Indianapolis Times, Indianapolis, Marion County, 20 October 1937 — Page 11

WEDNESDAY, DoT, 20, 1937

| Text of Landon’s Attack on F. D. R. Cont'd

(Continued hi om Page Eight)

omme: dations from which our sound insurance policy was built. But there is another tradition in our Constitutional form of governs ment, which holds that when a man is to be appointed to an important, nonelective office he shall be sub=| mitted to the scrutiny and white | light of public hearings. of our Constitution, riage ceremony one has reason to show why a man should not be appointed to a public office, “let him come forward and speak.” I am referring to Justice Hugo L. Black. I think it is fitting to refer to him because it is another case in which Constitutional is Reus was ignored. There was a demand on the part of private citizens, but by United States Senators. But the Administration used all its mighty power to prevent such public hearmgs—to prevent the operation of our Constitutional methods of government Now, regardless of what side you | take in this case, I believe everyone agrees that if the Constitution had been follow ed, all of the information concerning Mx. Black Wot ld have Yu n presented to the American pubc before Mr. Black was confirmed. is Is one of the important incidents to which I referred. I think it illustrates graphically Constitution does work when give it a chance to work.

like our mar-

CAN BE CORRECTED

And now I come to the second | point of (remendous importance to our country: The second point which I said I wanted to discuss with you this evening I

| the President will have thought out

— | what he proposes to do.

The spirit |

for public hearing, not only |

that the | you | | tion because I think it is sacred. I

Close observers have increasing doubts if he thought his recent declaration through to its logical conclusion. Moreover, Congress adopted a neutrality act at the last session. The President took it upon himself to repeal the principle of the act. Now, | [the job for the Congress will be to decide whether the President's own | | policy is to be followed or whether |

states that if any-|ywe are to adhere to the policies

which the last Congress adopted. I am not surprised that the American people have been willing to grasp at anything that might appear to be new and different. We | must remember that it is hard to | think straight on an empty stomach. [ We must remember that when you are cold and hungry and you don't know where your next meal is coming from, you can't become very much interested in abstract principles of government. But now we have had ample time to find out how some of the new theories are | working out. We have had time to | appreciate that social progress would have been years ahead today if we had followed Constitutional methods during the last 4':c years.

FOUR GREAT SCOURGES |

|

I do not believe in the Constitu- |

| reverence it because it is so intensely |

| practical-——because it

works when

| you give it a chance to work.

|

have pointed out |

the lag in social progress which has |

vlure to follow the These They

been caused by fa of our Constitution. have heen costly us bo ack hey can be corrected. Now, however, we are faced with Sit tion where he may make a hat would indeed be tragic, lead to war. The Presiulsive quarter-backing, respon-me-man government in affairs, is far more n the same tendencies with domestic matters. may ask the question s asking : How far does he

S to assume the

declaration of his inpolicy, Mr. Roosevelt he rest of the world is t NO one imagine America escape peacefully. He spoke of quarantines, which mean cither economic sanctions or blockades, Our experience with taly has proven the ineffectiveness of economic sanctions, and blockade means war. The statement that America cannet when the rest of the world is at war, sounds just like what we were told in 191%.

HOPE FOR DECISION

wv Hime ae ume

fl

repeatedly, but |

We have heard too much lately about liberty and freedom as something belonging to the mind and to the soul. Liberty and freedom, after all, are merely means to an end. | The four great scourges of the average man are unemployment, sickness, accident and penniless oid age. Unless liberty and freedon: can help us overcome them, liberty |

[and freedom are nothing but empty

phrases.

The liberty and freedom for

| which our forefathers fought meant

escape peacefully |

ES

something concrete, tangible and | immediately beneficial. Today it must mean something just as definite to us if we are to fight for its preservation. Liberty and freedom | should enable all who want to work to get good jobg at good wages. Lib-

erty and freedom should mean that cede that many of the questions Mr. |

men and women have decent hours of work and satisfactory working conditions. Liberty and freedom should mean that a man have leisure to spend with his wife and children and the right to an old age of peace and comfort. Freedoth must mean that with reasonable ef- | fort a man can acquire these things as a matter of right and not because some kindhearted employer is willing to let him have them. Liberty and freedom should mean a fair distribution of the rewards of production and should prevent an unhealthy and economic power in individual hands or government. Liberty and

| competent.

concentration of wealth agree with them.

nated against, either by great privi- j eral employee under the thumb of

leged competitors or by government. | Liberty and freedom should mean |

the right to a fair earning power and a decent standard of living to the farmer. should mean the right to support a government which provides the

opportunity to happiness and eco- |

nomic security and the free choice to criticize or oppose it if a man does not agree with it.

course, liberty and freedom must

(mean the opportunity to worship as

one’s conscience dictates, and the right to a fair trial. This is the kind of liberty and freedom that you and I and the Repub-

lican Party of today stand for. If |

our party did not stand for these

things, you and I would not want | to be Republicans.

But there is one additional feature that distinguishes us. that we can solve our problems as free men under government, in which voice in the solution of our problems. We do not believe we are helpless, incompetent and unable to solve our own problems. We do not believe we must turn our problems

[over to any one man to tell us what

we must do in order to be wise and | We do not believe that | it is necessary to give up what we |

| already have in order to gain addi- |

tional things we want. During the first few months of | Mr. Roosevelt's administration, he | awakened a new social conscience. I | was in sincere sympathy and agreement with many of the purposes set forth

“NOT THE SAME MAN”

| But now I must say something

that I regret to admit. velt is a changed man. He is not the man who was elected in 1932.

It is apparent that Mr. Roosevelt | is going through the same process | | that transpired in the life of every | man in history who was given t00 | much power. Power feeds on power | —today, just as it did in the days | of Julius Caesar. And while I feel | that Mr. Roosevelt should be given | every time has come when we must change our methods in Washington. Every fairminded man must con-

Roosevelt has asked are proper, but | it must also be conceded that his! answers don’t work.

When Congress convened in the!

last session, there were many impor- |

tant pieces of legislation pressing for | enactment. But what did Mr. Roosevelt do? He wasted practically | the entire session of Congress of | 1937 fighting to get more power for | himself. Now the President has just called | a special session of Congress. In making his announcement,

unanimous again. But,

going to achieve them? First, of

freedom should mean that a man course, he asks for more power,

may have the opportunity to acquire | possessions of his own, and

that Bill, the special session of | the corner grocer or the little fac- | about it, has for its main purpose | 5 convenes if is to be hoped | tory operator will not be discrimi- | the placing of practically every Fed-'

RO OS

His Government Reorganization | regardless of what he has said

Liberty and freedom |

And, of |

We believe |

a Constitutional |

Mr. Roose- |

honor that is due him, the!

he out-| lined commendable purposes. We all | That makes it] how is he]

the President, to be hired and fired at his discretion. It would also | place the semijudicial commissions under the control of the executive. It will precipitate another contro- | versy just as important as that | which occurred in regard to the Supreme Court, because once again he strikes at the very heart of Consti- | tutional representative government. I have pointed out to you the different ways in which our President has violated the letter and spirit of the Constitution. I have proven to [you in each case our country unmistakably would have been better off if he had followed the Constitu= tion. From this there can be only [one conclusion:

| the practical guidance of that great document. Mr. Roosevelt asks for

| to accomplish his purposes.

ress. Most of the mistakes he has

| has been given too much power, | What he really needs is less power

—a position that will force him to | | take the advice and counsel of other |

men of both parties—men whose

{ hearts also are in the right place, |

| but men who have had more experi=(ence and who know more about the | practical application of Government { than he does. i

[ We have had a New Deal.

| new yardstick—a yardstick to measure the ability and the accomplishments, as well as the good inten- | tions, of public officials. | Tt is time to put a solid foundation | of workable legisiation under the air

| castles which the President is for- |

| ever blowing. It is time to realize that we must {apply the resources of the mind if we are to make the wishes of the { heart come true.

| ECONOMY WEEK-END TRIPS

COACH SERVICE Next Saturday

CLEVELAND .... $5.00

Leave 10:00 m. Return on any train until 2 % a. m. Monday

DETROIT ........$5.00

! Pay a visit to the Henry Ford exhibit at historic Greenfield Village in Dearborn, near Detroit

TOLEDO .... || SANDUSKY

Leave 10:00 p. m. Returning reach Indianapolis not later than Monday morning following.

Next Sunday

CINCINNATI .

.$2.50 GREENSBURGH_ $1.2 SHELBYVILLE $0.35

{ m. Return on anv

| Leave 7:45 a, | train same day.

| st. Louts ..... sas

Leave 12:30 a. m.. 2:45 a. m. or 8:00 a. m. Return on any train same day.

| NEW YORK CENTRAL | SYSTEM

CREAN

Welcome Indiana T. ET

.

If we are to go! forward from here, it must be under

| more power, and still more power, | As long | as he uses lack of power as an alibi, | we have al “ve will never make any real prog-

‘made have been made because he |

Now, | [ what we most need in America is a |

oe

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