Indianapolis Times, Indianapolis, Marion County, 30 June 1939 — Page 10

PAGE 10

THE INDIANAPOLIS TIMES

FRIDAY, JUNE 80, 1939 &

Text of Commissioner McNutt’s Address at Home-Coming

(Continued From Page Four)

1909, may be termed a period of independent economy. The Philip-| pines traded with other countries as much as they did with us and their trade was in ‘close balance. There was a slow but steady development based largely on indigenous economy. When 1909 came around and America was released from its obligations to Spain, the policy of independent economy was changed to one of complementary economy. Congress adopted the policy of limited free trade between the United States and the Philippines. The goods of both areas were freely traded, except that the quantities of sugar and tobacco products which could enter the United States free of duty were strictly limited. These were the only two commodities produced in the Philippines at that time which threatened to become competitive with American production. The plan was to create an ‘“economic couple” between the mother- ¥§ Iand and the colony in such man- § ner that both would prosper and neither be damaged. The arrangement was healthy. Both American and Filipino producers and laborers os Sa prospered. | | The

SN

Tt is to be regretted that this polfcy of complementary economy was

McNutt family in the garden of Bowman Elder's home this morning.

4

not continued for long. Im 1913

Congress removed the limitations on| The profit has not been all on sugar and tobacco and granted un-

| side. American export business limited free trade between the | OD GAG o po

United States and the Philippines. [0 the Islands has flourished. It This fact and the heightened de- rose steadily and the Philippines mands of war time resulted in an have come to be the seventh best overwhelming development of Pro- |customer of the United States, pur-

duction of sugar. coconut oil and! . g es : YAS D pe nt of other commodities which, after the NNW Pi °

war, came into comvetition with the | their requirements from America. normal supply of like commodities; The Islands are America’s largest produced in continental United export market for wheat flour, States itself. butter, condensed milk, cotton cloth, [galvanized iron sheets, and a host lof other items. Their consumption | preferences have been pretty thor|cughly Americanized, thanks to energetic American business pioneers Thus tive period from 1913 to 1934 | there. * Their citizens have learned fs termed one of competitive econ-|t0 like American things, on Je omy. Philippine industry and gov- 2nd dress to motors cars and mov-

HIGH TARIFFS PAID

i emment revenue were directed into artificial trade channels. Artificial, because the trade was supported | only by the fact that Philippine] goods entered the American mar-| Ret free «ind there commanded al high price because we imposed high | tariffs on the same or similar goods | from other countries. | So far as actual dellars and cents! gO, if was a fine time for the Phil-| ippines. Trade doubled, trebled.! quadrupied. The balance of trade’ with foreign countries was negative, | but that with the United States! was great enough to wipe out all | losses and provide in some vears a | net favorable balance of between 40 | and 50 million dollars—an amount! about double the public debt of the Philippines; an amount equal to! one and a half times the annual | budget; an amount almost equal to] the average annual circulation of |

money in the Islands.

ing pictures. Today the Philippines are the only bright, prosperous spot in the Orient. Their people enjoy the highest wages and best standard of living in the Far East. The deadly tropical diseases—smallpox, cholera, bubonic plague—which long decimated the population—have been wiped out. Thousands of miles of good highways are maintained. Bridges have replaced bamboo rafts. The budget is balanced. Taxes are the lowest in the world. The reserve behind the currency is 100 per cent. The per capita national debt is less than $2. Schools and hospitals dot the jungle and plain.

‘WE BUILT WELL

We built well in the Philippines. Our work is a monument to American idealism and enterprise—a liv-

[ing monument of 16,000,000 rescued from tyranny, rebellion, ignorance, poverty and disease, and set upon the path of free government, peace, education, prosperity and health. waxed and chrome pol- With all seriousness, no nation in Ee hs the world can boast of so grand a

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But a problem has arisen, one which we alone can solve. You recall the two policies which I have described. Politically, we brought the Islands through progressive steps to the verge of independence. Economically, we brought the Islands through progressive steps to almost complete dependence upon our markets. On one hand we sought to sever the ties; on the other, we chained them ever closer

value of the farm products—wheat flour, condensed milk, dairy and meat products—which American farmers sell to the Philippines, exceeds the value of Philippine coconut oil sold for use in margarine.

MARKET IMPROVES

Philippine sugar has never replaced an ounce of beet sugar—it

sugar. One can go right down the line and point out the many instances of trade reciprocity which our lobbyists neglected to mention. This is the story of the Philippine market: 1. Friendliest, most adaptable to United States products, standards, specifications a nd promotional ideas. 2. No blocked money, no quotas, no exchange difficulties. 3. Best market for United States cotton textiles. 4. Seventh best United States export customer — improving every year—capable of doubling its purchases of United States goods in time, 5. No real competition with American labor, since the labor facStates manufactured products is factor in the raw agricultural products bought from the Philippines. 6. Business on a buy and sell basis. No loans or bond issues for purchase funds; no defaults, discounts, devaluations or confiscations. I am not arguing for letting down the bars. I realize that Philippine sugar, coconut oil and cordage, under the careless statesmanship of

the 20s increased with such alarm-

ing rapidity that they threatened to come inte unsupportable competition with homeside production. But since 1934 the situation has

to us. The problem arose from the in-

sistent repeated requests of the Filipino leaders during the Twenties | and early Thirties to fix a nearby

date for independence—but for independence with a continuation, at least in part and for a considerable time, of the economic protection we have granted them. They aiso wanted neutralization or American military protection, if they could get it. Here at home, groups representing American producers and investors who found | duty free Philippine products in| competition with their own products, quickly took advantage of the desire of the Filipino leaders, brought pressure to bear on general policy, and sought to obtain for the Philippines a fixed date of independence but without economic protection thereafter. I have no quarrel with the lobbies. They were open and aboveboard about it and behaved as well, or better, than do most lobbyists. There was some competition and more threatened. However, there were off-setting American advantages which were not properly presented to the people. For example, the annual value of tobacco, and tobacco machinery, which we sell to the Philippines, generally equals and sometimes exceeds the value of cigars which we buy from them. The annual

By

limits and fixed quotas. With the experience of the past, good statesmanship on both sides will prevent the recurrence of the threat of harmful competition. There are characteristics of trading in the Philippines which in these times shouid interest every farmer and manufacturer of the United States. The Philippines are a peaceful place, with a currency backed 100 per cent by dollar reserves. There are no blocked pasos, there are no restrictions on the purchase and sale of exchange, there are no quotas against S. If we accept the only common sense interpretation of trade between two countries, “purchasing what you need but have not, and selling what you have but do not need,” the trade between the United States and the Philippines as it has developed under the freetrade provisions can be shown to be wholly normal and mutually advantageous. In this day, when the United States seeks a market for surplus goods, this trade should be maintained. It can be maintained through appropriate legislative action. Notwithstanding these facts, the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Bill was passed, vetoed, repassed and rejected by the Philippines. The Tyd-ings-McDuffie Act was passed and accepted, and the Commonwealth was inaugurated.

PROBLEM BROADENS

Sovereignty was not altered-—the Islands remain until 1946 in full allegiance to the United States. In the meantime the problem has

broadened. Treaties concerning the Orient have been violated. Over the major area of the Orient famine and pestilence and bloodshed are raging. Our open door policy has been more than seriously challenged. Our policy of freedom of the seas and freedom of the air is in the balance. And what of the Philippines? They have come to the crossing of the roads. The events of the last two years have given many thoughtful Filipino leaders an object lesson and food for thought. Perhaps, suddenly, but they hope not too late. many have come to realize that independence, however attractive fom a spiritual viewpoint may mean a mere trade of sovereignties. They

laws—exeluding Asiatic immigration could scarcely be enforced by an independent small nation in their quarter of the globe. The Philippines are sparsely populated and they are surrounded with

spilling over their national boundaries. An independent Philippine Government thus faces a very real threat of racial extinction. Add to this the question of its ability to defend itself from foreign military ageression and the economic dis-

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voring a permanent political and economic relationship with the Philippines, it shall be, I trust, because it is in aid of our national pur-

the American market, and you have the picture. From the American viewpoint the picture is equally gloomy. If we

has replaced a ‘quantity of Cuban

many times greater than the labor

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withdraw from the Philippines. we lose our voice in Oriental diplomacy. We leave a barrier reef of islands from Kamchatka to Borneo—all practically within sight of each other—a barrier which will intervene between the United States and the Continent of Asia. In foreign hands, this barrier will block our trade and intercourse with ‘China. {Tt will solve the claims of freedom of the seas and freedom of the air —solve them unfavorably to us and to our children. To us there comes a responsibility. It appears now in respect to the Philippine problem broadened to become a part of a greater Oriental problem. If we scuttle, if we run away, our monument will be destroyed. The things we counted on, our aspirations to point the way to a new benign colonialism, our handi= craft will perish. Our grandchildren will read a history which will apply to us the epithet “quitter’—a word which is just about the worst insult in the lexicon of a true American. I believe I voice the inherent desire of my nation when I say that Wwe want to solve the Philippine problem in fairness to all—we want

tor integral in the value of United to solve it just as we wish with

fairness and justice to solve our he problems. It can be solved.

|

OUR FLAG SHOUD REMAIN

On the political side, our flag and sovereignty should remain, allow-

of domestic autonomy they can absorb—holding in our own hands

currency and public debt—searcely more than marks of the necessary reservation of a dominion. We should feel free in case of any erisis to help preserve the democratic basis of the Philippine Government. On the economic side, we should, from time to time, give the Philippines the best trade deal we can

ing to the Philippines every ounce

foreign affairs, tariffs, immigration,

poses. America will not impose her sovereignty by force upon any people. The enduring welfare and safe= ty of both countries are to be the paramount consideration.

MAY WE BE WORTHY

It is my conviction that they are not far apart and that they can be harmonized—harmonized for the salvation of the Philippines, for the larger interests of America, and for the peace of the Pacific. I am deeply interested in that peace, in peace everywhere at home and abroad. To be home once more renews my faith in democracy as a system of government. To be among you, with whom I have worked under the stress of trying times, renews my faith in men. All of us are deeply moved by this magnificent expression of your friendship and are profoundly grateful. May we be worthy of it until the end of our lives, and may God bless and keep you now and for=|

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without injuring our domestic pro-| |ducers. We must admit the possi-| [bility of competition. The present [quantity quotas on sugar, coconut oil, and cordage should be retained (ahd if other or new commodities came into competition with home- | side products, they also should be! restricted with quotas. Our aim should be to assist with capital and men, with good will and such preferences as we can afford, the return to a comple-| mentary and reciprocal economy | between the United States ana the | Philippines. Then there is the problem of military protection. I venture to predict that so long as our flag flies over the Islands no foreign power | will trespass, irrespective of the military forces stationed there. So long as our flag flies there, the Philippines will be the cornerstone! of peaceful reconstruction in tie! Far East. I further venture that if our flag comes down, trouble will |

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outpost and a distant one in miles— but today they are only five days by trans-Pacific clipper. But, the Philippines are an outpost of decency and peace—the only

Orient—the only sure outpost for Americanism in the Orient. And whenever have we not had outposts? Our entire history has been one of pushing the frontier; of setting dis= tant points to be reached and dis tant aspirations to be achieved. Outposts have been the milestones of American progress. Neither this American generation nor any other American generation should falter on its onward path. We cannot scuttle. We must not shirk.

and with the co-operation of the leaders among the Filipinos, we should proceed to a realistic res examination of the needs of these people and the long-range inters ests of ourselves. If this study results in a policy fa

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