Indianapolis Times, Indianapolis, Marion County, 26 October 1937 — Page 14

PAGE 14

The Indianapolis Times

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W. HOWARD MARK FERREE President Business Manager

LUDWELL DENNY Editor

ROY

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he People Find Their Own Way

TUESDAY, OCT. 26, 1937

THE DALHOVER TRIAL HE decision to {ry James Dalhover in the Federal courts for one of the Brady gang crimes underscores two important phases of the battle for crime control. One is the lack of faith in State courts. Dalhover already has been indicted here for the slaying of Policeman Richard Rivers. He also is under murder indictment in Cass County. The Federal charge is more complicated. Yet it is said the Federal Government wants to take no chance with the delays and possible evasions of the State courts. Part of this inferred criticism falls upon Marion County courts. The other phase is the popular demand for greater centralization of crime control, probably growihg out of the publicized activities of the G-Men. Dr. Arthur C. Millspaugh has just issued a study of this subject, financed by the Brookings Institution. Rightly, we believe, Dr. Millspaugh cautions against a rapid encroachment by the Federal Government upon the peace-keeping functions of cities, counties and states. “By advertising the activities of a Federal agency until it becomes a symbol of efficiency in general criminal-law enforcement,” he warns, “we may be repeating the follies of the 18th Amendment.” Instead of “short-circuiting the possibility of remedial

action through state integration” the Federal Government |

should assist and promote, but not control, all law enforcement. measures can only be applied locally. Crime’s roots grow deep in ignorance, poverty, slums and other social failures of our civilization, and an effective campaign against crime must begin on the preventive front.

The G-Men and Federal courts have done a good job | at the Narragansett horse track turns out | | to be a row between a temperish Governor | and a gambling monopoly, whose manager | didn’t know when he was well off.

of stamping out kidnaping and other interstate crimes, of eliminating the Dillingers and the Bradys. But this doesn’t mean that state and local systems cannot do as good a job in their own field.

QUEZON PROPOSES A GAMBLE

has now definitely and officially committed himself to

sible, and in any event not later than 1939.

way. Still we confess to a certain uneasiness over his project as outlined in his message to the National Assembly at Manila.

“If we want independence at any cost,” he said, “and

as the advantages of independent national existence—let us have it not later than July 4, 1939.” It is perfectly true that he also revealed he had asked

President Roosevelt to recommend to Congress that, in |

. a a | interes side 1 slay 4 granting early independence, it also prolong the present | ores outiios Ride stand Wi T5uston.

reciprocal free trade arrangement ‘for at least 10 years” thereafter. But, as the Supreme Court issue proved, Mr. Roosevelt may or may not have his way with Congress. Assuming he complies with President Quezon’s request, there is still no telling what Congress will do.

Perhaps as never before, the American people today want to stay out of a foreign war. They are watching events in the western Pacific with horror and dread. Many regard the Philippines as a liability and would have the United States cut them loose at the earliest possible minute. Congress may well take a similar view of the matter. Be that as it may, in asking for independence at this critical time, President Quezon is taking a big chance. The odds probably are that he would get quick independence: But he would be staking his hope of free trade on a gamble. He might just as well flip a coin for it: Heads he gets it, tails he doesn’t,

KEEP CONGRESS WARM

ONGRESS is threatened by more temperature trouble.

Only two months ago it adjourned with symptoms of | | affection.

| because the disturbed condition of politics is likely to turn up other Governors who don't know or don’t care |

nervous collapse as a result through a Washington summer. in mid-November, it faces the possibility through a cold and cheerless winter. A strike of union steamfitters and other workmen, in protest against a contract let to an open-shop contractor, has stopped work on the Capitol Building’s new $4,000,000 heating and air-conditioning system. Without attempting to pass judgment on the merits of the labor controversy, we hope it can be settled quickly. An overheated Congress is bad, but a frosthitten Congress might be worse. What sort of labor laws, for instance, might be written by Congressmen chilblained because of a strike? absolutely raw legislation from a cold-storage Capitol.

of sweating and fretting

of shivering

DANGEROUS DRUGS

UT for the merest chance, the Federal Food and Drug Administration would have been without legal authority to trace and seize shipments of the medical preparation which is blamed for the deaths of nine persons in Tulsa, Okla., and of at least 32 others elsewhere. The manufacturer of this product labeled it an “elixir.” By strict definition, it is not an elixir, because the drug it contains is not dissolved in alcohol. The FFDA, therefore, is able to proceed against it only on the technical and trivial charge of misbranding. If the manufacturer had labeled the preparation something else, accurately describing it, the Federal agency would have had no right to act. Obviously, it seems to us, W. G. Campbell, chief of the FFDA, is correct in saying that the Government should have more power to control the distribution of highly potent drugs which may be sold to persons who take them withgout competent medical advice,

V

AER AE a EE “1

The majority of crimes are local, and preventive |

{ which he had passed around in are ready to take all the consequences—the dangers as well |

Now, summoned to return |

And instead of even half-baked, we might get |

Take the Right Road! —sy

I a -

THE INDIANAPOLIS TIMES

TUESDAY, OCT. 26, 1987

Combes

Fair Enough

By Westbrook Pegler

Narragansett Track Feud Local, But Important Is Use of State's Troops in a Political Situation.

ROVIDENCE, R. I., ‘Oct. 26.—On close |

inspection the trouble in Rhode Island in which the National Guard was called out

Governor Quinn sacrificed such dignity as he might have enjoyed, and Walter O'Hara, his enemy

{ in the case, might have gained

PRESIDENT QUEZON of the Philippine Commonwealth |

| character | the Governor's rage.

a policy of independence for the Islands next year, if pos- |

prestige if he had had it in his to take advantage of Instead, Mr. O'Hara hollered “copper!” Track operators and gambling

{ men who do business with poli-

: ourse, is perfectly proper ; Which, of course, is perfectly proper if he feels that | Sree or LL SO lye

ticians have a code of sorts, one

to blow the whistle no matter what the apparent provocation. But when Mr. O'Hara fell to fighting with the Governor he began to blab about the money

ff fo » ol

Mr. Pegler

Rhode Island politics, and that is not only bad form but worse politics, for it presents the reform element a ready-made campaign for reneal of the racing law, own words, efficiently exploited, would be sufficient to abolish racing, and with it the profits. But the fight itself is local and of only passing

n n on F real importance is the Governor's call to the

National Guard to turn out to take his part in

| a cheap fight in bad weather and at serious per-

sonal inconvenience. The military demonstration may cost the taxpayers $100,000, and that is bad enough, considering the frivolous issue, but Governor Quinn hadn’t even considered that the soldiers, as citizens, might be thinking to themselves as they walked their posts in a heavy autumn rain. Young men join the

| National Guard for a number of attractions, but their

basic motive is patriotism, and in any emergency in which the peace and safety of their state or the

| nation are endangered they are always raring to go.

But Huey Long developed a habit of yelling for the soldiers whenever some angry rebel threatened to slap his face, and he used them several times for duty which was strictly political. In such cases the men leave their jobs and their homes at the Governor's call, whatever the Governor's politics or whatever his motives, and they have not the option to refuse duty on the ground that the Governor is using them for purposes not included in any reasonable understanding of their oath. on n UCH use of the Governor's authority is sure to hurt A the morale of the National Guard, cheapen its authority and eventually lead to problems of disThe point is worth making just now,

u

what the National Guard is for.

No soldier should be allowed to carry a musket |

in support of a political faction with which he is in sympathy or required to serve against a faction which he favors, No guardsman should be turned out in

and that with an impartial hand.

General Hugh Joh

The Hoos

1 wholly disagree with defend to the death your

ier Forum

what you say, but will right to say it.—Voltaire.

| EXPECTS BITTER FIGHT ON REORGANIZATION BILL By Citizen When an important executive is | | hamstrung and hogtied on every | hand, that's called democracy. | | When an attempt is made to cut

to express

troversies

ities, etc., to give the executive a

(Times readers are invited their these columns, religious conexcluded. your letter short, so all can have a chance. be signed, but names will be withheld on request.)

(ism, have suddenly discovered that views in | they are not only violently and un- | Klan, whose support they have al- | ways welcomed in the past, but that | they also believe in liberty, jus- | tice, the home, etc. | And since the first announcement

'of the appointment of Mr. Justice

Make

Letters must

| away red tape, overlapping author- | |

free hand so he can get action,

that's called dictatorship.

| for me and a good many like me.

Black, these Tories and die-hards have overtaxed the patience of an indulgent by incessantly

[utterably opposed to the Ku-Klux |

Mr, O'Hara's | . : » ; { reactionaries, and (3) destroy a po- |

The President has a big fight on { hand in the special session of Congress to be convened on the Reorganization Bill alone. It will be no | small job. That bureaus and offices | and commissions should ever have | been allowed to become the mess | they are, is and will be no palliative | for the senators who have built up their own political machines with {the patronage available through these channels. Painfully reactionary newspapers will fight it as a step toward dictatorship, you can | be certain, | Why should not our national house have a thorough housecleaning? | Here Are Expected Objections

I expect we'll be told that it is | because such a step would be (1) unconstitutional—hy the lawyers; (2) make for dictatorship—by the

| litical following and disrupt Congress. It may do the latter, at that.

But the Senator may help break the |

| hold of the state machine; however, | with every last ditchdigger | nightwatchman working for | State contributing 2 per cent of his

| pittance for a slush fund, the Sena- |

| tor will need a nice bit of change himself, { In the Federal Government, reor-

| ganization may be made to bring

about the same results; however under President Rooseveit I think not. He seems to consider political organization as a means to the end of serving the country as a whole, | not as a means for serving the party at the expense of the country as a | whole. In connection with such a | reorganization, a | merit plan should be put in operation, such a system of government | carcer service as proposed by { Leonard D. White of the University of Chicago, who made an extensive study of the subject.

” » ”

thorough-going

public venting their spleen in a tirade of

tice Black because of his former membership in the Klan, It would seem that everyone possessing intelligence should fully un- | derstand that all this tripe about the | former relationship of Mr. Justice {Black and the Klan Is merely a cieverly devised smoke screen to deceive the people: for as a matter of fact, the unfounded charges of racial prejudice and religious bigotry brought against Justice Black have been completely refuted by his ¢plendid record in the United States Senate, Every informed person knows that | Justice Black has always fought for

social and economic justice—for the |

rights of the weak and oppressed and against the industrial overlords regardless of race, creed, color or religion.

tice Black is still a member of the Klan. Is such membership unlawful

and | nauseating denunciations of Jus- |

the |

| chine finds anyone dangerous to its

{much in Marion County, | VanNuys may | look-in in his home county and the | any factional scrap except to put down real disorder, | machine

Such a bill probably would weaken [the President's hold on balky Con- | gressmen who must repair shattered fences before the next election; but, | on the other hand, if the facts are | [all brought to light, it may do the | Supreme Court | opposite. Some patronage in the | has taken his | hands of an executive to dispense at | great [ the right time seems to be necessary as a cohesive force in our system of party government; sparingly and judiciously used, the power of patronage is not altogether evil. De-

|of the

JUSTICE BLACK'S SENATE | RECORD LAUDED | By Clinton Fugate, Dayton, 0.

seat, and there consternation | ranks of the self-appointed defend- | mine ; ~ fers ‘of ‘the faith and Times, Mr. Smith of E America. These ardent protagonists “American Way,” | rious system of rugged individual-

But let us presume that Mr. Jus-

or unconstitutional ? | ” ” ”

ROOSEVELT PRAISED

Hugo L. Black, recently appointed FOR SHOWMANSHIP

Associate Justice, 15

the |

By John Koeppen In regard to your letter in The vansville, that | President Roosevelt is a showman land an actor, you are 100 per cent | correct. He shows what should be

among saviors of

the glo-

| pends on the man you pick. The only real argument against | the reorganization plan, as I see it, | is that it makes it possible to build |

| too strong a political machine. Here | My Lord, teach me to be sw

| in Indiana we have example No. 1. | | Reorganization of state functions

pure

and direct and cheaper to the tax- | strong payer, but it has also concentrated | too much patronage in the hands | result that the Democratic State | patient machine has too much crushing power. . Loyalty to the State is first and | foremost in qualifications of a | State is translated as loyalty to the | pure; | political machine. The two are not synonymous but no one seems to { have pointed it out. If the ma-

to Thee,

power | ends, just about anything can come And great in its under the head of disloyalty and a

hoot out. VanNuys Offers Example

With the machine tightened up so | Senator | not even have a|

plow iniquity,

deed is, of candidate may go

Washington. That's a little too thick | C. Miidmay.

he

nson Says—

Mutiny Aboard Algic Is Symptom of Condition Reported ‘Definitely Bad";

Marine Disaster Feared Due to Lack of Discipline on American Vessels.

ASHINGTON, Oct. 26.—The mutiny on the | Algic, says Chairman Kennedy of the Maritime Commission, is “scandalous.” But it is merely a symptom of a general condition which Mr. Kennedy calls “definitely bad.”

“The shocking lack of discipline on board American vessels is common talk in the Far East, both among Americans and other nationals, and predictions are freely made that a marine disaster of the first magnitude will inevitably result if such conditions are allowed to continue.” That is an official Far East consular report.

=" n »

THE State Department is constantly complaining of the disgraceful conduct of our merchant seamen on ships in foreign waters. I have listened by the hour to stories of sea captains cursed and defied by their crews and of practical Soviet control of our vessels at sea. Crews dictate which officers shall sail and dominate them on the voyage. Large parts of the American Merchant Marine are in such semimutinous state that experienced voyagers and Shippers do not consider it safe to ship or sail on em,

A ship at sea is cut off from all law outside herself—like an army in war. The lives of the whole company are in constant danger that can be defended against only by reposing almost military command

sary for the protection of the crews as workers. But

| union methods of refusal to perform duties, disobedi-

ence and violence, can no more be tolerated at sea than in an army.

» td zn

HE blame here lies partly at the door of ship owners. After the World War, we had a chance for as good a Merchant Marine as any. The Shipping Board and Emergency Fleet Corp. had trained young men to the sea, were paying them well and offered them a career. After the war, the old Shipping Board changed pace, permitted wages to be cut in half and the living and labor conditions of seamen to be so unmercifully degraded that many of the best type of seamen left, to be replaced, in large part, by the worst. This, coupled with scandalous working conditions, made a hotbed of resentment that was fertile for the organization and incitement of radical leaders.

Madam Perkins’ idea of handling mutiny on the

to the Pacific. That spread mutiny. Mr, Kennedy's action in mutiny on the Algic was: “Put ’em in irons.” That quelied mutiny.

Mr. Kennedy can be counted upon to use the in-

American shipping or, if other branches of Government will not support that

in the captain. Maritime labor unions are neces-

He has no other proper

MY PRAYER By ALLICE SULLIVAN

In all events of life, has made government more efficient And teach me to be

In times of grief and strife. of the Governor's office, with the |My Lord, teach me to be kind and To be obedient for Thy sake; | And teach me to be true and gentle, All my fiery passions break. tate employee, but loyalty to the |My Lord, teach me to be chaste and |

Teach me to whisper of mv love |

May my life be full

DAILY THOUGHT Even as I have seen, they that

and sow wicked- | ness, reap the same.—Job 4:8,

HE disposition to do an evil

to punishment of the deed it does.— |

S. S. California on the Atlantic Coast was to promise the mutineers immunity if they would take the ship

struments of Government to restore discipline to

, get out and say why.

| people, and acts to have it done, Common sense will show vou that eet and | he has done more good for the people in this nation than any other | President ever did. Just to make vou feel a little better, think back what a very great majority elected him and also what a very great multitude are wanting him as our leader in the next election, { ”

n ” | BLAMES COURTS FOR WASTE IN GOVERNMENT [By M. Kelley

brave and

upon Government waste and the raising of tax revenue, and it seems of love and! the Federal

the needy as waste,

fer to

among | is a mistake.

desire of sanctity.

| this distribution that you see the rising volume of business,

lies in the court methods. case in California, was thrice $2000 for each conviction, and the "last I heard the case was still open.

itself, a terrible

| accomplished for the benefit of the |

There has been much comment |

most of the press correspondents re- | distribution | Such | Needy people seldom | hoard money, and it is because of |

A real waste of taxpayers’ money | In one | the defendant | convicted at a cost of |

How Many Lives Left?—By Herblock

\ / b vy dnd

Bhat ee - It Seems to Me By Heywood Broun

| Rallies to Defense of Roosevelfs | Right to Their Own Lives and Jobs Without Family Embarrassment.

NEW YORK, Oct, 26.1 want to speak in defense of the Roosevelts, When a man is elected President of the United States all his relatives down to the last fifth cousin once removed are wrapped around | his neck, The most remote nephew hy marriage becomes a Page One item if he happens to park on the wrong side of the street, This fs tough on the President. Tt is also tough on the relatives, Even in private life no man should be held responsible for the actions of his in-laws. Nor should they suffer for what he has done, I speak out of a certain amount of personal experience, Brouns, unfortunately, sare not numerous, but it so happens that in a recent labor difficulty I was on one side and my brother wore the rebel gray and served as a Confederate colonel, 1 said and did many things to which he objected violently, And vice versa, At one public meeting IT was in the painful position of introduce ing a speaker whose entire address consisted of a bitter attack upon my brother. He is my elder brother, my senior by many years, which makes it even more difficult, For the most part mutual friends assume that T am the dean of the family becatise my brother has been fortunate in keeping his figure through clean living. n ” ” NINALLY we had a family town meeting net result, in which all participants agreed, was that every Broun should speak for himself and not undertake in any circumstances to involve the entire family on one side or another, None of us is par= ticularly in the public eye, and so I can understand how difficult the situation of the Roosevelts must be with the limelight beating down upon them through a 24-hour day. And so I say that each member of the tribe ought to be judged for weal or woe upon his ine dividual performance without bringing in the name of either F. D. R, or Teddy. The sons of Franklin Roosevelt and his relations by marriage are under the necessity of making a living. Whether each one of them has chosen the right boss ought to be a personal matter, It should not be the President's concern. If a son-in-law works for Hearst that is good or bad as you choose to think, but it certainly is not a matter of national policy.

Mr. Broun

and the

br = % HAVE great sympathy also for James Roosevelt, who has been active in politics and in business, Some have said that he had no right to be an ine ‘urance agent because he would appear to be trading upon his father's name. But I ask mildly, “What could he have done which would have divorced his own career completely from that of his father?” He could have been a merchant, lawyer or candlestick maker, but in any occupation he would both succeed and suffer as “the young son of President Roosevelt.” Just now he is acting as one member of the White House secretariat. My newspaper friends in Washington tell me that he is doing a swell job as the contact man in press relations. And so 1 =ay for James, Elliott or John, “Give the boy a chance, He's on his own and doing the best he can.”

er —_———

| |

The Washington Merry-Go-Round

Liquidation of RFC Is Long

By Drew Pearson and Robert S. Allen ASHINGTON, Oct, 26.—The President's long threatened investigation of monopolies is un-

at once on price-fixing in “consumer goods.” One of the items specifically listed by the Presi-

this commodity have zoomed in recent months, al-

for it. Mr. Roosevelt has repeatedly announced a survey of Antitrust Law violations, and in his last fireside chat he said it was in motion.

ment authorities, who knew nothing about the inquiry. Mr. Roosevelt apparently thought he had given the signal to go ahead. but discovered his mistake af-

ter he made the specch.

u ” ”

HERE was more in the revised budget issued by the President last week than mere debit and credit figures. Behind the announcement that the Reconstruction Finance Corp. would liquidate its commitments was a long-sought triumph by Secretary Henry Morgenthau over RFC Chairman Jesse Jones. These two Administration bigwigs have been secret

der way. He started it last Wednesday with secret | orders to the Justice Department to gather evidence |

dent for immediate probing is newsprint, Prices in |

though there is neither a dearth nor unusual demand |

The statement completely baffled Justice Depart- |

Probe of Newsprint and Other Price-Fixing Launches Antitrust Drive;

-Sought Victory for Morgenthau Over Jones,

| rivals since the early days of the New Deal, when | both aspired to succeed the late William Woodin as Secretary of the Treasury, On the surface all the chances seemed to favor | Mr, Jones, but Young Henry, old friend and Duchess County neighbor of the President, got the plum. In the four years since then, Mr. Morgenthau privately has always had his fingers crossed when Mr. Jones and the RFC were concerned. Very sub rosa he opposed the 1935 proposal to give the RFC an additional several hundred million dollars for loans | to businessmen needing credit. But Jesse was tog wily for him,

» n ” HE undercover duel continued with Mr. Mor genthau intensifying his inner council agitation | to put an end to RFC spending. | Knowing Jesse's power in Congress, Young Henry laid off his drive last session. But once Congress was out of the way, he resumed his pressure on the | President. The following remark in the President's budge; summation told the story of Mr. Morgenthau's victory: | “,. . 1 have determined that no further commit | ments should be made by the Reconstruction Fie BE Corp.,, other than for administrative ex. penses, , . .” This means finis for the R be merely a collecting agency loans. :

. Henceforth it will r its outstanding