Indianapolis Times, Indianapolis, Marion County, 9 July 1937 — Page 20

PAGE 20

(A SCRIPPS-HOWARD NEWSPAPER)

ROY W. HOWARD LUDWELL DENNY MARK FERREE President Editor Business Manager

Price th Marion County, 3 cents & copy; delivered by oarrier, 12 cents a week.

Owned and published daily (except Sunday) by The Indianapolis Times Publishing Co., 214 W. Maryland St. . Mail subscription rates in Indiana, $3 a year; outside of Indiana, 65 cents a month.

Ee RUey 5551

Give Light ana the People Will Find Thelr Own Way

Member of United Press, Scripps « Howard Newspaper Alliance, NEA Service, and Audit Bureau of Circulations.

FRIDAY, JULY 9, 1837

LAWLESS POLICE ROM eight fast-moving minutes of motion pictures at the Circle Theater this week, showing the tragic Memorial Day riot in South Chicago, one could get little of what actually occurred, except a general and confused impression of a very one-sided battle.

. | Take this picture with supplementary testimony before |

the La Follette Committee and one must conclude that this was a disgraceful affair. The testimony shows that twothirds of the dead and wounded were shot in the back, and most of the others in the side; that guns were fired into the

crowd: that defenseless men were clubbed; that the wound- |

ed were treated with callousness, It is obvious that the Chicago police lost their heads

and acted in brutal and cowardly fashion. If their own lives or the company’s property ever were in danger there were even less deadly ways of quelling disorder than the use of service revolvers.

Brutality by the police only makes more difficult their |

work of keeping order. Former Attorney General William D. Mitchell once said: “Nothing has a greater tendency to create lawlessness than lawless methods of law enforcement.” The Wickersham Commission said: “The fight against lawless men, if waged by forbidden means, is de-

graded almost to the level of a struggle between two law- |

‘Washington

breaking gangs.” Whatever excuse there might be for the use of lethal

weapons against dangerous criminals there can be none for their use against unarmed laborers.

WELL, THAT'S SETTLED NCE in quite a long while our search for truth is rewarded. All too occasionally we find the answer to one of those many questions that perplex us in this complcated world. So it is today

Mae West is married. She is not only married; she | | velt and John L. Lewis is based on a Wash-

has been married for 26 years, 2 months and 28 days. But,

though indubitably wedded, Miss West insists she is no | Ts : Ci wife. She parted from Frank Wallace at the altar, or there- | This dispatch was written by Louis Stark, |

abouts, on an April day in 1911. And in the intervening |

vears, she charges, Mr. Wallace has been married to and divorced from another lady. To quote the title of one of Miss West's more elegant films, “He Done Her Wrong.” Nor is a reconciliation now 1n prospect. Mr. Wallace will receive no invitation to “come up and see me some me.” Quite the contrary. Now that he has obtained he, reluctant acknowledgment of the ceremony at Milwaikee, now that he has compelled her to abandon her previous contention that in 1911 she was far too young

to have been married, Miss West wants him ordered to |

Jeave her alone and to stop trying to claim half of her | | which this dispatch has caused in Only in California, or in one of the seven other states | having community-property laws, could such a claim be | | seemed to arch a little defiantly.

movie wealth.

set up—hy any husband, let alone by one who has been a husband in name only for 26 years. Which shows that

community-property laws, arraigned recently as loopholes |

for income-tax avoidance, have offsetting disadvantages from the viewpoint of wealthy spouses.

The merits of Mr. Wallace's case, however, remain to |

be decided by the courts of Los Angeles, whose long ex-

perience with the litigious affairs of cinema stars should | inspire confidence that justice will prevail. So far as we |

are concerned, the great question is settled. Mae West is | | stone with the aid of agricultural workers and such

married. We can now devote our attention to the country’s other pressing problems.

A JEWISH NATION? OR a score of centuries the Jews have waxed as a great and powerful race, rich in tradition and achievement in many lands. They have always hungered after that which other races have held and loved and fought for— an independent homeland of their own. After the war, when Britain took over the mandate of Palestine and Balfour promised them a national home, the Jews thought their dream was coming true. They poured money into Palestine and thousands migrated thither to escape oppression and live in the ancient dwelling place of their fathers. It proved not to be a land of milk and honey, but of riot and bloodshed, for the Arabs claimed the land as theirs. Scores were killed and wounded in interracial riots. Today, for the first time, a sovereign and independent nation for the Jews is proposed in the long-awaited report of the Palestine Royal Commission, headed by Earl Peel. But again the dream may be shattered by disappointment, The commission proposes to partition Palestine into three parts—a Jewish state, an Arab state, and a third part, over which Britain would continue its mandate, comprising the holy places of Jerusalem, Bethlehem and Nazareth, with a corridor from Jerusalem to the sea. Treaties would be negotiated with the Zionist organization and the Arabs, and the two new states would be invited into the League of Nations and given coniplete autonomy. Even the commission realizes that neither the Jews nor the Arabs will get what they want, but, it argues, they will get “freedom and security.” One wonders. To create new states and boundaries and shift peoples are delicate operations. In this case there are charges of broken pledges, the bitterness that follows years of blood-letting, racial and religious differences, and outside rivals of Britain who might foment trouble to keep her from pacifying her trade route to India. The way the Jews will receive the suggestion may be sensed by a telegram which the Palestine Federation of America has sent to President Roosevelt, protesting the partition plan as a step toward “Balkanizing” Palestine and toward provoking an Arab-Jewish war. Both Jews and Arabs have been given to understand that Palestine is theirs, Will either be satisfied with a third portion? The Peel Commission will have a difficult time selling its plan to the Jews, the Arabs and to the League. In the meantime all will agree with Britain that “A policeman’s Jot is not a happy one.” - kta

| the views of Lewis.

__ THE INDIANAPOLIS TIMES The Indianapolis Times | While Everything Else Waits !—By Talburt

Political Mathematics—By Herblock

vj YP

Ualicd +5 x 9 docidiond Yori J [1 R720

By Raymond Clapper Reports of Rift Between Lewis and Roosevelt Seem to Be Verified by C. I. O. Head's Silence, Is Belief.

ASHINGTON, July 9.—Speculation regarding a rift between President Roose-

ington dispatch to the New York Times.

one of the best-known labor reporters in the country, who not only has & high reputation for reliability but has the confidence of ranking labor leaders, including Lewis.

While discreetly phrased to cover up the source, the dispatch is viewed by many in Washington as an authoritative reflection of This dispatch reported that a belief was gaining momentum in C. I. O. circles that the “Administration has become scared and has turned tail.” Some in the C, 1. O. feel, it was stated, that Roosevelt “is scuttling militant and progressive labor.” In view of the commotion

Lewis was asked He merely smiled in his manner and His overhanging = eyebrows Apparently Lewis the statements stand, with their

about it. best sphinx-like “no comment.”

Mr. Clapper

is content to let implications. Roosevelt has become uneasy over labor developments recently and has retreated somewhat from strong support of C. I. O. into & more neutral position. One view, held by some here, is that Lewis is trying to scare the President back into line as he tried to some time ago when he publicly reminded Roosevelt that labor had supported him in the election and expected Roosevelt in turn to support labor, . ® u » SECOND view is that Lewis is looking toward a third major party, to be built on a labor corner-

other groups as can be brought in, and that he is preparing the way now for breaking away from the Administration. Those of this group believe that a break may come in event the Democrats drafl Senator Wagner-—-who is resisting stoutly—io run for Mayor of New York egainst La Guardia. While labor has been friendly to Wagner it has closer political ties with La Guardia, who is supported by the American Labor Party in New York, which is a Lewis political organization. Against that view it is argued that Lewis cannot afford to allow his movement to become isolated through a break with the Administration. Lewis professes to be indifferent as to whether “public opinion” is with the C. I. O, or not. Yet in the long run it is the indispensable ally of any successful movement of

a political nature, ” Ld »

EWIS has said repeatedly that labor must have both economic and political power. To achieve its economic power, in the sense of organizing for wages-and-hours bargaining, perhaps labor can go it largely alone. But to exercise real political power, organized labor needs allies. It needs agricultural and whitecollar allies. C. I. O. alone cannot exert the major political influence which Lewis apparently has in mind—not with the A. F. of L., which still is a huge organization, fighting it. Yet it must be remembered that the Lewis organization was the heaviest contributor to the Roosevelt campaign. Under such circumstances a man is inclined to be touchy over real or imagined slights, remembering how often when one advances money to a friend he loses both his money and his friend.

| Legion we resent. | the communistic | should make him want to shoulder

| —but, in Spain.

‘The Hoosier Forum

1 wholly disagree with what you say, but will defend to the death your right to say it.—Voltaire,

| ATTACKS REY'S STAND | IN SPANISH WAR | By Ernst Heberlein | Agapito Rey, in his periodical | [blurb of excitement over the | | Spanish crisis, now accuses the | | American public with ignorance. In | { your issue of July 2 he says that “in | | this country we still consider the | Spanish conflict as civil war.”

to express

troversies

(Times readers are invited their these columns, religious conexcluded. your letter short, so all can have a chance. be signed, but names will be withheld on request.)

happy indeed. However, this being | VIEWS In happy fate for anyone. “S. M."| wonders — it seems — if the dog! pound isn't running opposition to the inmates here at the Infirmary. Absurd, S. M,, who'd want a testy, | old cripple about the house? You have, and so has the writer, known | dogs that made better companions |

Make

Letters must

Intelligent Americans have long |

‘had the true picture of that con- has been a leader in the patient and

| flict. It is in fact the battleground | persistent drive for peace. | I think Mr. Chaillaux makes the |

film Mr. Rey used to help collect | all too common mistake of believing some good American dollars was that anyone who is sincerely inter- | in Flames” photographed | ested in any cause is radical or |

| of communism and fascism. The]

“Spain mostly by the Russians. in his many lectures on the Spanish | | conflict surrounds himself with so | many radical red-hots and known | Peace. Communist agitators that we are at once suspicious of him. His sneers at the American Mr. Rey's love of side in Spain

Mr. Rey | cOmmunistic.

| There is

a musket and fight for a Red Spain

If he is interested in American- | | ism, Mr. Chaillaux is interested in All of us realize that the! be placed on parade for him who | success of our democratic form of | runs to see? government depends a great deal | sightly. {upoh the maintenance of nothing democratic | American about wholesale murder. | | Many peace groups, of course, are wearing the white clothes run | have different approaches to the | the place? | peace problem. But what is impor- " .» Ww | tant is that each group contacts & | BRITAIN BLAMED FOR

than men. y Of course, S. M,, as to these “guys” | going about in white trousers, you | surely do not object to common cleanliness. The writer has been told that the gate is always open, too, 80 none will have trouble gain- | ing entrance. | Yes, yes, 8. M, we have people | here who are unsightly, should they |

The writer is none t0o0 | For that reason the door | peace. | is always closed when visitors are or about. . Suppose we let the “guys” who |

here would be nonetheless an un-| -

{ ideas of government forced upon

| ish conflict, but we remember the | atrocity stories told us of Belgium !

We in America like our country the way it is. We want no foreign us. We sympathize with the poor | victims on both sides of the Span- |

to agitate us into the last “war for | democracy” and we pass off Mr. | Rev's story of the port of Almeria | very lightly. If Mr. Rey had a sincere love for democracy in either Spain or

Please give him |

% ww HOLDS CHATLLAUX'S REMARKS OUT OF PLACE By Margaret Coffin |

All recent polls have shown that, the American people are sincerely interested in peace. National lead- | ers of all types are devoting their | thoughts to the prevention of war. | President Roosevelt said emphati- | cally in a recent speech, “I hate | war.” I think then that the remarks of | Mr. Chaillaux, the Americanism di- |

| rector of the American Legion, | | quoted in your newspaper, are cer- |

tainly out of place. Mr Chaillaux | is quoted as saying, “Many genu- | inely communistic groups in the United States are disguised as Peace Organizations.” I am a member of a peace organ- | jzation which is attempting in a | realistic and practical fashion to de- | velop a national and international | consciousness against war. I resent | the implication of this Mr. Chail- | laux that my organization or the | many other fine peace organizations |

different section the le a | " erent section of people and | qu ppaAT OF WAR

| makes them conscious of the neces- !

sity for peace. When all of the people are sufficiently aware of the peace problem and have studied it

| intelligently, perhaps a unified so-

the problem can be Meanwhile, it is impera-

lution to

reached.

| tive that the educational work con-

tinue. As a democratic and tolerant people, we should be willing to listen to the different points of view and objectively make our own decisions. ” » » INMATE ANSWERS INFIRMARY LETTER By Infirmary Inmate This is in answer to “S. M.'s” letter about the poorhouse: Naturally so, and all of us had mothers, who if they could but know of our unhappy fates, would be un-

PAST LOVE By VIRGINIA POTTER I guess I've bridged the gulf of pain—Our love, once grand is past, 1 might have known yours wasn't real— And that it couldn. ast.

At first I found life empty— But in time we reauze, There must come joy and sorrow, To make us grow more wise,

Past love, I wish you luck! Someday you'll really care, For someone and 1 only hope— To her you'll be more fair! DAILY THOUGHT For I say unto you, That unto everyone which hath shall be given; and from him that hath not, even that he hath shall be from him.—Luke

By Bull Mooser, Crawfordsville

Bad boys are always the result of |

And so it is with | those two bad boys of Europe, Ger- | many and Ttaly., They would not

[bad handling.

| the hands of British imperialism. Britain is to blame, more than are | Germany and Italy, for the present | threat of world war. And unless we | Americans awaken and stop our State Department from tying us in with the British foreign policy, we

the next world war, England today owns three-fourths of the earth's surface, and of even more significance, through the Bank of England and such banks as the Morgans’ she has a strangle hold on the financial system of the world. It was the British imperialism in the colonial fiela combined with British imperialism in the financial field that completely wrecked the economic systems of Germany and Italy after the World War. They lacked colonies with which to force trade and they lacked the facilities for credit exchange with which to make trade with the British colonies —and England would do nothing to help them. Hence, Germany and Italy became bad boys. They threatened to seize British colonies by force. Then they did even worse, they threatened the British domination of world finance by demonstrating, as Soviet Russia had in a way already demonstrated, that they could carry on trade without the gold standard and without the British facilities for credit exchange; i. e., they rediscovered the old system of barter and exchange. And thus they began creeping back on the interna-

are going to be jointly to blame | along with Britain for Bringing on

taken away 19:26.

General Hugh Johnson Says—

New Deal's Advisers Panned Because Writer Thinks Their Methods Bad; Roosevelt Is Spared Because of Belief in His Objectives and Ability.

ASHINGTON, July 9—Frank Kent. Mark Sullivan, Nicholas Roosevelt and a stack of accumulated editorials and letters that took an hour to read have commented on the criticisms this column has made of recent proposed legislation and the Administration’s advisers who prepared it. They ask: “Any chief is responsible for his subordinates and all that they do, isn't he?” They observe that this column's criticism of the work of the Chief Executive's associates, but not of him, makes him seem a boob if he doesn't know what is being done, or a weak sister if he does know, doesn't approve, and doesn't use an axe. They conclude that he is wholly and solely responsible, That makes this column either not very frank or not very courageous

” » » HE President is neither a dupe nor a weak sister Of course, he knows what is being done. Of course, he is responsible. But this column knows preSsely what the social and economic \ al were and still are. But since the first of year there has been a complete change of I Pgs mom toward Hise goals, r four years it was clear that the method be in exact accord with our traditional democracy. Now it seems clear that has convinced the President that the goals reached without sub-

alms of the New |

constitutional power of the Congress, the courts, the independent commissions and the states, and to give these powers to the executive. While still faithful to New Deal objectives, this column regards this change in method as the most dangerous proposal ever seriously and powerfully presented to this country.

8 =» ”

S idea was discussed in 1933. .Then and for four years saner advice prevailed. Now the Administration is listening to different advisers. Three separate, divergent and distinct schools of thought have, at different times, dominated New Deal policy. The President has frankly stated that he would be bound by no one dogma. Just now he is on a tack that this column thinks is completely wrong. But it ardently believes in his objectives and his ability to attain them. What should it do—turn on its own objectives and the one man whom it thinks can reach them-—because it abhors the methods now proposed? That course gets nowhere. It gives aid and comfort to enemies not only of the man, but of the objectives. If it is methods and advisers that are wrong, why not try to speed their parting by panning them? When men and measures are as bad as these, it doesn't seem an impossible job to use Jack Dempsey's policy—“get In there and keep until something ops.” That may be a hayw , but

T is the will, and not the gift that makes the giver.—Lessing.

it is | other three independm: | erument labor

. tional scene, challenging the supremacy of Britain. That is why

they have come to be called the bad boys of Europe,

Seems to Me

Heywood Broun Fearing Column May Be Picketed as

‘Unfair to Mercutio,’ Writer Takes

Up Pen to Defend Friend of Romeo.

STAMFORD, Conn., July 9.1 am fearful lest 1 be picketed hy some Shakespearean

ghost bearing the sign “This column is uns

fair to Mercutio.” 1 grant that I have erred,

| and the only excuse which can be offered is

that President Roosevelt tore a single phrase out of a scene when he allowed a press conference to quote, “A plague on both your houses.” " To be sure, it appears in most texts as, “A plague o' both your houses!” However, one should not quarrel with a Chief Executive over the mere matter of an apostrophe. And yet there should be some defense of the gallant “kinsman to the prince and friend to Romeo.” Mercutio was not, as his famous phrase might indicate, a tired liberal. However, a recapitulation of the incidents leading up to his death should serve to show that he was not cut down as an innocent bystander preaching a peevish neutrality. In Scene 1 of Act IIT Mercutio enters a pubs lic place in the City of Verona accompanied by Benvolio, page and servant. The two principals jsh

each other. Mercutio professes no eagerness to engage in any altercation upon that particular oe casion. But then there enters Tybalt, who seems

to have been conceived by Shakespeare as a sorb

of Veronese Tom Girdler. i

have been such bad boys if it had | back and forth about the quarrelsome nature of

not been for their bad treatment at |

” ” ”

any rate, Tybalt is full of sound and fury, and |

T A Mercutio menaces him upon the instant.

“T will +

not budge for no man's pleasure,” says Mercutio, mob |

only ready but eager to fight it out immediately rather than go up an alley as Benvolio suggests. Indeed,

Benvolin goes to the length of arguing for compulsoty |

arbitration, which Mercutio indignantly rejects. A,

Before swords can be drawn Romeo comes in and

complicates the situation.

Tybalt is much more bold and insulting in his’

treatment of Romeo than he dared to be with Mer. cutio. He knows the voung lover is a sap. Tybalt hails him to his face as a villain. Romeo offers mediation much to the disgust of Mercutio, who knows that the Tybalts of all times and ages regard reasonableness as a weakness. >»

wv ou ’

HEY fight, and Mercutio is at least 10 to 1 to win by a knockout before blundering Romeo steps between them and gets in the way. Tybalt takes advantage of Romeo's clumsiness and sneaks in a fatal thrust. “Why the devil came you between us? I was hurt under your arm,” complains Mercutio, At this point Romeo adds insult to injury by taking an attitude dear to blundering liberals ever since. “I thought all for the best.” Tt is at this point that Mercutio in his dying agony gasps, “A plague o' both your houses.” If he had lived a little longer he might have added, “You cannot beat a rascal down with any pious platitude.” Y Mercutio was not a neutral and sooner or latsr all the Shakespeare courses in college will have to be turned over to the Department of Political Scien so that the student will understand the lessons whi Mr. Roosevelt and Mr. Lewis really wish to convey. It might even be expedient to combine Bible study with this particular course, so that the words of Wil liam Green may be properly interpreted in case anye body cares. 2

The Washington Merry-Go-Round

Townsend Strike Settlement Offers Pattern for Labor Trucs; Roosevelt Asked to Extend Plan With Governors of Three Other States.

By Drew Pearson and Robert S. Allen

ASHINGTON, July 9.—A new plan to settle the steel strike has been laid before the President by Dr. J. R. Steelman, head of the U. 8S. Conciliation Service. It specifies that the President should ask the Governors of Illinois, Ohio and Pennsylvania to propose to the Bethlehem, Republic and Youngstown steel companies that they accept the settlement arrangement negotiated by Governor Townsend of Indiana between Inland Steel and the C. I. O. Under this formula, there was no ayreement directly between the employer and the striking union. Instead, both wrote letters to Governoy’ Townsend accepting certain terms. / These provide that Inland will bargain collectively with the C. 1. O. for the workers which it represents in the company's plants, and will not discriminate against employees because of their C. I. O. membership. Beyond this the company agreed to nothing. The settlement is interpreted by some here as a defeat for the C. I. O. since it represents a backdown from the union's demands for a contract. Steelman has informed the President he is confident the C. I. O. will accept similar terms with the

leaders now are anxious to make a ‘‘strategic re. treat,” and any proposition enabling them to wind up the steel controversy with a semblance of recogni tion will be aceepted. This does not mean that the union is giving up hope of forcing the independents to sign a contract eventually, but merely that it is retiring from the field of the present in order to reorganize and strengthen its forces in preparation for another drive later. ” ” ”

OVERNMENT press agents have taken a lot of pummeling in the last few years, but from their own ranks has just come the cruelest blow of all, Writing in the Public Opinion Quarterly, Arch A, Mercey, assistant information director of the Re settlement Administration, gives New Deal publicity men the works. “It may be a necessity of modern burenueracy,”

he writes, “but I am yet to be persuaded that respon sible officials are incapable of speaking for themselves, If a policy is adverse to public interest, the sooner it is revealed and critically examined, the better will be the ultimate results to taxpayers and the agency itself, “Too often buffing becomes bluffing,” he declares, nd i the confidence of newspapermen in

S he ac