge, to choose, !

me as your President you will never |

power of!

| sibility.

call upon

inevitably ship. every man in

same standards of courage, of honof thrift, of enterprise, and

{esty, {of humanity, yourselves. And I turn

(deluded Government of ours

I believe in your desire to share the burden of making this nation effective and strong. I call upon you, therefore, to help ties. Already it has weakened all me fight this Battle of America. I

you to awaken your But this is not the end of it. The fellow citizens to those moral and failure of Mr. Roosevelt's faith has spiritual values, without the exer- BUTTERMIK-PAINTED cise of which our democracy must { contract I call upon you to exact of

On Maid's Night Out. . . . Bring the Children Washington, and I say: Give our on monumeny country back to us. We want it. We 7 / love "it. We should like to share | the burden of it amongst ourselves. We should like if necessary to suffer for it, so that we may pass it on intact to other generations.

i a

MANCHESTER, Conn. Sept. 17 (U. P..—Buttermilk, besides being a refreshing drink, isn’t so bad as a house paint. A home owner who daubed it on his dwelling believes it will outlast ordinary paint. He mixes it with ochre pigment and to that vast, mistaken, [says a job he did 12 years ago still inlis as good as new. |

into dictator-

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men, who mouth muddle-headed | gm

words like “appeasement,” and who distract your attention from the real issues by indulging in personal] vituperation. When we talk about representa- | tive government we do not mean al government that represents the worst in us. We mean a government that represents the best in us. Never in the history of modern | democracy has a government failed | more flagrantly to trust the people. Never has a government shown a lower opinion of the people. And don’t you see the inevitable result? Instead of giving responsibility to you, where it belongs in a democracy, he has taken it away, from you and assumed it himself. | And what does an increase in| responsibility mean? Why, it means an increase in power. Because he does not trust us, this man, who| claims to “defend” democracy, has

He now has power, among other | things, to close all of our banks whenever he wishes; to change over- | night the value of the money you] and I carry in our pockets; to raise and lower the tariff; to issue several

| boys and girls.

‘ONLY WE CAN SAVE COUNTRY’

| | | Only we, the people, can save our |country. And we can do so only if (we are worthy of our country. We are told that those lessons of {our childhood are just old-fashioned |folkways, which have been super!seded by new ways—the wevs of the

New Deal. But you kno md I know that we have had no new deal in morals. During the past eight years I

have not heard enough from the

billion dollars worth of paper money on his own say-so; to close the stock | exchanges. If he declared Sone emergency he could close all the] broadcasting stations. He has de-| clared 40 emergencies in the last | seven years. This Seshereie concentration of

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