Indianapolis Times, Indianapolis, Marion County, 30 July 1937 — Page 16

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FRIDAY, JULY 30, 1937

SLAM-BANG FACE SAVING ’

(CONGRESS should either shed its want-to-go-home complex and make up its mind to stay in Washington if necessary until there is ice on the Capitol steps, or— It should recess until fall, or— It should adjourn and take up its program next January. It should not subject the country to what is now planned—legislation which if passed in two or three weeks can only be half-baked and dangerously indigestible. n ” » "” ” " MOST of the trouble the New Deal has created for itself i. grew out of haste. The Supreme Court fight for example was born of slam-bang lawmaking. The Court kicked out New Deal measures. Roosevelt, frustrated, turned on the Court. The fight started. It split the Democratic Party. While it was on, nothing else of importance was done in Congress. Hence the legislative jam. Hence the effort now to break it, in too short a time. Hence the threatened repetition of the bum’s-rush technique that has caused so much trouble already. There was a reason for the original haste, and a vital one—an emergency as great as war. Quick action was imperative. Though accidents through speeding were inevitable, it was better to step on the gas than to take too much time in getting to the fire.

Today, 80 miles an hour is not necessary. The high |

pressure which was approved by the public in 1933 will be condemned in 1937. So, we repeat, take time to do the job right. " " ” ® n = ONSIDERABLE reference has been made of late to the mataphor about not being able to see the forest for the trees. Let's back off a moment and attempt to get the prospective. To simplify, let's take just two parts of the five-point program which it is now announced will be dashed off in a fortnight or so—the Wages and Hours and the Housing bills. Both were walled up back of the Court question. That wall broke down less than 10 days ago. The normal deliberations of a Congress convening the first of the year had been held off over a year. The Housing bill had not even been taken up in committee in one of the branches. Wages-and-Hours, not introduced until very late in the spring, is still in the committee stage in one body. Those two great questions are not even “hefore the House,” where

the lawmakers are supposed finally to deliberate, debate -

and vote. Yet the plan is to handle all this and more in three weeks or less. 5 » o ” » »

EW more important pieces of legislation were ever pro-

posed in our time. The success of each if the laws are |

properly prepared would mean as much in terms of economic and social welfare as anything ever conceived. Their failure, through sloppy design and slapdash handling, would spell such injury as we hate to think about. The Wages and Hours measure seeks to solve that vast problem which NRA tried to solve—and failed, because of haste. It would fix & minimum on wages and a maximum on hours, set up a “Marquis of Queensberry” rule for industry which would eliminate cutthroat competition, increase employment and purchasing power, abolish child labor, improve the lot of the underprivileged, swell the volume of the nation’s business, add to taxable revenue, aid in balancing the budget. But. involved are States’ rights, home rule, Incal resentment at Washington bureaucrats invading home affairs, territorial differentials in the cost of living, the capacity of industry developed under one living standard to absorb suddenly a minimum much greater than the one which has prevailed. : Most of that runs to the South. There enters in the danger of employment being decreased rather than in-

creased by the imposition of a wage which industry in | | himself in for trouble.

some sections can't take. That the industry should be condemned for operating in the past on such a puny scale is beside the point in appraising the practicalities. The Wages-and-Hours bill must not result in a shrink in work, but in more work. Employment won't be enlarged by breaking industries operating in backward regions. The idea is to improve, not kill them. Hence the “exceptions,” recognized by the authors of the bill and everyone concerned, if the plan is to work. ® n n n » » UITE a lot of thought in all that, for the lawmakers. Much more than can be supplied by setting a closing date and then cutting the cloth of consideration to fit the want-to-go-home pattern. . The Housing bill involves slum-clearance, crime, health, fire hazard, uplift of multitudes. It hasn't yet even been taken up by the House Committee to which the subject must go. It provides for 20 million dollars a year of taxpayers’ money for an indefinite period, and many other things which don’t call for blind flying. Much of the reason for the rush runs to face saving. Next year is an election year. It wouldn't be so good for Congressmen to have a do-nothing record. Nor would it be so good for the Administration to have to explain why a do-nothing Congress was caused by the Administration's bull-necked attitude on the Court matter. That's where politics comes in. “Absolve ourselves on both counts by doing something, even though what we do is wrong.” Those who make and administer our laws may delude themselves that the American people are so dumb as not to see through that. But they'll be surprised. So we say, the course of both patriotism and political . swisdom is to stay until the snow flies, if that be required Ho do the job right—or recess, or adjo gh

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THE INDIANAPOLIS

The Printer’s Devil!—By Talburt

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TIMES

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FRIDAY, JULY 30, 1987

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ANT - CAROL ’% n, :

Washington

By Raymond Clapper

Roosevelt, if Granted an Enlarged Secretariat, Would Do Well to Pick An Expert 'No' Man, Writer Thinks.

ASHINGTON, July 3Q—Congress is in process of creating the largest and most high-powered White House secretariat in history. The House has passed the Administration bill giving the President six

$10,000-a-year administrative assistants and the Senate is Mkely to add its approval before adjourning. These six will function in addition to the present

White House secretariat headed by the three secretaries, Marvin McIntyre, James Roosevelt and Stephen Early. They will be roving assistant Presidents, constituting eyes, ears and legs for the Chief Executive, a supplementary Cabinet and fixing crew combined. Whether they make more trouble than they fix will depend a good deal upon what kind of men President Roosevelt selects. Six more like Tommy Corcoran would be a large dose to turn loose. On the other hand Mr. Roosevelt could use six expert technicians, men not concerned with policy and lobbying, but solely with smoothing out administrative troubles. The Government has grown so large that a President needs more eyes and hands. Under Mr. Hoover, the White House received 200 letters a day. Now they average 4000. Government travel expense last

Mr. Clapper

| year was larger than the total passenger revenue of

the Pennsylvania Railroad. » ” » UT if, in searching for six perfect aids, Mr. Roosevelt draws on the ranks of the angels themselves, they still won’t fill the shoes of the late Louis M. Howe, who was the ranking secretary to the President until his death a year ago last spring. He was the “no” man at the White House. There is nobody to take his place. That is one of Mr. Roosevelt's misfortunes. He, of all Presidents, needs a “no” man. Oh, Mr, -Roosevelt could pick up any number of “no” men. There is no shortage of people who know

what Mr, Roosevelt is doing wrong. The trouble. is that there isn't any “no” man in existence whom Mr. Roosevelt trusts. Mr. Howe was a cynical, hard-bitten worshiper of President Roosevelt, who was his only interest in life. He wanted nothing for himself, which alone made him unique in public lire. He lived as one of the family at the White House and exercised the frankness of speech which, in the life of Presidents, is permitted only within the family.

” » » INCE Louie Howe died there has been little of this influence in Mr. Roosevelt's intimate circle, Those who hesitate about going along are dropped. Those who remain are the ones who, if they have doubts, repress them. The dominant influences around Mr. Roosevelt have been inciting ones rather than restraining ones. Mr. Roosevelt has swept along with them time and again only to discover that he had let

He shot the Reorganization Bill to Congress and

the original Wages-and-Hours Bill, only to see them |

torn down. He gave no one a chance to caution him about his Supreme Court plan when firm advice might have resulted in a more advantageous presentation of it. ’ ; I know executives in private life who have the dynamic, impetuous, high-power quality of Mr. Roosevelt. It is a priceless quality. But usually you find such lypes taking care to establish at their elbows hard-headed, cautious Sancho Panzas, who can tell the boss where to get off and get away with it, Those are the effective teams.

General Hugh Johnson Says—

Wallace Crop Bill Is Nazification of Agriculfure Under Dictatorship; Setretary Could Use Powers to Control Every Farmer in Country,

ETHANY BEACH, Del, July 30.—Two bills threaten the most complete economic dictatorship ever seen in any country. Obscured from public interest and information by the court fight, they may slink through with little debate. The Black bill sets up a Federal tsardom on maximum hours and minimum wages, NauseQus as is that medicine, it is 8 soda-mint compared with Secretary Wallace's proposed nazification of agriculture. It gives to him alone power to “establish for each farm of any farmer” exactly how much he may plant and

sell of each of six Spal 3 No farmer can be put in Jail if he doesn’t obey Mr. Wallace, but if he does, he is paid and lent s0 much money from the Treasury for nct planting or not marketing. If he starts to “co-operate” and stops. he gets his loans called immediately. e law does not say how much Government money each “co-operator” gets. Each gets “amounts determined by the Secretary to be fair and reasonable.” Mr. Wallace “considers” ‘how well each farmer has lived up to his orders and dishes out the gravy at his discretion. It is an unlimited appropriation of taxpayers’ money to one individual—the most comprehensive and brazen donation of economic

The Hoosier Forum

1 wholly disagree with what you say, but will defend to the death your right to say it.—Voltaire.

CITES GLASS ON COURT

INCREASE PROPOSAL By Lester Gaylor Every Democrat, if he is a real Democrat, will readily agree that Senator Carter Glass is one of the greatest Democrats of all time. Here is what the famous Virginia Demo - crat has to say about the Roosevelt “Court-packing” scheme: “Let those who would confide to the President complete control over the Supreme Court by sanction of an obedient Congress reread the farewell address of Andrew Jackson in which: he cautioned the country against the jeopardy to their liberties of a consolidated Government and the evil consequences of ‘permitting temporary circumstances, or the hope of better promoting the

| public welfare, to influence, in any | degree, our decisions upon the ex- |

tent of the authority of the general Government. Let us abide by the Constitution as it is written,” he urged, ‘or amend it in the constitutional mode if it be found defective.” Even Communists, Socialists, or radical New Dealers could not get away with calling the Hon. Carter Glass a Herbert Hoover “fan,” yet the Senator from Virginia minced no words in telling the world where he stood on the Roosevelt Court “stuffing” scheme.

> ww = HITS VANNUYS FOR

FIGHTING COURT BILL By J. E,, Morgantown I'm just a plain citizen down here in Morgan County and, in common with about 125 million other citizens, want to see the best things done for my country. I helped elect Roosevelt twice to the Presidency, both times by unprecedented majorities. I was anxious, as were all the others, to see something done to get us out of the slough of despond into which the Administrations of Harding, Coolidge and Hoover had led us. I felt sure that under the leadership of Roosevelt that would be done.

Five years ago I voted for Frederick VanNuys for United States Senator because he advocated the things I believed in and because he promised to follow the leadership of Roosevelt. That sounded good. You can do nothing without leadership and you can still do nothing unless you follow that leadership. But Mr, VanNuys liked the limelight a little too well himself to be a mere follower. Instead of being an aid to the Administration and to the people who elected him he has been a hindrance—a kind of monkey wrench in the machine of

{ which he was intended to be a very essential part.

Now I don’t suppose anyone would wish to deny Mr. VanNuys the privilege of having convictions of his own, but when one's convictions are so obviously different from those of the people whom he represents, he should resign. He has no right—no moral right—to defeat the will of the people who elected him. Now when Congress, on the recommendation of the President,

than a billion & year and his loans half a billion. Here is plenty of power to organize cvery township in the nation politically, to elect himself fuehrer, and make or break any national candidate and thus con-

trol

Secreta!

yield.”

UT these limits contain jokers. There is no limit on quantities which the Secretary can finance by

|

Congress. There are apparent limits to these powers. The “base” crop acreages for the whole nation which the may allot to particular farmers are fixed by the bill. The quantity of any crop which the Secretary may put in his ever-abnormal granary is limited to 10 per cent of the “normal supply.” telling farmers what they can’t market he may not make them withhold more than half their “normal

loan to withhold from the market.

geration te say this bill would make Mr. Wallace dictator of croppage and marketing of every farm in

America

Where is the vast handout coming from? Most of it from a “soak-the-poor” sales tax of from 10 to 20 per cent on the raw materials for food and clothing. The taxes for certain crops are fixed by the bill but, in Mr, Wallace's discretion, he may put other of taxation.” That Congress—the °

crops under tax and “fix the rate is the ultimate abdication of ‘dictatorship.

; | essence of ¢

ae pi

| will not renominate VanNuys.

E. F. MADDOX REPLIES TO “IRISH AMERICAN” By E. F. Maddox The “Patrick Henry type of Irish American,” who criticized my lelter, was certainly not related to John Hancock. He was ashamed or afraid (to sign his name to his epistle. While I failed to drive the ox-team to the Cadle Tabernacle “Red

hunt,” I did take the spirit of 76 along with me. And right here and now, let me warn my communistically inclined

(Times readers are invited to express their views in these columns, religious controversies excluded. Make your letter short, so all can have a chance. Letters must be signed, but names will be withheld on request.)

passed some very pertinent laws, laws which remained on the statute books long enough to start the country out of its unspeakable mess, a hostile majority of the Supreme Court declared most of them

unconstitutional, not because they | still dominating the lives of 90 per w so in f b hese | cent of all real Americans today. ere so in fact but because these |g, . the Reds watch their step. men were hostile. A law is not |

necessarily unconstitutional just because five out of nine men do not happen to like it, It is entirely possible that any other group of nine men might look like a sham battle.

like it and maintain that it is | Bw w constitutional. | COMPUTES DEPRESSION’S

Also, the job of being a Supreme COST TO FAMILIES Court justice is a strenuous one— | too much for men of 70 and 80 years. | BY Wel Midnite You may talk about the co-ordi- | The present depression has lasted nate branches of the Government. |seven and one-half years and the The President may veto an act of Oongress, the Congress, by a twothirds vote may override the President's veto, but five men, if they | happen to be judges of the Supreme Court, may stick their royal noses | in the air, say “No” to the President of the United States, to a majority of more than 500 Congressmen, and to a majority of 1256 millions of people, and nobody can say to them nay. This is not right. Then when the President tries to correct this Fred VanNuys, to the complete disgust and utter humiliation of the rank and file of the Democratic Party in Indiana, voted against him. For this some Republicans propose to make him their candidate in 1938. Governor Townsend is absolutely right. The Democrats of Indians If the Republicans want to vote for a discarded and discredited Democrat, let them.

dictator will stir up a rebellion

| averaged about 10 millions.

and one-half years we have suffered a loss of 180 billions of manhours of production. It is conservative to estimate the money value of this lost production at $1 per hour, on the average. This is a loss of 180 billion dollars’

worth of production} production that actually could have heen reached if all the unemployed could have been employed. The Government's estimation of the national population for 1937 will be about 129,415,000. On the basis of four and one-half persons per family, on the average, this population will show abeut 28,758,888 families in the United States. When we divide the 180 billion dollars’ worth of lost work energy between the 28,758,888 families, we find that each family has lost, on the average so far, $6268.93, This could have been produced if capitalism had not broken down, as it always does. This is the price that we pay for being so foolish as to believe that happiness can be found at the | poisonous fountain of greed. The solution is economic democracy.

» » ” FINDS RECORD OF VOTING HELPFUL By Kathryn Smith

The recent service your paper has been rendering the public in publishing digests of the Congressional Record and the votes of our Indiana Senators and Representatives on

I SING WORDS |

By POLLY NORTON

Like thistle-down some words clown by, Or the gurgle stone-stepped water weaves, While some groan on like winds encaved, Or footsteps crunched in crisp dropped leaves. And some are harsh like the marsh-frog’s cry, Some like bells that toll, And some would make us theirs, enslaved, While some help free the soul.

DAILY THOUGHT

And Cain said unto the Lord, My punishment is greater than I can bear.—Genesis 4:13,

Nor cell, nor chain, nor dungeon speaks to the murderer like the voice of seolitude.—~Maturin.

of an informed citizenry and good government you will continue this helpful public service.

Charlie West, President's

By Drew Pearson and Robert S. Allen

WY IN July 30.—When the history of the present Congressional session is written, some responsibility for its hepdaches and inanities will be placed in the lap of Charlie West, smiling, back= thumping contact man for the President on Capitol Hill,

Every Presidential But Charlie West, b worse than usual. Charlie's trouble seems to be an irrepressible addiction to soft-soap, He has forgotten the art of calling a spade a spade. For instance, after the death of Senator Bachman, he told Rep. Sam D, McReynolds of Tennessee that he, McReynolds, was sure to be appointed in his place. West indicated ‘he learned this at the White House. Later, when Rep. McReynolds mentioned to colleagues his expected Senatorial appointment, Rep. Jack Dempsey (D. N. M), wishing to let his friend down easy, said: “Well, Mac, I've heard just the opposite. I heard it was Berry who was getting the job.” Dempsey was right and West wrong. George Berry

tact man has a tough time. and large, has done a little

In

It is no exag-

velt’s suggestion. Naturally, Rep. McReynolds was sore. He felt West had double-crossed him. And when the President's controversial relief bill came bevery | fore the House he made an, in speech | against it.

| fellow Americans that the spirit that | animated the old Continentals at | Bunker Hill and Valley Forge is

| This is one nation that was raised ,on liberty and independence, and | any attempt to enslave the citizens | of this country under any kind of

| which will make Spain's Civil War

| number of the unemployed has |

On the basis of eight hours per | | day, 300 days per year for seven |

specific issues should be commended. I truly hope that in the interests

was appointed Senator from Tennessee—at Mr. Roose- .

It Seems to Me

‘By Heywood Broun

Many Southern Politicians Take Advantage of Labor's Growth in North to Lure Plants to Dixie.

| EW YORK, July 30.—~When Rep. John E. Rankin (D. Miss.) lashed out and accused the National Labor Relations Board of “conspiring with communistic influences to destroy Southern industries,” he did not

speak out of any snap or passing petulance. Mr. Rankin has been accounted a liberal in many quarters because of his support of TVA, but he is nol ignorant of the economic opportunity which has been hailed by many industrial leaders in his own section of the country. . To put it plainly, many South= ern publicists and politicians think that the growth of labor organization in the North and Middle West gives the South » marvelous opportunity to offe 2 haven to runaway plants and 1 | tories. The notion is that the deep South and the border statics ; can lure the mass production in=“i dustries to migrate by promising cheap labor and local co-operation to prevent any kind of organiza tion save that of company union=ism. Even in the days of NRA there was a vigorous demand for a differential. This lag, according to theory, should be granted on the basis of a lower living cost in the South, Then and now it would be more accurate to call it a | lower standard of living. The economic status of the Negro is such *° ¢ this racial group offers a vast surplus of chet or which keeps labor costs down. It is not easy fo. ¢he Negro in the South to get much craft training, and so the competition is largely that of unskilled labor. But with recent progress in inventions a very large amount of the work in the mass production industries does not depend upon any high degree of handicraft. Semiskilled labor is sufficient for most of the processes, and whether Negro labor is actually used or not it remains as

a threat. . » ” ” }

ECENTLY I subscribed to the Nashville Banner, because James Stahlman, the owner of that paper, is not only prominent among publicists through virtue of his office as president of the Amer-

ican Newspaper Publishers’ Association, but also § vigorous industrial leader. Mr. Stahlman has been quite candid in his campaign for cheap labor. His own newspaper is open shop throughout, and day after day cn his editorial page he pounds upon the idea that labor unions are communistic, There “is also a good deal of attention given to the familiar drive against “outside agitators.” An outside agitator is anybody who comes from the wrong side of the track. In most cases he is also des scribed as “alien.” And along with this campaign goes frequent encouragement to various groups to act as a strike-breaking force on the excuse that they are assisting the establishment of “law and order.” David Lawrence is the syndicated political expert of the Nashville Banner, and George E. Sokolsky, des scribed as “ome of the leading commentators of mods ern times,” interprets economic trends. ! To simplify the Banner proposition it might bé stated as, “We have cheap labor here, and through the co-operation of local authorities we can guarantee to keep it cheap.” : ” » » : N close cahoots with’ the Banner is the Macon Telegraph. This paper recently explained the plans of “Helping the South Fight Reds.” The cams paign will begin with a mass meeting in Birmingham, at which Rep, Clare E. Hoffman of Michigan is 10 be the principal speaker. ‘ The movement is an interesting one, and I may have more to say about it later on, but just now I am wondering how well the voters of Michigan will like Hoffman's plea to industry to follow the geese and fly South to avoid good wages. :

| |

Mr. Broun

The Washington Merry-Go-Round

Contact Man, Muffs Job, Say Observers}

Wagner Housing Bill, Favored in Senate, Faces Stiff Contest in House,

' ONSIDERING the fact that it ranks as major legislation, Senator Wagner's low-cost housing pill has had harder sledding than almest anything on the New Deal calendar. : Kicked from pillar to post for three years, the measure finally was reported by the Senate Labot Committee last week and the way appeared clear for speedy enactment. : But on the House side, the situation is far from cheerful. : Rep. Frank Hancock of North Carolina is author of a rival bill, suddenly has demanded hearings on Wagner's measure—despite the long and extensive hearings already held by the Senate. ' Actually, Rep. Hancock is trying to kill the bilL #% # 5

LOT of the President's so-called followers on Capitol Hill have been yowling about-economy and a balanced budget. But when economy touches their own patronage pockets it is another story. ° This was what happened regarding the total enroliment of the OCC. Roosevelt recommended that enrollment should be only 260,000, But Congress wanted plenty of camps for the boys from each and every district, so upped this to 300,000, . And now CCC officials are having a hard tima filling the quota, In April, when the CCC sent out a call for 100,000 recruits, it was able to secure only 65,000. In the last few months enrollees have been leaving to take jobs at the rate of about 10,000 &

.