Indianapolis Times, Indianapolis, Marion County, 28 June 1940 — Page 3
ay s No. Longer Ashamed: +. 1 Was Proud.
By WILLIAM PHILIP SIMMS . Times Foreign Editor
PHILADELPHIA, June 28.—This is the most startling political
convention I have ever seen. Not that it differs essentially from other
conventions. In fact, when I analyze it calmly it is much like the rest of the conventions I have seen. Nevertheless. to me it is startling. What makes it so is the fact that I was suddenly precipitated ‘into it like a body from “another planet. At 10 o'clock on Monday moming, the day the Republican National Convention opened, I.was in Europe, where the greatest tragedy in human history is being enaeted. On Tuesday night at 10. o'clock I walked into Convention ‘Hall here in time to see Herbert Hoover take his bow before the milling, yelping delegates. The rapidity of the transition was too much for me. I stood dazed and,bewildered by what was going
= Mr. Simms on—the shrieking and stamping and music and good-
stand there and blink and gulp ang give my senses time to adjust . themselves from the way of Europe, dictators and war to the way of America, democracy and peace. 4 as mw 8 8 : THIS MAY SEEM far-fetched. Nobody who has not had the experience, who has not crossed the Atlantic in a day from the invasions and blood and terror of Europe to an American political convention in full blast, can realize what a colossal change it represented. . Those who. come by boat cannot sense it. The transition is too gradual. Such a journey takes from six to 10 days and those who make it have time to talk and walk and play games; "to get up out of bed and dress and watch porpoises play and ‘bet on the ship's run, dress for dinner and dance and so on. Rk 4 But by Clipper, a few minutes after you go aboard you find yourself a mile and a half high, between sea and sky, suspended, it almost seems, entirely motionless. - There is little to see except a void, and
is 3000 miles behind you and you land in the U. ‘S.A.
below it, so far as to be just a shimmer, the monotonous Atlantic.’
Proud o of Our C Own.
thinking of -other things, Europe with its devastation ‘and sits | blackoiits
when # » » os 2 : POLITICAL CONVENTION crowds, 1 know, are like nothing else in the world. They used to: strike me as something almost. ludicrous
if not “disgraceful, :
To me it seemed a’ little absurd that the gheatest Cory in the world should go about nominating a ‘candidate for the Presidency, the most exalted elective ‘office on the globe, to the accompaniment of jazz bands, raucous noise-making machines, hoots; howls and an: utter
lack of ordinary dignity. - - .
In the past I have sat with foreign envoys. and watched the’ antics’ of our candidate-makers—and I have felt a tinge of mortification. Abroad, I knew, they did things otherwise. Here in Philadelphia I felt differentiy about it. I was no longer ashamed. I was proud. I was proud of the roistering, good-natured crowd; proud of that solid acre of newspaper correspondents pounding away at their typewriters, telling 130,000,000 other American citi=
kill ‘whatever was
natured roistering. It was as if I had suddenly been thrust out of a very dark room into noonday sunlight. I could only\
And then before you know it, before you have had time to’ begin
zéns ‘exactly what they saw; proud that there was no censorship to
¢ bleasing to the regime in power; proud of the _radio announcers and of the fact that people all over the nation were able to tune in on whatever station they pleased without fear of the secret police; proud that we. are not forced by fear of a firing-squad - to take ourselves and our candidates for office . , . even for the office of President . . . so damned seriously; proud, though regmgtful, that ours are now: the only remaining free institutions on earth. - is ‘s 8 8 #8. 8 A HOW LONG I STOOD there bedazzled I hardly know. 1 began / to come to myself when I heard some one at my elbow saying: “Good Lord, Phil, when did you get back? Didn't you see enough of horror in Europe without hwrying back here for more?” My. friend la d. And I said something, I don’t remember What. I only know that I tried to make it light and joshing to suit the occasion and that I probably failed. For the thought that was going
through my mind was more in the nature of a prayer, an 1 - something like this: pray ah = “Please God, protect us from the fate of Europe and show us the. way to preserve our own democratic way of doing things—even to ‘these national conventions, jazz bands, monkeyshines and all. Amen.” &'
IT WAS ALTOGETHER
A BAD NIGHT FOR HE PROFESSIONALS
The Miracle of Modern Politics Occurs as America’s Public Forces Its Own Candidate Over the Top.
By THOMAS L. STOKES Times Staff Writer
PHILADELPHIA, June 28.—The men and women in the. galleries, middle-aged and old, boys and girls, won the
verdict. ~All night long, like the
insistent ehant at a college
football game, they had ‘cried to the delegates on the floor
below :
“We Want Willkie! We
Want Willkie!”
When, in desperation, the politicians and old-line bosses who were trying to check his victory began at the last minute to throw blocks of votes behind Senator Robert A. Taft
of Ohio, the massed thousands in the galleries filled the
hall with ghoulish and all-pervading boos.
They knew the touchdown was at hand, at last, when on the sixth and final ballot Senator Vandenberg’s manager took the platform to announce that the Senator had released his delegates, and 35 of the 88 Michigan votes were thrown into the mounting Willkie total. . Then they scaled their souvenir fans, hilariously, into the air and into the arenas, those fans bearing the names of Vandenberg and Taft which had proved so serviceable jn the long vigil under the hot
lights, and they “shrieked their joy. Soon it was over.
The Miracle of Politics
: And, though perhaps they did not know. if; “the galleryites had witnessed the miracle of modern American politics. That was the real meaning of the nomination of Wendell L. Willkie as the Republican candidate for President. Only two months ago was he #eriously advanced as a candidate. Politicians laughed at the aspirations of this businessman, this boss of one of the great utility systems who had become the No. 1 enemy of President Roosevelt, this—and here the Republican politicians shuddered—this Democrat!
Yet he caught the public .imagfnation. He caught the imagination of Philadelphia when he arrived here a few days ago. He caught the fancy—to the chagrin of the party stalwarts and hacks— of too many of the delegates with " whom he: fraternized. Shameful, . the politicians whispered. Like a customer’s man. |
The People Revolt
In the conflict which ended last night in that hilarious session ‘when: the galleryites crowned their champion—one of the most exciting conventions, by the way, that Republicans have held in years—is the story of something: which has suddenly happened in America.
It seems to represent, to put it
succinctly, a revolt against the politicians. This was the theme |m that ran through the thousands and thousands of letters and telegrams that poured in a veritable avalanche upon the officials and delegates of this convention, demanding the nomination of the colorful businessman who talked the he folksy language they all understood. - Some of them used such plain’ language as “stinking politiciatis.” This dragooning, this heavy pressure, galled the politicians, put up their back fur, for politicians like -to think they fire rather important, and they also like to ‘think they make up their own minds." Bo they ganged up in self-pro-tection, and resorted to.the secrecy . of. Fi rooms to plot their deals. the . fellow -continued his contacts. Brg the party leaders tried to build. what they thought wauld be an iron wall of defense. All the sid-line leaders were against him
__ Alfred M. Landon the 1926 candidate; Republican Leader McNary of the Senate; Republican Leader Martin of the House, who was permanent chairman of the convention; other Senators and a big block of Congressmen who came here to campaign against his nomination. Finally Herbert Hoover, who was himselt. scorned by the politicians in 1928 as not one of them, and who won his nomination over their protests as Mr. Willkie has done, joined the politicians. Also, the “angel” of the party, Joseph N. Pew Jr., the Pennsylvania cil man, was among them.
‘We Want Willkie!’
So well had they plotted that, when the convention assembled for the balloting, it looked as if they had a combination that could “stop” him and throw the ¥ictory to Senator Taft. It was known that the strength of Thomas E. Dewey was in ‘a disintegrating mood. Sure enough, Mr. Dewey hegan to fade slowly after the first ballot, in which he led. Then Mr. Willkie jumped into the lead, but with Senator Taft not far behind. The fifth ballot ended with Mr. Dewey dropping from his firstballot vote of 360 down to 57, with Senator Taft at 377, and Mr. willkie at 429. The galleries kept up their chant: “We Want Willkie!” They crowed when Kansas was called on the fifth ballot and Alf Landon himself stepped to the microphone and announced the state's 18 votes for Mr. Willkie. That looked like the break. The 1936 candidate had been one of the most determined in the opposing line-up. But he couldn't hold his own delegation, and he joined
They Knew It Was Over The machine made its last des-
perate stand as the next ballot
began. The Hoover influence was seen when California switched a big block of votes to Senator Taft and Illinois added some more. The galleries booed menacingly. But then the Michigan cave-in’ occurred, and the politicians knew they were licked. galleries roared for several fore the balloting could - jp New Jersey gave Mr. Willkie her whole batch.of 32 votes, and New York, Mr. Dewey’s home state, threw in all but a handful of its 92. It was all over then. But Pennsylvania passed, to decide what to do. Again the galleries booed.
The politicians of the Keystone State, and they are old-liners, were
caught. A few minutes later they |
surrendered. But it was too late. Mr. Pew and his Governor James, had they thrown in| earlier, could have claimed credit for the victory. But they fumbled, as the politicians had fumbled all night. This was the symbol of the whole conflict. The galleries had given them the cue and they failed to take it. They were confused by this new uprising of the people. It was altogether a bad night for
the professionals.
[ PHILADELPHIA, June 28 (U. * Presidential candidate:
changed their votes in his favor):
1st 2nd 171 203 338 73 66 26 34 30 9 18 21 10 0 a
: 3 ‘Willkie . Taft ... * Dewey Vandenberg James
ssecsscsacse
geinsisrimanses S60 76 4
! ‘Martin tseessresens | MacNider ‘Gannett R Bridges seessesssve Hoover Reusnssiancs Bea
/ i Bushfiel Ba a Guardia grasa 0 ; 1000
. eves vssen
sesessessss
sixth ballot, all delegates who had voted against him 0
1000
SIX-BALLOT RECORD
P.).—The record of the six ballots
which brought Wendell L. Willkie’s nomination as the Republican (When Willkie passed a majority on the
that ballot
3rd 259 212 315 72 59 0 28 11 “1 0 32 10 0 0
Ath 306
5th 429 371 57 42 59
6th 998
| contoronog2ll - SCOoPOOOOOOSOOSS
997
3
‘ (The ast four ‘ballots did mot total 1000 because a few delegates
did not vote.)
. At: the end of the sixth roll call, before the various delegations began the switches which finally resulted in making the sixth ballot the totals were: Willkie, 571 (70 more than needed to
"unanimous, mominate); Taft, 309; Dewey, 8; James, 1.
en a att ema Reps
Some Close-Ups of a Nominee
‘he couldn't possibly win, were on
WILLKIE WINS NOMINATION ON SIXTH BALLOT
Plans Speech ooh of A Acceptance At Old Red Schoolhouse Back Home in Elwood. (Continued from Page One)
Joseph W. Martin ‘Jr. He would appear, not to deliver a formal acceptance address —as President Roosevelt did at the 1932 and 1936 Democratic conventions,—but only to say a few words. He will maintain the Republican tradition of a formal acceptance’ speech in his home. town later.
Efforts to bring Mr. Willkie fo the hall immediately after his nomination were overfuled by the Willkie strategy board but he sent a message to Mr. Martin, who said to the sweating, weary delegates in the wee hours of this morning: “I want to say that I had a message phoned me from the nominee of this convention. Mr. Willkie wants me to thank you for your loyalty and for your generosity in supporting him so enthusiastically.
“He is grateful that this verdict has come in a free convention where there has been deliberation such as no other party ever had in political history. He wants me to tell you that he is ready and willing and well prepared to take up the fight to carry the principles of the Republican Party to vitcory. “He further asks me to ask you to give him your undying support. “He will be a®great leader, a tremendous fighter for the real prin-
support of every delegate in this convention and of every man and woman in America who believes in American principles.”
Delegates who had said of Mr. Willkie’s lightning-like last minute campaign for the nomination, that
top of the Willkie bandwagon 'today and promising deathless devo{tion to the Willkie cause. His nomination was against all the rules of the political game and this time really puts up for the nation’s high- § est office a business man who is that and nothing else.
Office Just Off Wall Street
READY TO QUIT UTILITIES POST
Willkie Calls Brain Trust a Myth—a Trust Without Brains.
(Continued from Page One)
was a Democrat until after the 1932 election—“very good and I still subscribe to it.”
He declared expectation of sup-
porting the Republican platform inf
its entirety. “I think,” he said, “that Congress should stay in session because of the extremely delicate ‘and difficult situation.” He listed these major issues of the campaign:
1. National unity.
2. Building of additional national defenses.
3. Rehabilitation of the national economy. “There are others,” he said, “but these are the major ones.”
Asked if he would have a brain trust if he won the election, Mr. Willkie said: “I say that the greatest myth in America is the brain trust. It takes two things to have a brain trust— brains and trust—and we have only had a trust.” Willkie said that he would make statements of policy on issues of the day later.
Approves Hatch Act
However, he gave strong approval to the Hatch Act barring political activity by civil service employees. He said he did not believe the budget could be immediately bal|anced but said that efforts toward a balanced budget could be initiated at once. = “I expect to make a very ag@ressive campaign,” he said, “a very widespread one.” I He said, in indorsing the Hatch Act, that one of the first things he proposed to do was to ask the Republican National Committee treasurer to impose some restrictions
|similar to those of the Hatch Act
upon Republican campaign contributions. “I think,” he said, “that the limit is $5000 and I hope: that the contributions will be smaller than. that and widely diffused. ‘I don't want any large contributions.” Last night Willkie knew what was coming, and in fact his prediction on what ballot he would be nominated proved remarkably accurate. While this sixth ballot was being taken, he left the large, top- floor parlor in his hotel ‘headquarters and went quietly ‘to another room “to -compose himself.” He stayed there the tremendous; victory = demonstration, which occurred ‘in his
| headquarters as well as at the con-
vention. .
‘When the balloting started, will-
throughout
NATIONAL DEFENSE— By Wendell Willkie
It was Mr. Willkie’s business that created most ‘of the opposition to him and the confidence among veteran politicians that he could not be nominated. He had none of the traditional political connections. His office at 20 Pine St. is only a few steps from Wall Street and he is head of ‘the Commonwealth &
(Continued from Page One)
knitted together in love, under standing and brotherhood no outside agency can shatter it. A nation united in spirit need not fear a fifth c¢olumn. ” » »
N“HEREFORE I .say to New Dealers "and reactionaries alike: Let us work together. We are tired of quarreling. Let us bring together our planning
brains, our management experts, our philosophers, our labor, our ‘young men and women; everyone
"who is an American. Let us take
our resources and transport them to our factories. Let us assign each factory its job for the defense of our nation; and let us
gear these jobs together.
But first of all, and last of all —Ilet us bring ourselves together! Let every American shake hands with every other American. We are the nation in which, when two strangers meet, they call cach other “Brother.” Let us make ‘that deeply felt but repressed brotherhood a fact. 2 2 2 E must do this quickly. We have no time to lose. Eng-
land and France constitute our first line of defense against Hit-
ler. We are not going to send them any men. We could not do it if we tried;
our army is too small. But it is to our advantage, even from the standpoint of pure selfishness, 10 help France and England now in every way we can, short of actually declaring war. And if. we are to provide them with the supplies they need, here
again we must stand shoulder to
shoulder, for it is an enormous Job. : 2 2 =» HE same thing applies to our own army. In the past 10 years we have spent six billion dollars on home defénse,
we have little to show for it. If now, on top of the biggest national debt in our history, with most of our depression problems still unsolved, we intend to spend more billions—surely we must do it efficiently, with the’ least possible waste and confusion: The job is a big one. We cannot handle it unless we work shoulder to shoulder. I say we cannot work for our national defense either at home or abroad under an administration which sows discord among our own people. These United States must be united. That is our historical mission, our sacred duty and our first and most important immediate task.
Tomorrow — Wendell Willkie writes about the budget.
kie sat with 25 newspapermen and headquarters attendants around the radio.
At the end of the second ballot he asked if anyone minded if he ordered supper. Shortly up came fillet mignon, French fried potatoes, which he ate with’ his fingers, asparagus; salad and coffee. “The third ballot is going to be the ctucial one,” he remarked. “I think that’s where theyll start to break. There are going to be lots oF caucuses after the second bal0 oO ) The First Uproar
He moved over to a settee and conferred frequently by telephone thereafter with his floor managers at the convention hall, notably Gov. Stassen of Minnesota. The first uproar in the headquarters occurred during the third ballot, when. Massachusetts turned toward him. Wild yelling broke out from the crowd in the .six-room suite which had more than tripled by the start of the fourth ballot. Willkie said he expected to get more* than 300 ‘votes on the fourth ballot. He ‘got. 306. Then the crowd really moved in. Many had rushed there from the convention hall, to tell Willkie that
i Sn
his nomination ‘was a Toregone con-
clusion. Flashlight bulbs ripped the semi-gloom of the corner’ next to the radio where Willkie was sitting.
He was getting a bit nervous. All evening he had bummed cigarets from the newspapermen, and now he smoked more than ever. About 20 persons around him were keeping running totals of the convention vote. In a staccato voice, Willkie asked:. “How many votes did we pick up then—How many does that make for Senator Taft—That went as expected—Now it's down to Taft and myself—Looks. like Dewey iy out—Did- we lose one there?” Someone said, “If Taft and Dewey combine their ‘votes they will have 504, three more than enough.” “Well, I ought to pick up four votes on the next ballot,” Willkie grinned. He Sie. On the afth ballot he had 429 Photographers - ‘roosted on every chair; some chairs had two. The atmosphere was impenetrable, and
| suffocating.
After oniy a few stites had voted in the sixth ballot, ‘Willkie left the| room, returned, was called out to
‘take a telephone call from Mrs.
Willkie. He did not return during the final deafenig which snnotced his nomination,
and { President Roosevelt himself says |
crescendo
Southern Corp., which is one of the big public utilities systems.
Mr. Willkie first came into the prominence that led to his nomination as a critic of the Roosevelt Administration’s power policies. He had a bulging vocabulary and a handy way of hitting hard in print
{weapons he battled the Tennessee Valley Authority. when the ‘New Deal extended it into (the Commonwealth & Southern’s Tennessee Valley domain.
THE. WOULD-BE'S
PHILADELPHIA, June 28 (U. P.). —A few words about the men who wanted to President but won't be— at least this time:
. THOMAS E. DEWEY
His headqiarters hac been the most cheerful after the drst ballot. But there were fewer cheers after the second ballot, still fewer after ‘the third, and none at all after the fourtd., Dewey was secluded, listening to thes radio. that he had released his delegates. When it was: all over, Dewey received the press in his all but deserted headquarters. Somberly, he said he, had phoned the news to his wife and she was “relieved”; he ‘had congratulated the victor and would work hard for him and the party; he would return to New York City at once and resume his duties .as District Attorney. No, he wouldn’t accept the Vice Presidential ‘nomination.
| ROBERT A. TAFT “Even up ‘to the beginning of the
ed victory. Word arrived that Van-
Surely, they would go to Taft. But Michigan went to Willkie and Taft's | candidacy collapsed in that instant. Taft received the press. He hid
lated the victor and would work hard for him and the party. - No,
dential nomination—he could do the
as the Senator from Ohio. It had been a real fight, anyway. °
. ARTHUR H. VANDENBERG ! The Vandenberg men had hoped for a deadlock among the leaders. It didn’t develop by the third bellot and they began drifting awav. The candidate, not unaccustomed to disappointment, Michigan delegates, and, receiving| the press, discussed the result philosonhically. His delegates had been “magnificently loyal”; there was little to say; he had congratulated the vic= tor and would support him, of course, No, he wouldn't accept| ithe Vice Presidential nomination,
Sia
ciples of America. But he needs the|:
and on the platform and-with those].
Word came out |
sixth ballot Taft supporters expect- |. denberg had released ‘his delegates. |
his disappointment behind a smil-| ing countenance. He had congratu-|:
he ‘wouldn’t accept the Vice Presi-| country and the partv more good |
released his}
5
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