Indianapolis Times, Indianapolis, Marion County, 5 March 1938 — Page 10

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(A SCRIPPS-HOWARD NEWSPAPER)

-W. HOWARD LUDWELL DENNY Editor

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Give Light and the People Will Find Their Own Way

SATURDAY, MARCH 5, 1938

ROBERT PAINE SCRIPPS

IXTY years ago next November, Edward Willis Scripps started in Cleveland a little newspaper devoted to the interests of the great masses of people—a paper that was popular, friendly, independent. It was the beginning of a new era in American journalism and the forerunner of a nation-wide group of newspapers and associated enterprises which ultimately came to be known as Scripps-Howard.

E. W. Scripps died on his yacht in 1926, and the son who carried on his traditions has just died, also aboard a yacht.

Robert Paine Scripps was in the prime of life, only 42. Although for more than a dozen years he had headed the far-flung enterprises which his father started and which he helped expand greatly, he was little known to the world at large.

Modest and retiring, almost shy, his associations were chiefly confined to those with whom he worked. People did not work “for” Bob Scripps, but “with” him, and his death is an inexpressible shock to those who had contact with him, who knew his open-mindedness and-tolerance and receptiveness to criticism and advice.

E.’W. Scripps and his son had two funda- - mental concepts which governed their activities

as the heads of newspapers and news-disseminat-

ing agencies.

They wanted to represent the great bulk of the American people who were too often without a spokesman, and they conceived of the organization they had built and expanded as a living organism with a continuity of policy and effort independent of and greater than the life or efforts of any individual.

It was to this end that the founder of Scripps-Howard established a trust to insure continuity of management and principles. During his lifetime Robert Paine ‘Scripps was the sole trustee, and now that he has gone three of his

. closest and oldest associates, all of whom have

worked their way up through Scripps-Howard from humble beginnings, will carry on as joint trustees. Thus the organization which the elder Scripps and the younger Scripps decided survives without change its second great personal loss.

a ROBERT PAINE SCRIPPS was little interested

in the mere business side of his properties. Like his father, he was deeply interested in the policies, the editorial practices and the opportunities for service which newspaper ownership presented.

At the bottom of his conception of public service was an absorbing belief in democracy. Because the papers of which he was majority owner had long been associated with the cause of liberalism, he had lately been deeply concerned over the changes which had given to that word a very flexible definition. And in a world of changing

values he clung to his conviction that the basic es- |

sentials of the Bill of Rights still represented ‘what was best and safest and most desirable in public affairs, and that extremism in any direction which tended to get away from or violate this principle was dangerous.

Like his father, Robert Paine Scripps conceived of public service as that which meant the greatest good to the greatest number, and be-

: . lieved that the first essential toward that end was

strict adherence to the basic civil liberties written into the first ten amendments of the American Constitution.

To those who work for Scripps-Howard, his death leaves a renewed obligation to carry on the principles to which two generations of Scripps leadership have been devoted. We grieve in the loss of a friend and counselor, but rejoice in the “continuity of effort and principle guaranteed first by his father’s farsightedness and later by his own devotion to his father’s ideals.

THE highest tribute we can pay to his memory : is this—that he lived unfalteringly true to these last words of counsel given him by E. W. Scripps:

“I should prefer that you should succeed in being in all things a gehtleman, according to the real meaning of the word, than that you should vastly increase the money value of the estate.

“Being a gentleman, you cannot fail to devote your whole mind and energy to the service of the plain people who constitute the vast majority of the people of the United States. ... I have turned over to you a property so large and so well organ-

ized that not only can you afford to do your full

duty as a public servant but you are and can be Soutimually free from any temptation to eater to fellow ci

Washington

By Raymond Clapper

While Government and Business in The U. S. Have Warred Since 1933, They Have Co-operated in England.

ASHINGTON, March 5.—Five years have seen.

the New Deal rise to a peak of hopeful enthusiasm and then settle down, where it is now, inté a cautious and bewildered middle age. These have been five years of mingled successes and failures, of quick-changing and baffling currents. They have left Franklin D. Roosevelt not sadder but: certainly wiser. He knows now there is no slide-ryle formula

for running a democratic country. If democracy is the easiest form of government to live under, it’ is the hardest to run. Turn back five years to March, 1933, and you find a frightened country calling for a strong man. A Republican Senator, complaining of President Hoover, was saying that what this country needed was a Mussolini. Now there is vigorous opposition to the reorganization bill, in fear that it might make the President too strong, and a Democratic Senator warns that Roosevelt is trying to be a. Mr Clapper _ Caesar. Five years ago Mr. Roosevelt eagerly asked for power and it was eagerly given. Now he doesn’t ask for it very often, and ‘when he does the request is eyed with suspicion. In 1933 President Roosevelt took the stage promising action, “action now.” But .in 1938 the emphasis is upon no action, reflecting his response to the reversal of opinion. 2 » ® ’ NCE Mr. Roosevelt seemed to think that if the right laws could be. drawn and passed, our troubles would be cured. It was mainly a job of finding the right laws. Now it is evident that he has less faith in laws alone. He realizes more keenly that under a private capitalist system co-operation cannot be conscripted. Mr. Roosevelt is reflecting only the ‘bewilderment

and loss of confidence which the whole country is feeling. After a pump-priming expenditure of some 17 billion dollars thé business cycle is down again and there has been a loss of public confidence in spending as a cure. If it is sound in theory, it has not, for one reason or ‘another, worked satisfactorily in practice. 8 tf J ” . HROUGHOUT most of his Administration, Mr Roosevelt has been engaged in a kind of bloodless civil war with the business community. Both sides were stubborn and bitter. In a private capitalist system both Government and private business share the ‘real power. ‘Both occupy large areas of control. It does not seem possible to operate such an economy when the two most powerful groups in it are engaged in war with each other. A stalemate has resulted and the whole country is feeling the effects of it. In England the conservative Government and the business interests pitched in and worked together. They saw around them Fascist states rising on the ruins of broken-down economies. They saw communism. At home the Socialist Labor Party was pressing them. They decided that if they would save themselves they must make the system work and they set about to make the adjustments. They used not only brains, but sense. An atmosphere was maintained in which experiments could be pursued with the two major factors—Government and business—both pulling for success. That is just the opposite of the atmosphere which has developed in the United States.

Business—By John

Economist Believes It Would Be Wise to Insist on Larger Initial Payments on Installment Sales and a Shorter Period of Liquidation.

EW YORK, March 5.—Both Albany and Washington are filling up with curiosity about installment sales. Both fear that the installment salesman is a kind of germ carrier; that he at least helps plant the germs of the disease known as “regession,” one of the well-known “depression” family of diseases, the others being “slump” and “hard times.” It would be a good thing if we could have, not an investigation, but a study of installment selling. I

am all for investigations in proper spots. But there are Se things which thr to be studied instead “pro ga economic consequences of the installment sale could be quickly enough defined at least in general outlines by a group of economists. The outline would run about something as follows: :

2 = = HE installment sale is an instrum

The Hoosier Forum

1 wholly disagree with what you say, but will defend to the death your right fa say it—Voltaire.

CLAIMS REPUBLICANS NOW MERELY “OLD PARTY” By W. W.

G. O. P. are the letters commonly |

used to indicate the Republican Party and are the first letters of Grand Old Party. It was a grand party in Lincoln’s ‘time when it freed the Negroes, but not when it used them. Now, since it has practically lost their support, it is only the Old Party. Instead of G. O. P., it now should be O. P. The Democratic Party should break loose from the so-called “Solid South.” Let the birds of a feather flock together. The two recent votes on cloture taken in the Senate in attempts to stop the filibuster on the antilynch bill showed the Republicans voting with the filibustering ‘South. This proves the O. P. has no real sympathy for the Negro race. It appears that the O. P. is through and has been since. 1933.

Se 2 8 8 PROSPERITY SEEN THROUGH ABOLITION OF PROFITS By L. B. Hetrick, Elwood

Of course when it’s bad for business it’s bad for all, and vice versa, but what causes things to happen that nobody wants? If everybody has purchasing power, it is good, but why doesn’t everybody have purchasing power? It is because purchasing power is absorbed by the system of interest, rent and profits, which concentrate wealth in the hands of a few, or it takes money out of circulation, which automatically causes depressions. Quack economists diagnose the case but none advise a cure because the cure, they say, would destroy the incentive and natural instinct of the individual member of the diseased

body. ; The first symptom of a depression is a lost confidence in the con-game, a running to and fro, terminating at Washington. The next stage of the depression or economic disorder is acute indigestion which paralyzes first the extremities of society, the

common wage earner, then up the}

social body toward the head. Values {all and in order to save the dying

social system, a tax on all who yet

have is levied to pay for a remedy, not a cure. Of course, it’s no use to tax a man through the cost of living, more than he’s got, or can get. The billions piled up in concenfration must not be taken because they say concentrated wealth

is private property and must not be |.

interfered with, taxed or competed

with by the Government without due].

process of law. When the purchasing power of the masses is gone, the social disease attacks the well-to-do, the small businessman and the high-paid mechanics, and many of these lose their businesses, their jobs and even their private property. The bigger the concentration of wealth the faster it takes the private property

T. Flynn

the

(Times readers are invited to express their views in these columns, religious controversies excluded. - Make your letter short, so all ‘can. . have a chance. Letters must be signed, but names will be withheld on request)

of the smaller units that. make: up the social body.

The purchasing power of the mil-

lions of common labor is the greatest factor under consideration. They spend all they get in order to live, and buy a bit of cheap entertainment, but when interest, rent and

profits eat it up, they are soon,

stranded and thrown upon charity, relief and government jobs, all furnished on taxation. Then and there

- labor becomes. a. liabil-

ity instead of an asset and that, of course, isn’t good for business. Those who have cash lying around that they contemplated using, lose: confidence in the con-game and tuck their money away out of circulation, which deepens the depression. -- One of the Forum writers: clearly pointed out the success of govern-ment-owned institutions and enterprises. They are a success not by the help of, but in spite of the private profit ‘system.’ Do away with the profit system and we will have lasting peace and prosperity here at home and abroad. :

fn . 8s DISGUSTED WITH POOR STREETS By Discouraged Driver

It is certainly’ disgusting to see a squad of men wheeling dirt back and forth and to consider . the

MARCH By RUTH SHELTON

A wind that whistles and shrieks and sings Branches that billow and writhe and sway, A flash in the fencerow of crimson wings, Willows silvered . with catkins.

gray. A green Spon here and a Jade shoot, there, A blue-as-indigo, high-domed

sky, Where white clouds scurry to who-knows-where Through rainbows of kites that gaily fly. DAILY THOUGHT And whatsoever ye shall ask in my name, that will I do, that the

Father may be glorified in the Son.—John 14:13.

O one who is 1 is not accustomed to give grandly can ask nobly and with boldness.—Lavater,

amount of money spent each “day

near 21st St. and Sherman Drive, °

and yet we have to drive through

chuck holes and: rough pavements |. in that vicinity. -Althotigh the trac--

tion ‘line has béen taken up,. theré still is the bad hole left across Sherman Drive. . Every time we take a breath we are told of a new tax we have to pay, but there never seems to be any

| money for repairing streets. After .| election day:some of the officials who

tell us that will be looking for new jobs. 82 8 . SEEKS CUT.IN NUMBER OF OFFICEHOLDERS

By A. J. McKinnon

It is essential for ‘every voter: “0.

be posted on whom to vote for at our next election. Our State is in

a bed muddle from Federal and | State officeholders who are: costing | the taxpayer plenty. We need |

statesmen, not politicians, to represent us. We have a whole train of useless office holders who should be eliminated—township . trustees, sheriffs and at least one-third of our rep-

'resentatives to Washington. For in- - i

stance, I feel that ‘Rep. Ludlow could represent both the 11th and 12th districts. This would elimi-

nate the Hon. William Larrabee, | who is silent on the floor of the

House and never expresses an idea for or against any legislation. I notice that Mr. Larrabee has

| offered himself as candidate for reelection on the platform that he:

has no personal platform to offer but feels he is entitled to the job because he' has: reflected the in-’

terests of his constitutents in all.;

his legislative action.

when ‘he voted to sustain the President’s veto of the farm loan ai which would: have required : farmer to pay 5% per cent tere instead of 4 per cent. How do the ‘mothers feel about Rep. Larrabee’s vote against the Ludlow: war referendum? 8:8 8 QUESTIONS ON WAR ASKED READFRS By Gerald Fonal i : I have three questions I would like to ask the readers of The Times. In the event of a war which I‘ could not: believe ‘warranted or justified, would you consider I had the

right to refuse to go? If I refused to go, would you, as average men |. Green have stressed it. The President advised when

and women of this country, look upon me as a coward or slacker? If any of you found you could not hold the reasons for your country’s entry into the war as being valid, would you netertheless fight rather than be called a coward or slacker?

| Gen Johnson

‘The: Reporte of Baruch's Sostimonye Deserved -a More ‘Thorough Study: Than a Reading of the Headlines. ASHINGTON, March 5.—Get the delicate irony of this: B. M. Baruch with evident reluctance

testified before the Senate Unemployment Committee, at its summons. His testimony suggested certain

modifications of Administration policies designed to

improve their effects, but strongly supported them - in the main. It challenged national interest and got an unusually good press—both from ‘reports and edie “torial writers. - 25

history. as. head of the War Industries. Board. His effective~. .ness asa practical economist is suggested by his own magnificent solvency. Almost anybody would . be glad at least to listen-to his. advice on their financial affairs. and five Presidents. have .28~quested it repeatedly on national. economic affairs. Furthermore, he had a powerful part in-ads. Hugh Johnson ‘vising the. broad principles of: the first New. Deal—the magnife icent New’ Deal of early 1933 under which this nation recorded its greatest economic advance of the des pression, an advance now all lost. - Bit according to press reports, when the’ ‘President’ was asked to comment on the Baruch testimony, he said that he had not read it—only the headlines! The headlines tpld that this elder economic. statese ‘man had testified considerately, but that some of the.. conclusions were critical. That was enough.’ The text wasn’t worth reading. Only the headlines. A

a a Se

WET i is worth reading? “America’s 60 . Pare’ : ilies?” That was 8 vicious attack on all Amere 3

ican business by’ the £ .device of inciting envy: against a few American The works of , Mr. David Cushman | Coyle, who ~ thinks deficits are ’ delicious and a hundred-billion-dol=. : lar debt divine, they are worth reading, or at least the.

"| President is re have sai som .| I wonder if the farmers and labor-" gored io, id ers of this section ' believe that

effect about some of his writin 7 Not to multiply examples, Ee general classes of authorities seem to be worth reading: A—Any cocke eyed theorist who advances with a new and startling discovery that all the ancient verities are tripe such - as the sophistry that two and two makes 22; B—<Any

| proponent :of the idea that what is good for American

business is bad for the American® ‘people and ‘that what is bad for business is Recessatily the nuts Top -

workers and the unemployed.’

Cs #& = hd

Fas

|p former preference is plainly Just a sprightly. . hobby—the magician. complex—delight in new and better playthings—try anything crice. The latter. is purely political—there are more employees thas, employers so therefore soak the boss. It is a pastime popular in any company. The combination of these twin yens is a Mr. Baruch made it cléar he is for the rigorous des® struction of every abuse in business. He only stressed *

>

.the obvious fact that only by making business active,

can we ever get people back to work. Labor knows this. Both John Lewis and Wil

the slump came, ‘Slash prices, but not wages.” John Lewis said it better: “Don’t slash gjther.” Only the headlines! Well, it would have done good’ to have read further. The headlines made the piece™* seeni unsympathetic or even hostile. The text could

However, from this time on, the operation tends to decrease future purchasing power. For, having promised to. pay for the piano, the buyer must now set aside something each month to meet his payment. This, however, does no harm, provided conditions continue ‘favorable and the production of goods and | their sale on installment payments continue. Because, while the installment sale paralyzes a portion of the future income of the bu for 6, 10 or more months, new installment buyess : into the mars ket make up for this. :

UT the real trouble comes when a “depiession makes its first appearance. : Then new install-

ment. sake Guicky Ion of But in the meantime a. :

vast volume of unpaid installment accounts is standing. - While they are; being paid the income of Ling people is subject to a heavy diminution without the offsetting effect of new sales. The load of installment debt, therefore, hangs over the whole : system and becomes a depressive influence. : It is evident that the t sales 3 pay-.

YORK, March 5 — New York City has set up a new governmental structure, and it ought to

find a show window in which to’ display it, because

the innovation is excellent.

1 representation in the City Couneil :

Proportiona. has been: under heavy fire. -It took a long time to count the votes and an even ‘more

to organize the body. And the stir quite yet animated the keel of the a as

But New Yorkers ought to be patient,

i

Badly ave Be Ee ey a

| According to Heywood Broun—

‘Watching New York's’ City Council in Action Is- More interesting. Than a Trip to the Empire State Building or the Statue of Liberty,

issues than the more toplofty legislators of Washing ton. The Council is a better cross-section of the community than either the House or Senate. There’

is a wider spread between the left and right. In fact,

I think there is almost an internal in. the coalition (“united front” to you) which. has. been, temporarily set up in the Council.

S a rule, such co-operation proceeds from. the left to the: dead center, but not -one inch

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