Indianapolis Times, Indianapolis, Marion County, 29 June 1938 — Page 4

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THE INDIANAPOLIS TIMES

. Er —

WEDN

ESDAY, JUNE 29, 1938

Text of Rep. Bruce

Barton's Keynote Address Before Republican State Convention

Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen of the Convention: You make me feel very welcome. In the neighboring state of Illinois

I spent my boyhood and early man- |

hood. Coming here is coming home. One of my partners tells the story of a beggar who stopped a citizen on the street, saying: “Mister, give me a dollar.” The citizen drew himself haughtily and replied: “In your condition it would be more seemly if you were to ask for a quarter. And you would be much more likely to get it.” To which the beggar, also haughtily, retorted: “Mister, give me the dollar or dog't give me the dollar. But aon't teil me how to run my business.” An amateur at politics, I shall not commit the blunder of volunteering advice to experts. I do not intend to pull a Harry Hopkins. All I know about Indiana politics is that you used to have a very pretty Governor. You have one of those accidental Serators, which is liable to happen even to a good state in bad times. And you have the most talented and attractive young member of the House of Representatives. Send us down to Washington, I beseech you, more Charlie Hallecks. We are water-logged, in both branches of Congress with “onehundred per-centers.” You know the type. They run for office on the platform that they are “100 per cent New Deal” or “100 per cent anti-New Deal”; “100 per cent capital” or “100 per cent labor.” A 100 per-center is a man whose mind is on a sit-down strike. He has handed over the management of his mental processes to someone else. He is what is known as a rubber stamp. The object of the American people this fall should be to stamp out the rubber stamps.

“GIVE US MEN”

Give us representatives who are men. Men who will support the President when he is right, and stand like a rock against him when » is wrong. Men who will cast a ote to their own hurt, and change Men who will stand on their feet and consult no boss but own consciences, who will take no crders but their oath of office Men who will say: “I will serve no master but America, so help me God.” Give us enough such men and we will re-establish the indepen-| dence of Congress. And what a lot | of problems that will help to solve! For a good many years I have made my livelihood by keeping close to the man on the street. I thought, in 1932 and 1936, that 1 knew what was on his mind, and my guesses turned out to be correct. Today his mind is upset. He is bewildered and groping. He wants information, but no political baloney. If we are going to talk to him about the Republican Party we've got to be simple and downright sincere. Let us start with an honest confession which, according to high authority, is good for the soul. We were in power for 12 years, nine or 10 of them perhaps the most prosperous years the country has ever known. We grew soft. When the tough times came people got the notion that our sympathies were dulled, and our movements | too slow. The farmers, who had | never enjoyed their fair share of prosperity, left us. The colored man, our friend since Abraham Lin- | coln signed the Emancipation Proclamation, went over to our oppon- | ents. Labor in big cities believed that we were too much on the side Young people, coming out of school and finding no place | for themselves in the economic | structure, decided they had nothing to lose by a change; they deserted the party of their fathers and joined up with those who promised a new heaven and a new earth. We had lost touch with the common people. |

of the boss.

“COMMON MAN'S PARTY"

This would have been a tragedy in any party. It was doubly so in | our case because our party was born | as the party of the common man. It was born to make men free, and it fought against the Democratic Party which was holding men enslaved. It was born to give men hope, and it fought against the Democratic Party which in those days believed fhat hope was the! special privilege of the self-ap-| pointed better classes. For 60 years the great achievements in social progress were the achievements of the Republican Party. What was the first act in this country making collective bargaining compulsory? It was the Railway Labor Act, passed by a Republican Congress and signed by a Republican President, What was the first act for the regulation of exchanges? It was the act regulating the commodity exchanges, passed by a Republican Congress and signed by a Republican President. Laws for workmen's compensation, laws to protect women in industry, tenement laws, mothers’ pensions—scores and hundreds of statutes for social betterment—all these were the work of Republican Congresses and Legislatures, signed by Republican Presidents and Republican Governors. For 60 years we battled for economic betterment, But in the 1920’s, almost without our knowing it, we began to put on weight; we let ourselves be over-burdened with the riches of this world. We gave our sons and daughters to the worship of wealth instead of to the service of their country.

“THEN WE FUMBLED”

For more than half a century we had carried the ball of social progress. Then we fumbled the ball, and the Democrats picked it up and ran with it out of bounds. So much for our short-comings; they were sins of ommission more than of commission. We have ni

A NEW BREAD DELIGH1

SOUTH SIDE Seo VIENNA

SEED LIGHT AND DELICIOUS

| 600,000 pounds?

| were the object of praise and polit-

| the popular political notion seems |to be that the nation has lost its

| ered. Slowly but surely, and not so

been plentifully punished; we have | repented. We have purged our- | selves of those who hoped that | America could ever go back to the i “good old days.” We have put away the past, and our faces are | toward the future. It is of that future—of our plans for the men and women, the boys and girls of America--that I propose to speak. But first, in fairness, since

lus take a look at the other side of | the picture. I am one of those who was thrilled to his finger tips by | the inaugural address of March 4, (1933. That single utterance re-lit the lamp of hope for millions and | revived our faith in the capacity of | the American people to rise above their fears. For that great mes- | sage, for many needed reforms, and | for what I believe is his sincere in[terest in the welfare of the com-

mon man, I praise the President.

When, having said that, I go on |

to say that the New Deal has passed out of its period of glory, and | is now bogged down in the mire | of aimlessness and failure, I speak in no narrow partisan sense. I am saying only what every man and woman knows, and what the polls of public opinion are saying more loudly every week. It is painfully evident—as history has shown so many times before—that great reformers almost invariably fail as | administrators. From the administrative angle, Washington is a nightmare.

“ARE FARMERS HAPPY?”

What single job has been really tied up? Of all the grand proposals outlined and appropriated for, what one is really working? Who in the United States feels really comfortable and secure? Who is better off than he was a year ago? The farmer? I arrived in Congress

| just in time to hear the debate on ! the

Agricultural Adjustment Act of 1937. Again and again reference was made to the so-called “years of parity,” the years 19C91914. This presumably was the Golden Age of Agriculture, the Elysian Era. Being new and eager for guidance, I wrote to the Sccretary of Agriculture and asked him how many employees there were in the Department in this Golden Age, and what the total budget was, as compared with the present. An behold, in the years

wi verythi ras '] ith | | len everything was all right with | Into a few words the accumulated

the farmer there were 11000 people on the Department payroll, and the annual expenditures were in the neighborhood of 11 million dollars. In 1937, when, according to the proponents of the new Adjustment Act, everything was all wrong with the farmer, the employees were more than 88,000 and the expenditure for this year will be a bildon, or a billion and a half, or two billions—just how much nobody knows.

Are the farmers of Indiana satisAre |

fied with their allotments? they happy under the reign of the bureaucrats? Do they know that

their foreign markets have been sys- | | tematically ( think they have been helped by the | fact that in 1937 we imported 247

destroyed? Do they

times as much corn as we did in 1932? That in 1932, just before

the destruction of the little pigs, |

the country imported 34,000 hogs on the hoof, and that in 1937 this had increased to 16,000,000 pounds? That in 1932 we had 800,000 pounds of fresh beef imports, and in 1937, 4.Does the farmer think that in being such a good neighbor to all the rest of the world the New Deal has been a good neighbor to him?

Is the worker happy? No one

knows how many millions were |

out of work in 1932. But we know that 37 billions have been spent and that at least 11 million are out of work today.

| “WITHOUT A FRIEND”

Are the young people more hopeful? In my own city of New York a recent survey showed that 400,000 young men and women, nearly half the population between the ages of 16 and 25, wanting work, willing and eager for any kind of work, have never been able to find jobs.

As for the middle classes—the small merchant and manufacturer, the professicnal man and woman, the white coliar workers—where in the New Deal do they find a friend? Not once in Congress have 1 ever heard them mentioned. Once they

ical solicitude. the backbone of the nation.

They were called Today

backbone, or that it no longer needs a backbone. Unorganized, unable | to bring pressure, they are unconsid-

slowly at that, they are being liqui- | dated. Test that statement from your own knowledge and acquaintanceship. Do you know any small ( farmer who is as well off as he was a year ago? Do you know any little | businessman who is as well off as | he was a year ago? Do you know any doctor, any country lawyer, any teacher, clerk or stenographer, who feels as well off, as secure, as | he or she did a year ago? | On my desk when I left New York | were three letters. One was from a | man who was in my class at college. | For more than 25 years he has been | self-supporting, has never borrowed a penny from a friend. He writes me in desperation. Another was from a relative. He weathered the 1929-32 depression, though he was | in that danger zone which begins at 45. He was weakened then, but he | survived. The New Deal depression has destroyed him. The third was from a widow, the mother of two | children. The little that her husband left her was in the securities | of railroads and public utilities. And | now she is at the end of her rope.

we | UD | have set forth our own failures, let |

tragedies; collectively they constitute a national tragedy. For when a nation loses its middle class it is on the road to the loss of its independence. Look abroad and you will see the pattern of destruction. It is a series of definite steps. One of the steps is governmental recklessness and ex- | travagance. Another step is the undermining of the independence of the Legislature. The third step is the liquidation of the middle class. We are taking that third step.

| Politics First, Then Golf

And what about those on relief?

No Republican convention, no Reever | | for one minute deny that the poor | | and the weak and the homeless have

| publican representative can

the first right to the nation’s sym-

| pathy and care.

It is just because |

| relief.

The New Deal has had the relief |

problem and the eéxpenditure for |

six years.

Yet never has it made |

| a census, or taken simple business- |

| like steps to find out the real di- ' mensions of the need. Nor has the management been business-like or | even honest. Let me give a simple | illustration. Suppose that a group of you had organized in your own church an effort to provide a fund | to feed and clothe and shelter the poor of your parish. Suppose that

| $200 had been realized and turned |

over to the church treasurer.

Sup- |

pose that, at the end of the year, | | he were asked for an accounting, |

and he should say: “I spent $100 for the poor in the parish. Twentyfive dollars was used for the ex- | penses of administration and dis- | tribution. | Kentucky because Senator Barkley is a great lover of the common people and he is having a hard fight for re-election.” Suppose such a report as that were made to your congregation, what a righteous outcry there would be! Yet this relief | money is money which we have | raised by self-denial as truly as | though we had collected a dollar lat a time. It is being spent, but | it is not being rightly spent. The | recent Gallup poll, which showed ( that an overwhelming majority of | the people believe the expenditure is influenced by politics, is unmistakable evidence that the moral sense of the nation has been | shocked. ; { It is written in the Bible that man does not live by bread alone. Like everything else in the Bible, this is one of those truths that puts

Man He

| wisdom of the human heart. does not live by bread alone. lives largely by pictures | can marry unless he has in his | heart a picture. No man builds a home without a picture.

before them a picture of the prom-

ised land toward which they are |

going. The tragedy of today is that there is no such picture. The picture is broken into a thousand jagged pieces. Where there was hope there is hopelessness. Where there was faith there is fear. Where there was unity there is | Jealously and hatred. Where there was leadership there is only confused and quarrelling bureaucracy.

“GIVE US A PLAN”

“Give us a plan,” the people cry. | “Show us a picture.” | challenge they put to us, and we | are not afraid of it. We know

| what we will do. We have our plans. Here, in broad outlines, is the Republican picture. We see a land in which no more | great fortunes are likely to be amassed; a land where those who |now have great fortunes will be compelled to put those fortunes into production for the public good, or to have them legally redistributed. But it is a land where the power to tax, which has been rightly termed “the power to destroy,” is used not to destroy but to stimulate. Not to strangle the initiators, but to penalize the unproductive; not to close the door of opportunity to youth, but to open the door and to provide incentive. We see a land where the farm problem and the railroad problem and the tariff problem and the relief problem are treated not as separate problems but as integral parts of the greater whole. We see our soi’ conserved by Federal aid; we see facilities for the free storage of plur crops: we see an end to the program of scarcity whereby there has been too much wheat in Kansas while people in Chicago have no bread, too much cotton in Texas while people in New York have no clothes. But we see railroads rehabilitated and tens of thousands of unemployed workers back at work—not by the strangulation process of higher rates, but by the life-giving process of very low rates. We see grapefruit now rotting on the

lions never taste it, laid on the

ing South in winter and North in summer at a cost of just a few dollars.

madness.

transportation, and in so doing we will take a constructive step toward the solution of the farm problem and the problem of relief.

“NO RELIEF FOR RUM”

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No man |

ground in Florida, while the mil- |

tables of the poor of the North for | a few cents. We see families travel- |

We see the farmer and the work-

Rep. Bruce Barton

(R. N. Y.) arrived here from New

| |

security is justified or is a cruel illusion destined to go down to despair when waste and extravagance have finished their work, the fact remains that this mass feeling toward the President is the controlling political influence of our day. To ignore it is blindness; to inveigh against it is political insanity. The intelligent attitude is to admire it, covet it, and set industriousiy and sincerely to work to deserve it. The business of this country, big and little, can furnish a sounder security than Government can ever give. Business and Government in co-operation can achieve what neither alone can do. But business cannot do its part by words. Emerson's wise observation applies: “What you are thunders so loud I can't hear what you say.” Business and our party together must make the people understand and feel that

they are first in our thinking; that

R.0.T.C, GROUND

WILL BE LEASED

Times Photo. York to

keynote the Republican state convention today, determined to save | his opinions and hi§ oratory for the Coliseum crowds.

Met by Rep. Charles Halleck

Nuys in this manner

(right), Mr. Barton commented on

the possibility of Republican Senatorial nomination of Senator Van-

“You wouldn't want me to pull a Harry Hopkins this way. would

ou?” | Rep. Barton brought to town | and a bag of golf clubs.

with him a brief case, a handbag

He intends to relax on an Indianapolis golf

course when he finishes his convention duties. But, mgintaining his neutrality in all things Hoosier, he even

refused to indorse a golf course by indicating which one he would play. |

competition of cheap labor and low | standards abroad. i We see a county wherein the re-

lief problem has been studied scien- | tifically; where there has been a | census not merely of needs but of | skills; where employment agencies are nationalized, and transportation | is furnished to families for whose | skill there is opportunity elsewhere. We see more abundant relief, for the

| fewer number who will need relief. | And no relief for the chiseler, the | political favorite, or the bum. We see a country where labor's right to collective bargaining, social security, unemployment insurance, minimum wages and maximum hours have passed entirely out of the field of political controversy, where each year there is a closer approach to continuous employment, where all barriers of race or color have been removed. But a country where honest labor and honest business have equal access to the law, and where the reactionary employer and the labor racketeer &re equally condemned.

| new concept of what constitutes | success; a conception that not wealth but contentment, not greed

(but culture, not hoarding but se- |

| curing, are the tests of a mature | civilization, We see the work of the

This is the | nation being done by those who are | | younger and full of energy, and we |

see them fired by an enthusiasm and a patriotism based on the

| knowledge that the game is fair; |

| that, while there may be no im- | mense prizes, there are no blanks, |and that the state rewards with ! honor not those who have amassed wealth but those who have con- | tributed to the common good. Most of all, we see hope revived and the sense of security re-estab-lished by business-like administration and plain old-fashioned good management, We see the bright little boys of Washington replaced | by the best trained minds of the land. We see these minds enlisted not by the promise of financial return, but because, in the new America as we Republicans envision it, public service will have a new dignity; and a man will wish to say to his children: “I give you | the high heritage of having served | my country,” not “I gave you money enough so that you will not have to work.” No man can possibly over-esti- | mate what it will mean to Amer- | ica to have the country admin- | istered again by a Republican Party cleansed, chastened, rededicated to service.

“IDEAS DON'T WORK”

The bootblack who has shined my shoes ever since I went to New York is an Italian. On the day after Congress adjourned he came into my office and, as he shined, he said: “So, you back from Congress. I | remember in Italy in 1896. We get

I COULD IF | HAD KNOWN ABOUT IT THIS MORNING

A PARTY

DODGER?

because of —

PSOR

| tetters from our relatives in Amer- | ica. They say they pray the Republican win.”

There had been a Democratic | New Deal and a Democratic depres- | sion, and in 1896 the people prayed that the Republicans would win. Again in 1920 there had been a Democratic depression, and the people prayed that the Republicans would win. In 1938 there is a Demo- | cratic depression. Will the people | pray again that the Republicans will win? | After every Democratic depression { in the past they have called us back. | The Democrats have proved again | and again that they can conceive { high ideals and enact far-reaching reforms. | haps,

| than McKinley. Debs had more ideas than Theodore Roosevelt, | Franklin Roosevelt has more ideas | than Coolidge had. They have ideas, { but they do not seem able to make the ideas work. They can enact | reforms, but they cannot give { Jobs. They can stir up class-con-sciousness, but they cannot bring

‘They have proved, per- | that they have more ideas | ( than we have. Bryan had more ideas |

| School Board today prepared

| School on Meridian St. to provide

| | | | |

| I

| dependent the prosperity of all. | We did not repeal the reforms | of Cleveland. But we put people back to work, We did not repeal the reforms | of Wilson. But we put people | back to work. We will not repeapl the sound reforms of the New Deal. But we will put people back to work.

| “F. D. R. CARES”

Will the people trust us again las they have in the past? They | have come part way toward us. | The recent polls show it. But in | their minds there is still a hesita[tion, a curious mixture of seeming{ly contradictory ideas. They say they dislike his methods, but they still like the President. they distrust his advisers, but they still trust him. They say they regard many of his policies as failures, but they would vote for him again, Here is something more than a marvelous personal tribute; it is a new phenomenon in American history. Always before if a man's methods were condemned he stood condemned; if his policies failed he fell. What is the secret of this political miracle? If we can answer that question, if we can appropriate the magic of this vast loyalty and faith, our political problem is solved. The answer is easy. Those men and women who have been most neglected in our American life believe they have found a friend. For the first time in the lives of

many of them there is the sense

In a job, or out of a job, in funds, or on relief, they say to themselves: “He cares. He is trying to do something about it.” Whether that faith is well founded or ill founded, whether the sense of

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| School Board Accepts Offer

Of Landowners; Plot to Be Cleared.

Attorneys for the Indianapolis to draw up a 99-year lease on property

lying north of the Shortridge High

an R. O. T, C. drilling ground and recreational facilities for ths school. The School Board accepted the proposal of the owners of the land

at its meeting last nighgt. The

lease becomes effective Friday. For the first five years, the Board | will pay $2600; the following 10 | years, $3100; the next 10 years, $3600 and the remaining 74 years, $4000, A. B. Good, busines manager, said today. The land, at present covered with brush, will be cleared the beginning of next week and will be ready for | use when the regular school session opens in the fall, Mr. Good said. The action in leasing the land grew out of a meeting of the Board last winter when North Side residents urged the purchase The Board also authorized purchase of a lot adjoining the Thomas Carr High School in Irvington to provide better entrance and exit facilities.

MAKE FIRST MOVE, RETAILERS ADVISED . ——

| | |

If retailers are to gain more | profitable relations with the Fed- |

the first move, Dr. David R. Craig, president of the American Retail Federation, had declared today. “Having done vour share, Wash- |

ington, out of fuller knowledge of 'E

the Associated Retailers of Indi- | ana in the Hotel Lincoln. “After all, it is very much to the

their success, their security, their future is safer when Government is soundly managed than when Government, even under the most sin- | cere and attractive leadership, is | covering up its failures by the lavish expenditure of borrowed money.

“BELIEVE IN CHANGE”

We believe in change; we are not afraid of change. We refuse longer to burden ourselves with those who are unable to see that today's conditions demand open-mindedness, freedom from prejudice, willingness to change. We believe in the American people, in their proved capacity to form a sound judgment once they are given all the facts, in their unlimited willingness to sacrifice when the appeal to their patriotism is

U. S. TRAFFIC TOLL SHOWS SHARP DROP

CHICAGO, June 29 (U. P.)—The | National Safety Council reported today that 3780 lives have been saved | in the United States during the past seven months by more cautious mo- | toring. May was the seventh consecutive |

month in which automobile accidents showed a sharp drop in comparison with the same month last

| year.

May traffic deaths totaled 2280.

| The toll for the first five months of |

1938 was 11,100. Lives saved from January to May this year totaled approximately

in comparison to the corresponding months of this year, 128 lives were saved in Indiana during the first five months.

City Toll Falls From 47 to 24

Indianapolis’ traffic fatalities during the first five months of this year were 24, compared to 47 persons

2090. Based on the | number of traffic deaths last year |

made. We saw them in the World War put aside every selfish thought, every division of race, color, or creed, and melt themselves into one great spirit to overcome the enemy, What they did then they can do again, We believe that the problems of the nation and of the Republican

Party will never be solved by passe ing resolutions or increasing the machinery of organization. A cele= brated bishop recently said: “The trouble with the church is that God is lost in the machinery.” Our party and the church need the same medicine. There must be a new sense of responsibility in each mem-= ber, a rebirth of each individual soul. The greatest power in the world is the power of a single soul on fire. That was the Master's se= cret. He gave no thought to organ= ization. He never was president of anything, secretary of anything, general manager of anything. He proceeded on the simple, and to our habit of over-organization, shocking assurance that if He could pick 12 common men-—any sort of men: Fishermen, tax collectors—just good, common men; if He couid find them and change their lives, they would change the world. He did, and they did. Twelve lives fired with the spirit of service changed the world, Here in this hall are six thousand, seven thousand of us, deeply concerned for America, ready for sacrifice. Let us here rekindle our faith in democracy and the American people. Let it ring in our words and shine through our eyes that we are thinking first of their security and their future. Without that spirit of devotion our words are a sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal, With it we cannot fail,

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killed during the same 1937 period.

TWO WILL REPRESENT TECH AT INSTITUTE

A teacher and a pupil from Tech- | nical High School are to take part | in activities of the National High | School Institute at Northwestern | University this summer, Robert Heath, Technical pupil, is | to leave July 10 to attend the university's School of Speech. He was named winner of a full-time scholarship by the institute. Miss Evelyn Kletzing, Technical faculty member, is to direct the institute's | production of Edmond Rostand's play, “The Romancers,” to be given at the University Studio Theater |

| eral Government, they must make | Aug. 1 and 2. |

GUARANTEED +t

interest of Washington to see that |

retailers, a million, five hundred |

| thousand strong, enjoy some meas- |

They say |

| |

of security which friendship gives. |

Prior to Dr. Craig’s speech the retailers passed a resolution asking a 50 per cent cut in the State's gross income tax. The present law calls for a 1 per cent levy on each $1000 | gross income, with a $3000 yearly | exemption. |

| ure of prosperity.” |

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