Indianapolis Times, Indianapolis, Marion County, 6 December 1938 — Page 14

| Roosevelt's North Carolina Address

CHAPEL HILL, N. C., Dec. 6 (U.P.).—The text of President Roosevelt's address at the| University of North

Carolina yesterday follows:

e late Justice Cardozo of the e Court wrote a few. years

e-live in a world of change. body of law. were in existence quate for the civilization of toit could not meet the demands )ymorrow. Society is inconstant. ong as it is inconstant—there be no. constancy in: law—law ines a relation not always befixed points, but often bepoints of varying position. . . There is change whether we will it or not.” - ‘It [is recognition of this philosophy that has made the University of North Carolina representative of ‘libergl teaching. And it is my recognition of your recognition of that philosophy that brings me so willingly to Chapel Hill today. It| is a far cry:from the days of my | first visit to the university, nearly a quarter .of a century ago. e then because my old chief— that great North Carolina liberal, Josephus Daniels—told me I should see [for myself a great institution of learning which was thinking and acting in terms of today and to- - morrow and not in the tradition of yesterday.

“amen PRESIDENT LEADER”

Ia those days the leadership of the| nation was in the hands of a great President who was seeking to recover for our social system ground which had been lost under his conservative predecessor, and to restore lething of the fighting liberal irit which the nation had gained ler Theodore Roosevelt. It seemed of our national tragedies that just when Woodrow Wilson was begi g to accomplish definite improvements in the living standards of America, the World War not only

I say this advisedly because not progress but the reverse, when a nation goes through the ~mafness of the twenties, piling up paper profits, hatching alll manner of [speculations and coming inevitto the day when the bubble is only the unthinking liberals in [this world who see nothing but tragedy in the slowing up or temporary stopping of liberal progress. is only the unthinking conseryvatives who rejoice when a social or economic reform fails to be 100 per cent successful. t is only the “headline” mentality that exaggerates .or distorts the true objectives of those in this nation whether they be the president of the University of North Carolina or the President of the United States, who, with Mr. Justice Cardozo admit the fact of change and seek to guide change into the ight channels to the greater glory God and the greater good of ankind.

QUOTES FIRST ROOSEVELT

You undergraduates who see me for the first time have read your newspapers and heard on the air that I am, at%he very least, an ogre

ancient traditions. You think of e perhaps as the inventor of the

. You have heard for years that 1 was about to plunge e nation into war; that you and

ur little brothers would be sent!

the bloody fields qf battle in urope; that I was driving the na-' tion into bankruptcy, and that 1

Actually I am an exceedingly mild mannered person—a practitioner. of peace, both domestic and foreign, a believer in the capitalistic system, and for my breakfast a devotee of scrambled eggs. : You have read that as a result of palloting last November the liberal forces in the United States are on their way to the cemetery—yet I ask you to remember that liberal forces in the United States have often been killed and buried—with the inevitable result that in short order they have come to life again with more strength than they had before. It is also true that other men in public life have protested against certain forms of economic control and that epithets far stronger -nan any I have used have been employed even by. Presidents of the United States. Those of us who knew] Woodrow: Wilson and Theodore Roosevelt and Grover Cleveland could hardly coddles. I was reading a letter of Theodore Roosevelt the other day, written to a friend in the spring of 1908, and it will, I think, interest and amuse you if I quote from it. He was writing to a man who was fighting for social and political decency on the Pacific Coast. He said: ; “Now and then you must feel down-hearted when you see men guilty of the mosf atrocious crimes who, from some cause or other, succeed in escaping punishment, and especially when you see . . . men of wealth, of high business and in a sense of high social standing, bandg ed together against you. My dear sir, I want you to feel that your experience is simply the experience of all of us who are engaged in th fight. :

“BATTLE ON VALIANTLY”

“Fhere is no form of slander. and’ wicked falsehood in which the New York papers, not only those representing the lowest type of demagogy, but those representing the interests that call themselves preeminently conservative, pre-emi-nently cultured, have not induged in as regards myself. From all I can gather the feeling against me, not only in Wall Street, not only in the business houses of the greatest financiers of New York, but also in most of the uptown clubs. . . . It is just in these places that the feeling against me has been most bitter. As a matter of fadt, I do not care a snap of my fingérs about it. I do not care whether they think well of me or think ill of me. But I do care a very great deal to do this work" without flinching, on the one hand and on the other hand without becoming angered and irritated to a degree that will in any way cause me to lose my head. “Now, so it is with you and your associates. You must keep reasonably good natured; but above all things you must not lose heart; and you must battle on valiantly, no matter what the biggest business men may say, no matter what the mob may say, no matter what may be said by that element which chooses to regard itself as socially the highest element. You are in a fight for plain decency, for the plain democracy of the plain people who believe in honesty and in fair dealing between man and man. Do not get disheartened; and keep up the fight.” Theodore Roosevelt, born of an old New York family, Southern on his mother’s side, trained as a young man on our western frontiers; was

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perhaps the first American President in modern times who knew the whole nation. In the letter which I have read, and with this nationai background, it seems to me what he said in effect was, first, that the American people have, and must have, a definite objective for the improvement of Government, for the improvement of social and economic conditions; second, that these objectives must be carried out by definite ac¢tion, and, third, that in the attaining of them, the President and the Government and the people as a whole must have two essential qualities—first, a sense of propor-

national point ‘of view were absent. Another generdtion went by and it was the same lack of tolerance, the same lack of a national point of view which brought about a war which was not inevitable—the war between the states.

The scene changed and the nation was confrontéd not by a sectional difference, but by a struggle for economic and social control—a period’ which saw the control of our National Government by groups of individuals, who, owning their government, through owning vast financial power, used the plea of development of our national resources

vision, who pushed railroads across

that they might feather their own|hither from the centers of Europe |He draws a picture of the complete. in, lived in a Utopia of work and’ to find work in new fields. B

nests. : In the lifetime of people who are

still with us, there were men whom Perfection of life that surrounded |can of those days, no matter what our population half a century ago. part of the country he or she lived

we thust admit had courage and

the plains, opened mines, dammed rivers, created vast aggregations of capital; and left in their wake vast aggregations of national and state and local political power. In a sense those were glorious days because the wide-open spaces were open to those native Americans and those who were flocking

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lack of any restraints on any indi- play’ to which ‘we should seek an’

A current author emphasizes the|vidual and infers that every Ameri- [immediate return, A few days ago in Georgia I talked (Continued on Page 15) :

call them molly-|}

tion and perspective, and second, goodwill and a sense of humor. Almost every crisis of our history since 1789 has become a crisis because of a lack on the part of leaders or on the part of the people themselves, or both, of some of these

essentials. {

'«“BORN OF OPPRESSION” Y

| The very bith of the Democratic Party, at a time when President Washington publicly expressed the hope that the nation could be run without parties, was due to the simple fact that the Government itself was dominated by the great commercial and shipping interests

of the seaboard, and failed to give|.

recognition to the needs and the desires of the masses of the inhabitants of the original 13 states who did not subscribe to the theory that birth, wealth or political posi tion, could give to the possessors of these qualifications the sole right to govern. Hence the Democratic Party. : A ‘generation later a Government dominated by the other extreme— the plainer. people from the back country, from the Piedmont and the slopes of the Alleghenies, paying scant attention to the ship owners of the seaboard, drove our nation into the second war against Great Britain. “And here in the South it is worth remembering that the first suggestion of secession from the Union was proposed by delegates from the New England States in the Hartford convention in 1814. In both cases tolerance and the

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EASA

TRAP-SHOOTING CHAMPION of North America (Women’s Clay Targets), Mrs. Lela Hall, says: “Holding a shooting title four years straight puts plenty of pressure’ on the nerves. I find that it pays to give my nerves frequent rests, especially during matches and before them. So I let up = light up a Camel —often! Camels really are so soothing.”

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