Indianapolis Times, Indianapolis, Marion County, 27 August 1938 — Page 11

bs 3

Text of Rep. -Wadsworth’s Keynote ] A ddress. T

Ny The complete text of Rep. James Wadsworth’s keynote ‘address at Capehart Farms, ‘Washington, this afternoon, follows: : To describe the issues which confront the American people today is @& large order. If you expect me to fill such an order completely you are expecting something far beyond my poor ability. I can only shoot at some of the high spots. Perhaps ‘I should call them the fundamentals. At any rate, I shall do my best to emphasize certain outstanding problems which, I am convinced, - should hold the thought of Americans at this hour. When Americans stop and think their decision will be, not European, but American. Witness the condition of our country - today. Commencing with a world-wide depression in 1930 our people began to feel the deadening effect of economic stagnation, the -pangs of unemployment and their attendant sufferings. The tide of misery swept over us as it swept over other nations. We tried to stop it, but the current was too strong. We were swept along by an irresistible economic force. Looking back at it now we know that we and most of the rest of the world were paying the penalty which mankind has to pay for its folly— the folly of wholesale destruction incident to the World War. To say that our Government in 1930 or 1931 brought that misery to jus is utter nonsense. No government, no group of men could inflict such a thing upon the world. Let us be frank about it, and admit that human error and human passions carrying the race off its ‘feet during those fateful World War years brought that calamity upon us. ~ The Roosevelt Administration came into power in the spring of 1933 and found the country in a truly distressing condition. It came into power with the assurance given to a hard-pressed people that thrift would be the watchword in the management of Government; that the resources of the people would be conserved; that they would be _ protected from waste and extravagance; that the structure of Government itself would be simplified and made less ‘expensive; that unnecessary bureaus and commissions would be " abolished; that governmental expenditures would be reduced, if possible, to the extent of 25 per cent; that the energies of the people would be set free; that to accom-

plish this, crops of the farmers ||

would not be subject to control of Government; that taxes would not be piled upon the back of the hardworking citizen lest the bread line be lengthened. These things were promised by Mr. Roosevelt in his campaign of 1932 clearly and definitely, and the people who earn their living with their hands or with their brains rejoiced that they were to be given a decent chance to get along. These promises were given with every assurance that the White House would understand the difficulties which the average citizen . encountered in: those --trying times and would co-operate sensibly and strongly with the effort of the citizen to work his way out of his troubles. ;

‘ACTS MADE PERMANENT"

We all rejoiced at the prospect. With enthusiasm we passed bills giving . extraordinary emergency powers to the President in order that he might cut down expendi‘tures, reorganize and resuscitate the banking structure, help business to get on its feet again, take care of the unemployed, and generally to lead the country back into the pathway of useful effort. The powers that were conferred apon him were enormous. We have never known anything like them in our history. We conferred them With the distinct understanding that they were to be used solely to meet the great emergency. When the ‘emergency had passed, they were no longer to be used. All but a very few, who understood the inner purposes of the new President, were confident that Governmem® would shortly resume its typically Amerikan function of being a servant of the people rather than their master. That was five years ago. The Frieusable expectation of the people been ignored. The measures which were intended’ as temporary have been made permanent. Instead of relinquishing the great power conferred upon the Executive in 1933 and 1934 more and more has been demanded and much of it acquired. "As time is measured, the transition from Government the Servant to Government the Master, has been sudden and bewildering. Before we could realize it, almost, the Government embarked upon a road absolutely new in our experience and in many respects reversing completely our long-time effort at preserving liberty and keeping the ~itizen safe as the master of his Government. Before we knew it, almost, we were fending, or granting money in huge sums to towns, counties, cities and states for all sorts of purposes, many of them having nothing to do with the depression, all for the purpose of making Government supreme.

‘DEBTS DOUBLED’

Before we could wake up d¥d resist we saw the Federal Government pushing itself into all sorts of enterprises, many of them in direct conflict with the efforts of private citizens. Instead of simplifying the governmental structure by the abolition of boards, bureaus and commissions we saw the number of governmental agencies vastly increased and placed upon a permanent basis. Instead of conserving the resources of a hard-pressed people we saw governmental expenditures multiplying to unheard of figures. Instead of helping the nation to get out of debt we have seen the debt doubled.

Expenditures upon such a scale |

could not be met with revenues produced through taxes. Recklessly the Government has borrowed 50 cents of every dollar it has expended. We might forgive this of extravagance and the shameful burden it has placed upon our children and our grandchildren were we not now aware that the spending has had for its purpose the building up, upon & permanent |

basis, an irresistible power centered in the Federal Government, a power so great as to threaten the existence of our Federal Union of States and the establishment in its place of a Government imperial in its nature and intent upon controlling the daily life of the citizen— not a Servant-Government, but a Master-Government headed by a single executive. 2 I need not remind you of the measures already achieved in the establishment of an all-powerful, single-headed Government nor of the measures attempted. To put it briefly, Mr. Roosevelt's whole effort, scarcely suspected three or four years ago but now fully disclosed, has been and is to subdue the Congress and the Courts to the Executive will. Undoubtedly he believes that this should be done, undoubtedly a considerable number of people agree with him that our Government should no longer be one of checks and balances, that no longer should the legislative branch be independent of the Executive, that no longer should the Supreme Court and our whole Federal judiciary administer justice free of executive domination. We might as well face the fact that he and his intimate advisers despise the Congress and the Supreme Court and so long as he sits in the White House every conceivable effort will be made to bring the Congress and the Court to subjection. The huge sums which have been spent during the last five years have not been spent for the sole purpose of relieving distress. The underlying purpose has been the aggrandizement of Executive power at the expense of the Legislative and the Judicial. Wherever we turn we are confronted with Federal money, billions of it. It is used brazenly in tempting the states and their subordinate municipalities into acquiescence of Federal

power. : To put it boldly, much of this tempting should be called bribery— the bribery of an unsuspecting people into acquiescence. is used brazenly to browbeat and terrorize men in public life, to purge the public service of men who dare stand up for the preservation of things they believe in. Can any sensible man be blind to what is going on? Do we not see the President himself using all the powers of his great office openly and confidently in primaries and elections, in the allotment of funds, in the playing of favorites, in the public denunciation of those who sincerely oppose his program, all with the intent of building up the Executive power and regimenting the American people?

CHANGE UNNECESSARY

Remember, the President believes in this sort of Government. He has a perfect right to entertain a belief. The question is, “Do the American people believe in it?” It will not do to contdnd that we must abandon our form of government in order to alleviate distress. Our Government possesses ample power to take care of the unfortunate and no Administrati shirk that responsibility. It will not do to contend that we must abandon our form of Government in order to meet changing economic conditions. It already possesses am-

| ple power under the Constitution to

protect the publi¢ from abuse and that Administration which would neglect its duty in this regard is doomed. The fact is there has been no fundamental - necessity for the change now sought. The change is sought by a small group of men headed by the President who believe that the American people would be happier and more prosperous if they were marshalled into a column and marched along the highway of life, guided and controlled by supposedly superior wisdom, lodged in Government. Carried to its logical and inevitable conclusion this means

| that the manner in which‘a man

may earn his living shall, in large neasure, be determined for him by a higher power. This is “planned economy,” the phrase we have heard so often. In it, of necessity, lies the element of force. If Government is to plan for us, obey we must. We must conform to the plan. Obedience must be exacted. If we disobey we must be punished for Government cannot afford to have its plans ignored. In measure after measure pushed forward by the New Deal we find this element of compulsion. It stared at us in the old NRA. Men were sentenced and punished for disobedience of a code proclaimed, not by the representatives of the people in the Congress, but by the Chief Executive and clothed with all the force of law. The Supreme Court declared that Act unconstitutional and saved our liberties for the time being but in so deing it aroused in the President hostility, approaching the vindictive, against the Court as an institution. The Court stood in his way and you all

remember what he tried to do to

the Court, : This element of a force lies but slightly hidden in the new Triple A law which seeks to control the products of the farm, Many farmers may not realize it but this law does not stop with merely voluntary co-operation, It contains provisions, which when called into effect, ‘may be ‘employed for the actual punishment of a farmer for selling more grain off his farm than the Government says he can sell. Sooner or later, the Government, if it remains in the hands of those who now control it, will back down with its policeman’s club upon the head of some farmer who has been brought up in the belief he is a free man. When that time comes all these huge expenditures In the way of loans and grants and subsidies paid to people for doing less than they are able to do will seem a mighty poor reward for the surrender cf something that is infinitely more valuable than money—liberty itself.

1 OLD-AGE SECURITY

It will not do to contend that we must abandon our form of government in order that those who toil may be secure in their old age. The Government possésses ample power to set up an old-age security mechanism which shall be sound and effective, which shall actually bring security. Despite its boasting and the speeches delivered at an-

~

Much of it

would “ delibérately

niversary banquets this Administration has failed utterly to do the thing which it is boasting about.

As we know and understand the | grea!

term there is no security whatsoever in the present law providing for annuities. If we had more oi candor and less of efforts to delude among those in high places the fatal defect in this law would be admitted. Consider it for a moment. The Government imposes a tax upon the payroll of the employer—a tax equal to a certain percentage of the total of his payroll. At the same time the Government imposes a tax upon the wages of the working man—a tax equal to. the same certain percentage of his wages. The money is collected through the employer and sent to Washington. The men who pay it, and especially the working men, have a right to believe that, like the premiums on an insurance policy, that money shall be invested in a fund to be accumulated, invested and used for the protection of the working man, when, having reached the stated age, he will be entitled to receive an annuity for the rest of his life. : The working men of America, time and time again, have been told they are thus made secure. It is not the fact. This is what happens. The proceeds of the payroll go into the general fund of the Treasury and are spent, day by day, just as other tax monies are spent, in meeting the current expenses of the Federal Government. They are not used for the building up of an in-come-producing fund. No, these

‘monies are spent as soon as they

are collected. Instead of building up a real fund all that the Secretary of the Treasury does under this law is to make out an I. O. U. in the name of the United States Government and place the I. O. U,,

The text of the address by Dr. Glenn Frank, Republican national program committee chai rman, at Washington,

Ind., last night follows:

The Republican Party owes a debt of profound gratitude for making possible this great cornfield conference of party workers and interested citizens. I had never met Homer Capehart until last Friday evening, but, at the end of two hours, I knew him as a man who is thinking in the terms in which the Republican Party must think if it is again to assume and fulfill its historic mission at this crucial turning point in the life and enterprise of the American people,

I want to talk briefly with you tonight about the challenge that the present state of affairs puts to the Republican Party. I shall not speak officially as chairman of the Republican program committee. I shall speak simply as an individual Republican out of a deep and absorbing interest in the kind of civilization in which I will have to live out the rest of my life and leave to my son, To begin with, the Republican Party faces something more than the ordinary job of adopting a conventional point-with-pride and viewing-with-alarm platform, organizing a campaign and getting out the vote. We—along with the rest of the world—are In the midst.

| of vast historic changes in the tem-

per and the action of the people. Our first duty as Republicans is to be sure that we understand these forces that are marching across the world and racing throughout our nation to cause the rise and fall of governments and determine the well-being or want of men everywhere. We must be sure that we

which is nothing more than an evidence of debt, owed by the Government, in a so-called fund. The ter the sum of money contributed by the working men out of

tention to us and the farce proceeds. Undoubtedly Republicans in this

mand with all possible emphasis. I Prophesy that it will have a healthy ec :

their pay envelopes and promptly | eff

spent by the Government, the greater the numbers of I. O. Us. Years from now when it becomes necessary to pay out annuities in ever increasing volume to working men who reach the annuity age, what must happen? Either the working man must go without his annuity or the Government will have to tax the people all over again to make good all those I. O. Us. It may interest you to know that the Government has already spent over seven hundred million dollars of this payroll tax money and is con=-" fronted already with the obligation of making good some day on that amount of I. O. Us. The attention of the Administration’ has been called to this-fraud over and over again, but feeling that the admis sion of a mistake would weaken the effect of the smile it refuses to admit its error. As a matter of fact no such enormous security fund,

false or genuine and calculated in Co

either event to crush the financial structure of the Government, need be piled up. A small fund to meet unexpected contingencies would be ample and managed in this way; the payroll taxes would take care of the annuities from year to year. In fact by a sensible readjustment of this whole scheme the annuities of those who

are passing the age limit in the next | peco

few years, might be increased and at the same time the rate of tax reduced in that period. Over a year ago the Republican members of the House and of the Senate united in a demand that this law be rewritten and made

sound, Those in power paid no at-

know what is today moving in the hearts of men. Out of this knowledge alone does great and productive leadership arise. For as an old French adage puts it—walk from the people and you walk into the dark. What is this extraordinary situation that the Republican Party and every other party today faces? The more immediate measure of the situation is ‘plain. From one end of the world to the other, since the World War, traditional ideas and institutions of government and of enterprise have been under strains more severe than ever before "in the lifetime of any of us now living. One people after another have seen their political and economic affairs fall into chaos. Poverty has lifted its grim head in the very midst of plenty. Whole peoples have despaired of

ever getting on their feet again)

through their own wit and will. And, in their despair, they have made wholesale surrender of their lives and their liberties to almost any self-confident, strong man who came along to promise them peace, a fairly well-ordered life, security ‘however slender and some show of economic efficiency. With variations of dates and manners this has become the story in Russia, in Italy, and in Germany—to name but three instances.

‘GENIUS WASTED’

In recent years the moods of the American people have not been sesiously different from the moods which, in Europe, have resulted in drastic and tragic changes in the lives of men and nations. Millions have been chilled by a

fear of insecurity they had not felt so keenly before. . . . . Millions

There will be plenty of things for the Republicans to do in the next Congress. The country is in the midst of its second or Roosevelt depression. I call it the “Roosevelt Depression” advisedly because I am convinced that he more than any other person or group of persons, is responsible for it. You will remember that we began to recover somewhat from the former depression in the autumn of 1936. By the first of January 1937 the country was actually getting back on its feet. A breathing spell was promised to business. We were assured that there would be no reprisals. We were also assured that the budget would be balanced. Relief rolls were growing less and confidence was returning. Then what happened? In the month of February 1937 the President sent his message to the Congress urging the passage of legislation which would enable him to pack the Supreme urt.

Instantly the whole picture changed. The shock was too great to be endured by a people just beginning to recover their breath. From that very moment prices began to fall again. Multitudes of people, astounded at the attack launched by the President on the Supreme Court, lost their nerve. Can you blame them? What is to me of our free institutions if the Courts are to be dominated by the Executive? When free institutions are menaced by political action business confidence flies out of the window. The court packing bill stands out as a sign marking a turn in the road

next Congress will renew that de- |

Doubtless “other policies of the

tial wealth, which could lift the living standard of this whole people if we had but the wit and will foolishly to waste because our productive genius, both on our farms and in our factories, is held in chains to outworn oid policies and unworkable new policies. . . . Millions have grown increasingly critical of the operation of government, of economic organization, and of political parties,

Any section of the poplation that finds itself hard hit now demands

that. the state come to its rescue with special legislation and specific subsidy. There is less and less trust put in representative institu-’ tions and more trust put in personal leaderships. Government is thought of less and less as a process of investigation, mutual counsel and adjustment and more in terms of coercion and force. And it is everywhere demanded that something be done even if there is no clear notion of what should be done.

These moods have put an extraordinary pressure on political leaderships to answer a cry for: action whether they were at all sure of ‘the grounds of this action or. not. As a result, all sorts of short cuts, jerry-built programs and hurriedly invented panaceas have come increasingly into the picture. Events have been rushing statesmen for

| several years now.

These are the more immediate and surface indications of the historic changes that have been taking place in the temper and actions of people everywhere. But something deeper than these immediate moods has been taking place. If is this deeper something that all political parties - must now reckon with, . It was Voltaire, I think, who once

Text of Rep. Martin’s Speech

The text of Rep. Joseph W. Martin’s address at Capehart Farms today follows: This impressive gathering of men and women is inspiring and significant.

It is especially appropriate that it should be held in this great State of Indiana—the geographical center of the Nation. Many of you have come hundreds of miles, sacrificing (ime, energy, and money to join in a great crusade—a crusade to preserve the integrity and independence of two great branches of our Government, the jydicial and the legislative: A crusade which has for its high purpose the preservation of the liberties of the people, the maintenance of opportunities for the young men and women, to bring a higher degree of permanent prosperity and happiness to the average American man and woman. Great campaigns have been waged before in this counfry=—colorful campaigns» of far-reaching importance—but in the cold lysis of future years it will be revealed that this campaign of 1938 presented an epochal election; that it was a crossroads in our national life. What we do this year will in a great measure determine what is to be our fate—and the fate of the generations who will come after us. Social justice and the security of our people are the pressing demands of this era. These are not new problems for the Republican Party. The party of Abraham Lincoln was born to fight for social justice and civil security. It abolished slave labor, and through the years in which it administered the affairs of this country free labor progressed constantly, and steadily attained more and more of the comforts of life. Social justice and economic security are still—and must continue to be —our major concern. When the masses of this country, the factory workers, the farmers who till the soil, the professional workers — the toilers everywhere—prosper, we, as 3 najion advance to a fine civilization. Government exists only to enable the people who are joined together,

to better advance their spiritual,

cultural and material welfare.

‘NO CHANCE FOR JOP’

The economic security of the people is today our deep concern.

It is not reassuring to realize that, after six years of experimentation and unparalleled governmental spending, more than twelve millions of people are without employment, that the boys and girls who graduate from the public schools and the colleges find they are out in a confused world with no chance for a job unless it be on public relief; that the merchant, small business men, big business men alike face the future with deep fears. No one can honestly say, so long as these conditions exist, that there is security for our people. The Republican Party realizes fully that adequate Federal relief is essential so long as widespread unemployment prevails. No group of Americans would think of letting the unemployed suffer or starve. That is foreign to every American instinct—a false issue set up by those who would play politics with human misery. Relief, by all means, so. long as it is necessary. But let us establish efficiency and economy in place of the present waste and extravagance. Let us put merit and need ahead of political pull and plunder. Let us drive out the sinister forces which demand that because a rich country gives aid to its unfortunate citizens, they in turn must yield up their rights and liberties and become political serfs driven by the lash of dire necessity to do the will of ruthless relief bureaucrats.

- MORE THAN RELIEF

o

Relief—yes—but we must do more, We must restore to the people a chance to return to honest work at solid American wages. This can ‘be brought about only by a restoration of confidence; by replacing the prevailing doubts and fears with courage, enterprise and hope. ° Third-term talk and purge policies today emphasize our desperate national need for a strong opposition party in Congress. Elect 70 more Republican members to the Congress and you will restore the balanced Government which throughout the years has nurtured constructive progress and made

hope for all the people. ; Provide a strong opposition party in Congress and you will have cre-

America a land of opportunity and |

ated again a real bulwark for the|v

confidence to a worried and harrassed nation. A Republican Congress will not try to pack the Supreme Court or destroy that impartiality of judgment which the American people demand of their judiciary. A Republican Congress will not, under a veil of so-called Government reorganization, attempt to give dictatorial powers to any one man over our vast army of Civil Service employees. : A Republican Congress will not destroy private enterprise and initiative through subdisidzed governmental competition.

‘Will End Waste’

But a Republican Congress will turn back the rising tide of insatiable and unjustifiable demands of intrenched bureaucrats for more power, more control, and more and more of the taxpayers’ money. A Republican Congress will end the waste, extravagance and -corruption in government which have become a national scandal and disgrace. A Republican Congress will end this demoralizing political manipulation of relief, which has become a threat to the very foundations of representative government. - A Republican Congress will restote to the American farmer and the American worker the rich home market, which rightfully belongs to them

A Republican Congress will preserve and advance the worthy and sound social objectives of the people—and will make them workable! A Republican Congres will restore the independence of the legislative branch and make it actually the representative agency of the people instead of the tool of any individual or any clique of political self-seekers. . Above all, the election of a Republican Congress will, through the restoration of national confidence, courage and faith, give the stimulus

have come to feel that vast poten:

to produce it and use it, is going!

always

So, we are in the second or Roosevelt depression and are endeavoring to spend our way out of it. Surely our house is in disorder. The relief rolls, greatly increased in recent months, are not now decreasing. Taxes greatly increased during the last three years are still woefully insufficient to cover expenditures of the Government. We are still borrowing, recklessly, and it is now conceded that the national debt will exceed forty billion dollars by the end of the next fiscal year. To people who know that a dollar must be earned before it can be spent or before a debt can be cancelled, we seem to be living in a mad-house. Surely, the prospects of genuine recovery are dim. No man can go on borrowing indefinitely. His debt must overtake and crush him. The same is true of government. There is a limit and every sensible man knows that we are approaching it. The Administration is gambling. The fate of the nation is the stake. The gambler lost on his first throw of the dice and the nation will lose on the second throw —if we do not return to sanity and that mighty soon. It' is perfectly apparent that the Democratic Party, if I can apply that name to the followers of the President, cannot be depended upon to bring order out of chaos. It is a job for which they have no liking. Moreover their whole habit of

Text of Frank Address at Farm Rally

said something to the effect that history is the story of the swish of silks coming down stairs and the thump of hobnailed shoes going upstairs, or, as later political vocabularies have it, the rise of the common man. Voltaire was living in one of those revolutionary periods when vast masses of men, who had had no. effective voice in the affairs of their time, were demanding that they be heard, and were forcing little cliques of ruling forces

‘| who had been insensitive to human

need, to listen. :

What has all this to do with the United States and with the Republican Party? In the United States there has never been, and there is not today, the severe separation of classes that existed in France before the French Revolution. From the birth of the American Republic to tonight here on the Capehart Farms, silks have been coming downstairs and heavy shoes going upstairs as part of the normal give and take of American democracy. The man of incapacity, however exalted his origin, has fallen.

For all the hurdles that the complex organization of our economic life has thrown in men’s way, a career for the talented has been pretty open all along in America. And it still is! Nevertheless, the vast masses of men and women who make up the rank and file of Americans have increasingly demanded, and rightly demanded, a larger and larger voice in the affairs that determine their futures and their fortunes, and the futures and fortunes of their children. And they have been making that voice heard.

DEVELOPMENT OF TIME

Now all this has not been the

‘result of agitators out to make trou-

ble for trouble’s sake. It has been part of the: inevitable development of our time. Three developments, in particular, have put the vast masses of our people at the very

‘| center of the political picture.

1. Science, technical advance, and progress in the economical organi-

‘zation have made possible the pro-

duction of wealth, in goods and services, on a scale that would have staggered the imagination of our ancestors. \ ; , 2. Education and information have awakened millions of us to the fact that this new capacity for creating wealth has made possible a richer and more satisfying standard of life than we have yet known. 3. When this realization came fully upon them, the people found ready in their hands a political in-strument-~the ballot—which they began to use and are increasingly using in attempts to better their economic lot. Any political leadership worthy of confidence of our American people must sincerely support this determination or the millions to achieve the highest attainable standard of life for themselves and their children. And any political leadership that expects to stay in position” of leadership must foster the circumstances and follow the policies that will actually lift the living standards of this whole people. It is no service to the millions to feed them—as for six years they have been fed—with imposible promises and sleight-of-hand economics that result in deeper and more destructive depressions which actually lower their living standards. A political leadership, ignorant of economic realities, opportunist in politics, and gifted in the arts of popular appeal can betray the millions it professes to serve through an emotional economics that assumes something can be got for nothing, and got by force of arms, financial magic, or the power of state. : : A leadership of this sort will have its interludes of popularity when economic difficulties fall heavily upon a people, but, in the end, it paralyzes the nation’s economic life and throws added hardvery people it pro-

thought leads them to rejoice in confusion. 2

What is the duty of Republicans at this hour? We must resist, un-

{ flinchingly, the subjection of the

for the preserva tutions. In the field of Government financing, we must bend every effort to restore sanity and thus

preserve the people from the fate]

#% Marion Martin's Text Text of the address of Miss Marion E. Martin, assistant

Republican National Committee Chairman in charge

which God knows they do not de- | SIX

serve. We must talk less of spend- |

ing and lending and more of thrift. And, by the way, do you realize that the little word “thrift” has never been used by the President in any of his public utterances? He and his supporters do not seem to have any regard for that oldfashioned virtue. : : It is doubtful that they know the meaning of the word but in times like this it is a tremendously important word. Without thrift we are without hope. Not for one moment do I belittle the size of the task which will confront Republicans in the next Congress. It will be tremendous. Above everything else it will require courage— courage to stand up and tell the truth. I am confident our members will possess that courage. Not only is it their inclination but the people demand it. And, let me add, that the courage and determination of our members will be strengthened in the knowledge that this is. not the first time in history that the Republican Party has been called upon to save the country!

that it has stirred, perhaps to tHe danger point, every sort of suspicion, hatred, and hostility, which poisons the wells of mutual confidence without which a nation cannot be a great nation.

The statesmanship to which the Republican Party is now challenged on the heels of all this, is a statesmanship that will be trustee for the many, not just for the few, but a statesmanship that will masterfully lead the many and the few in a vast common effort to renew and reinvigorate American life, not a statesmanship that sets the many and the few at each other’s throats in class warfare.

Never in my lifetime have the powers of government been used more actively or more widely than in the last 10 years. In direct attempts to better the economic lot of the workers, the farmers, and all sorts of groups of us, money by the hogshead is poured out in these attempts. An army of government officials swarms over the land, like .an army of occupation, to administer these attempts. Whether we are Republicans or Democrats or just plain bewildered Americans looking for policies that will work, regardless of party, we are grateful for the growing realization that from now on governments will rise and fall by what they do or fail to do to advance the well being and ‘happiness of the people they serve.

This is the yardstick by which we shall measure every leadership bidding for our suffrage. And we shall worry our heads less and less about the labels our leaderships wear. It is results we are after, What does a leadership do to light and to liberate our lives? That is our one question. This does 30 mean that we expect our leaderships to carry us on their backs, foot our bills, “¢ do our

thinking for us, and tell us Just

how we must run our farms and our factories. We are not a race of infants or invalids—yet. We do not want to become a race of Charlie McCarthys, wooden dummies, without mind or voice, going through all the motions of saying our say and managing our own affairs, but, in reality, serving only as echoes of the words and will of our leaderships. We know that government must play a bigger part in our lives and in our work than it did back in the simpler days of Washington and Jefferson. But, since this is 50, we want government to produce real results in advancing our well-being and happiness for all the money it takes from us in taxes and all the restrictions it puts upon us. There is a question that bothers us. Why—with all the taxes we raise and all the billions we pour out and all our feverish efforts at reform—do we not get further and go faster towards a solution of the problems of depression, unemployment, tumbling prices for what we raise, and so on? As I have watched with care the developments of the last six years, I am convinced-that, for one thing, it is because the political leadership of these six years has so often failed to see what the real problems are. It has failed to put first things first. ;

convinced, millions of voters of the real issue; successfully because we have aroused millions more to the perils which lurk in the New Deal. This fact alone should give us courage to begin a war to the finish. A war waged a a party which

government, and then launches an attack on the Supreme Court. A war

men to the cause of freedom and then enacts legislation bestowing

Executive Branch of the Govern ment. A war against a party which pledges itself to good government, and then creates the machinery to perpetuate its power indefinitely at the exepnse of the taxpayer. A war waged against a party which pledges itself to sound finance, and then proceeds to wreck the country “on the rocks of a loose fiscal policy.” A war against a party which purges its own members—members whose only sin was the ability to see clearly the issue of freedom. = To save the American system, the Republican Party must become the

—not in 1948—but in 1940. The starting point is 1938. ! To accomplish our pi , mile lions more must be convinced of the nobility of our cause. If we are to do this, each of us must become an expert salesman. That means 20, 000,000 expert salesmen selling a

The market will be the largest and the best market in all the world. The market will be Anierica. Our customers will be the best customers in all the world. They will be 100 million other Americans. 2 But before we can sell our prod uct we, as salesmen, must believe in it. This means that we must know our product—its good points—its weak points. Likewise, we must

by our opponents. Then, to put ours across, we must master the technique of selling. We must learn patience, understanding and tolerance. We must gather, assimilate and disseminate facts. We must meet argument with argument. We must work tirelessly and endlessly. We must never give up. If we do this—1940 will be a Re- ‘ publican landslide.

is the dependability of its pure chasing power. There are many other terribly important problems in these four fields, but until we solve the basie problem in each of these four fields, even our most sintere reforms will produce but temporary and insecure results.

We can dry-clean and fumigate industrial practices to our heart's content, but until we actually get American industry running in high gear, producing a greater volume of goods and services than it has ever yet produced, the abundant life will remain no more than a came paign talking point, the “one third” will remain ill-fed, ill-clothed, and ill-housed, unemployment will remain a cancer at the nation’s heart, and the well-springs of our prose perity will tend to go dry. We raise the hourly wage-rates of labor to our heart’s content, but, until we get our whole economic machine running at full tilt to provide adequate and steady employment, even the highest wage-rate cannot save the worker from a slim annual income.

to our heart’s content, but, until we find ways to bring the farmer's

relation to the prices of what he buys, without sentencing to idle ness so many of his productive acres and so much of his productive ability, the farmer's advantage will be of doubtful permanence, and agri culture, like industry, will not make its full contribution to that larger flow of goods and services we must, sooned or later, have if we are to lift our living standard for this whole people to where it should be lifted and can be lifted. We can experiment with a mane aged currency or rely on the operation of "a gold standard to our heart’s content, but, until we so relate our monetary, industrial, and agricultural policies that our money is not subject to weather-cock shifts in value, like rubber yardsticks or collapsible gallon measures, half our efforts to bring prosperity to our farms and our factories will be wasted energy. Here lies at least a major part

Party at the end of six years of New Deal trial and error.

CITES 4 BASIC PROBLEMS

Deaths—Funerals 1 Indianapolis Times. Saturday, Aug. 27, 1938

On the one crucial matter of making ourselves a permanently prosperous people, what are the basic problems we must meet and solve first? Aside from the intelligent conservation of our natural

number: (1). the problem of industry, (2) the problem of labor, (3) the problem of agriculture, and (4) the problem of money. And these four problems hang together. They cannot be solved separately. We live in a Fool's Paradise if we think

of industry, iabor, and money. If we agree that our four basic

GRIFFIN—Cbharles T., beloved father of Laura Miller. May Lemons of moiza - town, Viola Greene of Lebanon, Loretta Monday, "Aug 20. a0 the relidence, 318 onday, . 29, 8. Addison, 3 p. m. Friends Savited.

MUNDEN--Myra Virginia, of 5308 N. Keystone Ave., beloved wife of Al Mune Gen and. mother of Mrs. “Eva: Priadi

resources, I think they are four in| an Has

and d Ave Westfield Oemete: MOORE '& KIRK Viola, beloved daught aa da" Neal ‘dlietis ana sister oi} Robert BE a residence Mon: i St. 2 p.m. 1 Mi Ph Aan Pus Tuk

B. (Neal), beloved husband Phillips and father of Mrs.

Friends mpc Be BROS. SERVICE Card of 3. WE Yui 10 exptess aut fingers

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pledges to uphold constitutional waged against a party which rallies

vast discretionary powers upon the °

majority party in 1940, Not in 1944 =

product called “free government.”

know the flaws in the product sold

We can control farm production

prices for what he sells into decent

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