Indianapolis Times, Indianapolis, Marion County, 24 July 1937 — Page 10
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PAGE 10" The Indianapolis Times
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SATURDAY, JULY 24, 1937
THE SCHOOL SUPERINTENDENCY
N appointment that may affect Indianapolis for years to come is the one which is about to be made of a new school superintendent. Indianapolis has known what it means to have outstanding high standards of public education. It also has known in years past the cost and degradation of politics in the school system. The standards are high again today, and much of the credit for this is due to the tireless and courageous work of the late Paul C, Stetson. The School Board has a powerful and largely unappre-
" ciated responsibility in choosing a successor to Mr. Stetson.
Apparently, no decision has been made. The right person may be found here in Indianapolis, and we hope he is. But the field should not be limited, and no quick choice should be made unless the Board is confident of its selection. The position calls for health and vigor, for it is a punishing job. It requires an able administrator and a real educator.
" More than ever before, it needs today a leader who under-
stands the value of merit-chosen personnel in public management, and recognizes the pitfalls of spoils politics in a school system. The job needs a man big enough to withstand the unbelievable pressure to which he®will be subjected. g The school superintendency is important enough to justify going anywhere in America to find the right man,
HOW A PRESIDENT MEETS DEFEAT HERE are two ways to take a licking, One is to grouch and look back. The other, to smile and look forward.
With the country and the dominant political party splitting as they were over the Supreme Court question it is greatly to the good for all of us that President Roosevelt accepts defeat with good nature, with his head up and his face pointed to the future, not the past. Such is the picture coming from the first White House expression since the United States Senate embalmed the packing plan. That the time to fix the roof is when the sun is shining is the essence .of the DPresident’s position. He deals particularly with agriculture; with a situation which looks rosy now, but which can grow dark unless something is done to perpetuate a control of production that will prevent another tailspin of farm prices. The same thing goes for wages and hours and chiseling and undercutting and substandard pay and excessive hours in one section, competing in the market with regions more humane and enlightened.
Such economic issues should not be forgotten because times generally are much better at the moment. It was that kind of fair-weather philosophy which brought the hurricane of 1929. So let’s not drop everything just to enjoy the upswing. As for the Court question, the President philosophizes as we think he should have done weeks ago, about the time that flock of liberal decisions arrived and Justice Van Devanter resigned. Mr. Roosevelt could have prevented a lot of needless stress and strain had he taken the attitude then that he does now. But, better late than never. So apparently we aren't going to have a sulking in the tent, or a punitive expedition dealing with what is over the dam; rather; a realistic approach to the very real problems of the future, with the executive proposing, Congress disposing, and the Court functioning with no club over it. We could suggest other things than farm legislation, wages and hours, and such, as vital in an economic puzzle which can be solved only by an expansion of business which will absorb the unemployed, create a volume that will produce sufficient Government revenue to balance income and outgo, release capital from its tax-exempt hiding place, more fairly allocate the vast Federal cost on a visible and ability-to-pay basis instead of the present 65 per cent borne by invisible levy. We are speaking of the utterly inefficient Federal tax system which now prevails. But the important thing at this particular writing is to cheer about the fact that a President, long accustomed to victory and adulation, evidently can “take it” whep. adversity shows up, and do his big bit toward restoring har-
. mony in a country that was being ripped apart with an
issue which now, thank God, is not only dead but buried. “The problems of this hour,” said Hatton Sumners, head of the House Judiciary Committee, in his dramatic comment on the Court battle, “challenge us to produce the most united people and the most capable people who ever assumed the responsibility of Government.” That is where all this crisis in our affairs points up, and we believe that by the recapture of a unity that was well-nigh lost we can do what another public figure, so important in the contest that is now ended, expressed as our national mission today. Said Senator McCarran: “Our form of Government will go on and lead a torn world along lines and avenues as intended by progressive civilization.”
RED INK FROM CONGRESS
Y ESTERDAY in these columns we quoted figures from a Treasury statement which showed that in the first 19 days of this fiscal year ithe Government spent $187,285, 695.69 more than it took in. We commented that Presi. dent Roosevelt and Secretary Morgenthau didn’t seem to be making much piogress in their efforts to balance the budget. But blame for the Treasury's red ink is not all Mr. Roosevelt's and Mr, Morgenthau’s, as was demonstrated when the Senate voted 71 to 19 to pass a bill over the President's veto. The House having already overridden by a similar preponderfince, the measure becomes law. It continues certain low interest rates on farm loans and reduces others. The Treasury estimates it will require a Government subsidy of $30,000,000 a year. When it votes to let a pressure group dig its hands into the Treasury, Congress makes the budget-balancing task of Mr. Roosevelt add Mr. Morgenthau just that much 4 32 ay
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THE INDIANAPOLIS TIMES ‘Congratulations—You Win >—By Herblock = FE
NEW WOMEN'S CLUBS AT ATLANTIC CITY TOLD BY OLLUPATIONAL EXPERT THAT THE 4 MEN SHOULD DO f THE HOUSEWORIC AUSE OF TAE BE PHYSICAL QTRENGTR'!
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™ PROFESSOR “AS GOT SOMETHING
MOVIES
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POESN'T LIKE
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NIGHT? | HAVE TP GET A PERMANENT ASST PRomISED CUTABERT ’DGO TO THE An P\ RIGHT HOME AND CLAUDE HAS ASKED
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'‘M SOTIRED!
Washington
By Raymond Clapper
Check of Roll Calls on Judiciary and Farm Bills Cited to Show Neither Was Test of Roosevelt's Strength.
ASHINGTON, July 24.—-Within the space of a cat-nap on Thursday afternoon, the Senate cast two roll call votes. First the Senate overrode President Roosevelt’s veto of a bill extending low interest rates to farmers. Immediately thereafter the Senate sent the Supreme Court enlargement plan back to committee for burial. Record votes were taken on both questions.
veto was overridden by a vote of 71 to 19. The Court plan was killed by practically the same vote, 70 to 20
The
If you don't like Mr. Roosevelt, you can build a comforting picture out of these two votes. Beaten twice within an hour, once with only 18 loyal votes sustaining him and again with only 20 votes against killing the Supreme Court plan, Mr. Roosevelt's large majority in the Senate might appear to have melted down like a high collar in a Washington summer. Mr. Roosevelt's done for. All but a score of his Senate friends have run out on him, It makes a sweet Tory dream. That is, until you look over the roll calls, and see who is voting how. The fact is that, except for four Senators, an entirely different crowd stood with him on his veto from the erowd which stood with him on the Court. Only by accident did the totals happen to be almost identical. =» = » HO supported Mr. Roosevelt's veto of the lowinterest subsidy to farmers? One was Senator Burke of Nebraska, leader of the fight against Mr. Roosevelt's Court plan. There was Senator Gerry, Rhode Island millionaire Tory Democrat over whose dinner table anti-Court-plan Senators discussed their strategy for beating Mr. Roosevelt. Another was Senator King of Utah, who signed the Judiciary Committee report denouncing the Court plan as an assault against every sacred tradition of democracy. There was Senator O'Mahoney of Wyoming, who helped write that savage report. And, my friends, there was also among those present that great supporter of the President, Senator Arthur Vandenberg in person, who is a leading prospot for the Republican Presidential nomination next ime. Oh, yes, I almost forgot one other. Senator Barkley, the new Democratic leader, stood by the President. The funny thing about that is that less than a month ago Mr. Barkley led the fight that put this vetoed bill through the Senate.
Mr. Clapper
n = ” OW the Court vote, those 70 votes against Mr. Rcosevelt. Who were they? Pass over Senator Ashurst, who has been on both sides and is proud of it. But there is Mr. Barkley, the new Senate leader. He voted to kill the Supreme Court Bill. Senator Minton, one of the most ardent champions of the bill, and the last to admit defeat, voted to bury the bill. As did other friends of the bill like Senators Pepper and Wagner and Logan, who introduced the slow-motion compromise. Neither vote was in any sense a test of Roosevelt strength. On the Court vote the battle had heen lost and Administration forces themselves joined with opponents in removing the body. On overriding the veto, only a few thick-and-thin economizers, mostly conservatives, stood by the Presie dent. Not that the deserters have really turned against him. Simply that Democratic Senators are politicians first and Administration Democrats second.
The Hoosier Forum
I wholly disagree with what you say, but will defend to the death your right to say it.—Voltaire.
HOLDS FORUM TOO SOLEMN, SO SEEKS HUMOR COLUMN By R. M. L. Dear Editor: Salute like this may open both your ears To really listen to my earnest plea. Writers you hire from every part of earth In all degrees and shades of thought and worth; And space you give to wrathy irritation From local writers filled with indignation, Howe'er the Hoosier Forum's much too solemn— Your need is for a seprate humor column, Where wit may have its waggish verbal play, And would-be literati have their
say. For pundit, poet—amateur persuasion, To whom a pencil constitutes temptation. A place for quips and cranks and quid pro quo. For homemade saw and scintillant bon mot. For quirks and quiddity, ribs and
: foolery, esprit and ry. Piffle and persifiage, banter and
badinage, All have their place in this column of patronage. We'd laugh at life, but understand a tear Oft lurks behind the jest and cheer. Dentists and doctors and judicial proctors, Nurses and teachers, preachers, Bookkeepers, barkeepers, beekeepers, housekeepers, Buyers and sellers, apartment house dwellers, Drivers and riders and sailors and fliers, President, farmer, cook and gendarmes, All need a column to tell their best yarns. A name and leader doubtless you will need, But let contributors the question
canonical
And send in names, suggestions apropos; They'll come in legions to your desk, I know. A "hellbox” such a thtmg to you ‘might be, But what a lot of fun to folks like me!
rr o 4 DISLIKES HISTORIAN'S COURT PLAN STAND
By Norman E, Steele
Please publish the following letter in answer to Mr. James Sruslow Adams’ letter, published recently in the Forum: This is an answer to a historian who evidently is afraid history will not be written according to his own personal idea—or maybe they are prineiples, though I doubt it.
The time has come for all work-
General Hugh Johnson Says—
Federal Wage-Fixing on Single Natianal Standard, as Proposed in Pending Bill, Won't Work Because Only Evolution Can Solve South's Problem.
EW YORK, July 24-—Some kind of ceiling over labor's work-week to prevent too-long hours; some kind of floor under hourly rates to prevent toolow wages; some kind of protection for humane em-
ployers against the competition of wage-chiselers and
sweat-shops; prevention of child labor—these, like “equality for agriculture” have always been primary objectives of the New Deal. They will not be abandoned. The President has said that his insistence is on objectives—that methods are the job of Congress. Such has not always been the case but let us take it to be true now and have one square look at No. 1 objective—wages and hours. Within reasonable limits, there is very little opposition anywhere to the principle of this reform. The fight here is on method—not objective. The method written by Administration advisers into the pending bill is to set up a Federal board to fix these standards within limits of discretion laid down by law. That method is basically and fundamentally wrong.
yA ® s ET us frankly look at one
likes even to mention, but which, standing alone,
is fa wages in the South.
(Times readers are invited to express their views in these columns, religious controversies excluded. Make your letter short, so all can have a chance. Letters must be signed, but names will be withheld on request.)
ing people and citizens of this nation to give men like Mr. Adams a final rebuke,
I agree with Mr. Adams when he states that the issue is the most critical since the Civil War. (The Civil War President changed the number of justices just as Mr. Roosevelt seeks to do now.) But when he states that the courts should be independent in order to render impartial decisions, l heartily disagree. Our government is supposed to be in three divisions, on a check and balance system. Let’s see how it works: The Congressional division checks the executive, and vice versa, the Supreme Court or judicial acts as a check to both, but who checks the Court?
Does it seem reasonable in a nation supposedly proud of its democracy that any branch of government should reign thus imperially? No official in a demceracy should be independent of the will of a majority of the people. Have we had impartial decisions by the Supreme Court ? Has every New Deal issue been decided on actual constitutional grounds? No. The bitterest enemy of the President's plan cannot truthfully say otherwise. Therefore it is our
MEMORIES
By ANNA E. YOUNG As thoughts revert to days of yore, To fields where I did roam, I would I were a child again Back in that childhood home.
The winding stream with sandy bed, The woodland bright with flowers, To revel in from day to day, To while away some hours.
Yet—when I visit my old home, Things do not look the same. The house, the barn, they still are there, And cattle in the lane.
| No kith nor kin of mine are there, Just fields and meadows—see, | I wonder what it is that's changed, I wonder—if it's me.
DAILY THOUGHT
And again, whom should I serve? should I not serve in the presence of his son? as I have served in thy father’s presence, so will I be in thy presence. ~II Samuel 16:19.
Be not too familiar with thy servants; at first it may beget love, but in the end 'twill breed contempt. —Fuller.
duty to support the President in his fight to make the Court “subservient,” if you will, to the will of the people through their duly elected officials, namely, Congress and the President. I take this opportunity to express my thanks and gratitude to Senator Minton for the great fight he waged for this bill. = o o TERM ‘BULL MOOSER'S’ LETTER DREAM By A. J. McKinnon The gentleman from Crawfordsville is still at it under the assumed name of Bull Mooser, I take notice that his open letter to Senator VanNuys was not answered. The Senator felt that this Bull Mooser was in the same class as Senator Sherman Minton, the rubber stamp yes-man in Washington.
In one issue he has an eulogy on Mr. Rockefeller, but the picture he draws of Mr. Rockefeller is nothing more than a Bull Moose dream, Mr, Rockefeller was a rich business man, and the Court had no hand in defying the public to advance the Rockefeller fortune. To assert that Mr. Rockefeller, if alive today, would be in favor of the Court passing on, is to assert that Mr. Rockefeller is not an American, and I am sure that the majority of Americans know better. Mr. Rockefeller had too bright a mind to have our Court pass on to a system that would tell him how to run his business without a Constitution, without a government of the people, by the people, and for the people, a government where no more voting takes place. That is one thing I will give John D. credit for—he was a real American, and that is more than we can say of the great “its” of today. ” ” ” SOLICITS VOTES FOR VANNUYS By G. H. B. ) Because Senator VanNuys has had the courage to place patriotism above party dictation, the Democratic organization in this State is purposing to punish him by encompassing his defeat for renomination. Believing that Indiana citizens owe a debt of gratitude to the Senator, I am, as a Republican, suggesting, as an effective means of blocking this threatened revengeful reprisal, that everyone, regardless of political affiliation, feeling as I do, write the Senator, not only expressing his appreciation of his services in frustrating the attack on the Supreme Court, but also, if so inclined, making two pledges: 1. To vote for him if he is a candidate on any party ticket or runs independently. 2. To vote against any other nom-
inee on the Democratic ticket.
It Seems to Me
By Heywood Broun
Court Bill Vote Created New Party, In Opinion of Liberal Who Foresees F. D. R. as Progressive Candidate,
J MPIRE CITY RACE TRACK, N. Y., July 24.—The President’s Supreme Court proposal seems to be dead. Now it belongs to the people. In the beginning much was said about “killing for all time” any plan to liber alize the high bench. But even those who appear to be successful in their fight realize that they do not possess the power to padlock the future. Mark Sullivan—no friend of the unpacking plan— admits “the struggle of the Administration for the sort of Court . it wants will go on.” And so, naturally, there will be speculation as to what form the fight vill take and under what leadership and through what party mechan= ism. It is my belief that the Democratic Senators who have succeeded in Killing the Court Bill have also succeeded in creating a new major party. Progressives must face the fact that there is too much spurious timber in the Democratic mansion to make that party a sound dwelling for any sort of new deal. It seemed for a time as if Mr. Roosevelt might succeed in remodeling the mansion, but there is ample proof by now that the problem is one of demolition and not of reconstruction. No matter how many coats of fresh paint are slathered upon an olde fashioned Democrat he still remains incapable of standing up against the wind and weather.
” ” 8 NDUSTRIAL workers and farmers must build theme selves a new house from cellar to attic. It will even be a mistake to use any of the old beams. Some that look stanch are in truth termitious. Take, for instance, the not-so-curious case of Gov= ernor Lehman. For a good many years Mr. Lehman has been hailed as “a friend of labor,” and there was much to justify this description. Still, “patron of labor” would have been more exact, and the time has come when industrial workers must cease to place any
dependence whatsoever on’Lord or Lady Bountifuls. There need no langer be any truck with the theory that the Democrats are merely indulging in a family row and that nothing has happened which cannot be cured by a clambake in the country.
8 ” » T is true that Senator Barkley defeated Pat Har« rison in the Senate caucus, but it was practically an even split, and the party is divided just as widely as that. Indeed, almost half the members of the majority party seem to be proceeding along the assumpe tion that John Nance Garner was elected President at the last election. And little more than a Southern accent marks any fundamental difference between Texas and Calvin Coolidge. It has been said frequently that President Roose=
velt has lost prestige with the people. I think it is rather that the party has lost prestige. Mr. Roose= velt may have made mistakes in his major strategy, but, after all, no man can do a successful New Deal if he has been handed a marked deck. I will not be the most surprised person in the world if the election of 1940 offers the voter Mr. Vandenberg as the Republican candidate, Bennett Champ Clark as the Democratic nominee and Franklin Delano Roose« velt running as the choice of the Progressive Party,
Mr. Broun
The Washington Merry-Go-Round
Roosevelt's Shakeup of State Department Brings Back 'Career Clique"; President and Cordell Hull Reinstated Harvard 'Economic Royalist."
element that nobody
TOI A a a luyaty Wish de. 4 ’ 0 2
lines, to degrade wages elsewhere. A Federal board in a labor administration acting under political pressure could not escape an attempt by decree to “clean up the South.” In principle this ought to be done, In practice it would be like trying to operate on a case of advanced tahcer with a meat-ax. The patient wouldn't stand for it and if he did it would ruin him. #8 ® S condition is a source of shame, regret and danger to every Southerner. It s when slavery started. The Civil War did not cure it nor will any arbitrary bureaucratic dictum. Only patient evolution can cure it. It is because of this that Federal fiat wage-fixing on a single national standard won't work. This does not mean abandonment of the President’s objectives. It raises only a question of method. The right method is to leave to the states themselves the fixing of wages and hours but ta prohibit importation into any state of the products of child labor, or of labor in states of lower wage standards than its own, or lower than the states of the highest standards whose goods compete there. That leaves states of low standards to stew in their own juice, advoids bureaucracy, preserves local selfgovernment and ald inevitably pull the lowest
By Drew Pearson and Robert S. Allen ASHINGTON, July 24—Some time ago President Roosevelt confided to friends that one ambition he wanted to fulfill while in office was a cleanup of the State Department. And during the past month he has been realizing that ambition— with a vengeance. , Result has been a hydra-headed shakeup which has undone all that it has dane. In that part of the State Department located in Washingtgn, the cleanup has been effective and to the point. But in that part located outside of Washington—the envoys abroad—the cleanup has put back into the saddle the career clique which had lobbied itself into favor and lush pasition during the ‘days of Frank B. Kellogg and Calvin Coolidge. Funny part of it all is that Cordell Hull was a member of Congress during the days when the white-spat boys soft-soaped their way to the top; and although he may deny it now, he was among the Democratic minority which frowned upon their high-tariff hosannas and their self-advancement, In fact the late Joe Robinson led a Democratic-in-spired investigation of the entire career service. But now, as Secretary of State, Mr. Hull finds the position of boosting these same boys
HE old Harvard clique has come back again. And, incidentally, it is not Mr. Hull who has put it back, but his chief in the White House, Franklin Roosevelt, Harvard ’04. Most amazing thing about the career clique’s comeback is the fact that it had been pretty well dispersed by Herbert Hoover. No matter what else he may have done in his Administration, Mr. Hoover during his long experience abroad had had experience with American envoys and recognized the value of a good diplomatic house-cleaning. Mr. Roosevelt has now undone most of Hoover's work. In so doing he has rewarded men who fit iden tically with the definition of “economic royalist” against whom he preaches and who, fugthermore, do not rate particularly high in their profession.
¥ 2 ERE are some of the career gentlemen whom he 2 has put back in positions of command: Franklin Mott Gunther, Harvard '07, minister to Rumania; Hugh R. Wilson, son of a Chicago shirt manufacturer, Assistant Secretary of State; Leland Harrison, new minister to Switzerland; Joshua Butler Wright, ambassador to Cuba; Hugh Gibson, restored to his old post of ambassador to Belgium, "William Phillips, Harvard '00, is a lovable, but ° none-too-brilliant, ambassador to Rome. So the State Department has now hoisted up the career ladder, to be his counselar and listening-post, Ed Reed, a young man who & nanentity as chief of the Mexican Division Hull's: personal assistant . eas A Gonterence, ag 84 ho
Ne
