Indianapolis Times, Indianapolis, Marion County, 14 May 1937 — Page 16

PAGE 16

‘The Indianapolis Times

(A SCRIPPS-HOWARD NEWSPAPER)

ROY W. HOWARD LUDWELL DENNY MARK FERREE President Editor Business Manager

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Give Light and the People Will Fina Ther Own Way

FRIDAY, MAY 14, 1937

THE PRESIDENT RETURNS TN 1934, when President Roosevelt returned from his ™ Caribbean trip he was met at the station in Washington. by 200 members of Congress, the Marine Band, and a ceremony that some Republicans facetiously called “an Amer‘ican coronation.” : “l gather,” he said smilingly to the greeters, “that both houses of Congress have been having a wonderful time in my absence. I have come back with all sorts of lessons 1 have learned from barracuda and sharks; I am a tough guy.” Then he turned to and showed how true that was by whipping his New Deal laws through Congress. Today he returns with more schooling from gamey fish in the waters off Texas. Once again he will find Congress has been having a big time—nursing an ever-increas-ing resentment against one piece of legislation. That is the court bill, which has put on the political hot-spot every member of the House and the Senate. More than by any other thing, Roosevelt's absence has been characterized by that resentment and by a rising resolve on the part of Congress to reassert its independence. That is the picture. And times now are different from 1934. Not only is the political honeymoon over. The crisis is over. There is yet much to do before the great humanitarian program which Roosevelt symbolizes is completed. But instead of an emergency salvage job, the task now is one of construction; one that requires thoughtful co-opera-tion all around, often compromise between the perfectionists and the realists, arduous but cheerful building against another disaster. : And. so this man who up to now has proved himself the greatest leader of our time comes back, physically and mentally refreshed, to face the problem of how to carry on: of how to achieve the full fruition of his ideal in the three and a half years which remain for him as President. We believe that success will depend on the President’s capacity for change of pace. We predict he will demonstrate that capacity to the utmost. We believe he is too smart in politics not to sense the temper of Congress as that relates to the altered aspect of an economic scene changed from the crisis psychology which once dominated it to the more normal psychology of today.

= " 8 " ” 2 \ A TE believe,

for example, that he finally will not seek to “bull” through his court bill but rather will listen to compromise; that he will realize that a tough-guy technique which will win under certain circumstances will lose under others; that he will not jeopardize his concept of a better America by risking his own prestige on one flip of any card. 5 ‘We believe that he, of all the public men whose careers we have followed, benefits most from his reading of history, and that he therefore is especially well equipped to perceive the danger to his whole program that lies in division and discord between a President and Congress. We believe it unnecessary tor anyone to spell out for him the analogy that exists between Woodrow Wilson and the l.eague of. Nations issue and Franklin Roosevelt and the Supreme Court issue as that issue stands today. We believe furthermore that he will continue to sense the vital importance of that other great problem—the fiscal situation, the unbalanced budget, deficit financing, a jerry-built bureaucracy which has fast accustomed itself to lavish living, and a tax system which fails to produce enough revenue and at the same time acts as a brake on ‘re-employment. We have always regarded as not making sense the charge that Roosevelt was setting himself up as a dictator in his exercise of emergency powers. The fact is he did not seize power. lt was thrust upon him, as it has been in every great crisis in American history, with Jefferson, Jackson, Lincoln, Wilson. Roosevelt is the fifth President to have ruled rather than governed. And we only need to look back to the tragic times of 1933 to know why. But as this country resumes its normal ways of life’ it will resume its normal political way, now as in the past. And we think we will see in Franklin Roosevelt that quality of adaptability which is the essence of true statesmanship.

OVERREACHING HIMSELF RIME MINISTER BALDWIN got his way when he forced King Edward to abdicate. But if his Cabinet is now asserting that no member of the royal family can attend the wedding of Edward and Mrs. Warfield, that the wife cannot have the title of “Her Royal Highness, the Duchess of Windsor,” and that the couple cannot establish a home where they want to— if that be true, as reported, then all we have to say is that “Good Old Stan” doesn’t know when to let well enough alone.

SPEAKING OF PESTS THE current year, farm experts are warning, will be a ; bad one for grasshoppers, Mormon crickets and chinch . bugs. Indications are that it will also be an open season for that worst of American pests, the reckless automobile driver. The American® Automobile Association is out with a timely caution that if the present trend of motor fatalities keeps up the year will chalk up a record-breaking set of statistics. Motor deaths in 85 major cities in the first 16 weeks of 1937 are up 28 per cent over the same period “ of 1936. Instead of 1687 deaths from motor crashes in these cities, as in 1936, there have been 2340 such tragedies. The biggest increases are in the larger cities, although available figures indicate a 25 per cent rise on rural highways. © “The striking increase in motor deaths in key cities,” said President Thomas P. Henry of the A. A. A., “indicates that a wave of disregard for sound driving practices is sweeping the country. It comes on the heels of a decided improvement during all of 1936 in the accident situation.” : Law enforcement agencies should be stirred by this warning to greater efforts. If they are inadequately manned for the task of cracking down on reckless drivers the cities should look to their traffic bureaus and fill in the needs. Otherwise it looks as though 1937 will present a death list that will stagger the country. :

Zulu Kid in 11 rounds.

THE 1

Back From Fairyland | _By Talburt

seme

UMBRIA

Fair Enough By Westbrook Pegler

Prize Fighting and Wrestling Take More and Give Less Than Any Other Occupations Which Lure Young Men.

NEW YORK, May 14.—Of all the occupations that lure young men I can think of none offhand which take more and give less than prize fighting and wrestling. . Most fignters and wrestlers do not make as much as a fair living in their active years, a fact which is obscured by talk and publicity regarding big gate receipts at the few important productions. They live in cheap hotels or rooming houses when

they are on the road; they suffer great pain from broken bones and other injuries, and many of the fighters become feeble-minded from blews on the head which injure their brains. The great majority of them wind up broke and unfit for common working jobs. Blindness is an occupational disease of both fighting and wrestling, and even those stars who collect fortunes usually iose them one way or another, although that, of course, cannot be held against the professions themselves. These fortunes are exaggerated, however, for people think of them in large, round numbers and forget that a champion or near-champion pays a manager from one-third to one-half of his earnings, and is subject to the Federal law, and, in some cases, state income taxes. ‘ , 1 recently saw a reference to a little ex-fighter named Joe Demelfi, once known as the Young Zulu Kid, a nice little Italian from Brooklyn, who fought Jimmy Wilde for the flyweight championship of the world during the World War. Wilde knocked out the

Mr Pegler

” ” ” HE Zulu and his manager, Joe Sarno, got $2500. and that was the best purse they ever received, although the kid was always fighting and was almost a champion. He fought for eating money for himself and Sarno and, barring his two-thirds of the $2500 purse, never had much more than enough for his current expenses in third-class hotels. The Zulu is now a bootblack. Last fall when Jack Dempsey was out with Jack Curley and a troupe of heavyweight wrestlers campaigning New York State for Franklin D. Roosevelt, a graduate of Fordham University wrestled 30 minutes for $20, and the pay of the athletes ranged between $15 and $25 plus railroad fare, a few mediocre meals and a room for one night. The customers think that because the wrestlers nowadays go in for clowning they suffer no pain. Yet there is: no man who can be hoisted aloft and slammed to the floor half a dozen times or dive through the ropes into a tangle of chairs on a concrete floor without some wear and tear. ” ” ” HE career of the average fighter or wrestler is a succession of gummy hotel rooms, poverty, dirty dressing rooms in dirty fight arenas, hard, painful competition, injuries and victimization at the hands of all manner of cheap and brutal swindlers. He sees his name in the papers occasionally and enjoys a little prestige in his home neighborhod, but he can't eat old clippings, and when his hands or his eyes fail or he finds himself lurching in his stride and mumbling in his speech from the effects of the headpunching, he is worse off than he would have been if he had avoided the ring in the first place to take that job as wagon-helper. |

4 N =z = a Na

Faster and Faster—By eS

> : ® The Hoosier Forum 1 wholly disagree with what you say, but will : defend to the death your right to say it.—Voltaire.

TERMS CLAPPER ARTICLE FRIENDLY WARNING By Paul Jones, Anderson This is a reply to a letter by James R. Meitzler. : Had his attack on Clapper’s article in The Times regarding Ford's labor policy and its conflict with the Wagner act been directed to the

legislative bodies that enacted the law and the Supreme Court that upheld it, his cries would have resounded in the ears of the powers that threatened the spanking to pdtential .violators of that law. Clapper’s comment merely constitutes a friendly warning of the pitfalls, that await industrial magnates who persistently cling to outmoded and outlawed labor policies. That comment should be construed as a sincere hope that Mr. Ford will eventually condescend to submit to the authority of the Wagner law. If, as Mr. Meitzler states, law violation makes labor a body of racketeers, shall we assume that a violation of law by employers would place them in the category of racketeers also?

# #2 =n DISAGREES WITH FLYNN ON STEEL PRICE QUOTING

By Walter S. Tower, Executive Secretary, American Iron and Steel Institute, New York City In a recent article in The Times on the basing point method of quoting steel prices, Mr. John T. Flynn gives certain misleading impressions which I should like to correct. Mr. Flynn attacks the basing point method as an “old device for mulcting purchasers for freight charges that are not paid.” The “freight,” he says, goes into the pockets of the manufacturers as added profits. Such statements are highly —isleading and their only effect can be to create prejudice in the minds of readers unfamiliar with the steel trade. The fact is that Mr. Flynn gives only one side of the picture. He points out that under the basing point method freight charges not paid are added to the price, but he wholly ignores the fact that in quite as many cases, the steel industry absorbs freight charges in order to reach these competitive markets. In other words, in attacking the basing point method on the ground that it adds to the sum total of the industry's profits, Mr. Flynn misses the whole point of the basing point method of quoting prices. This method is simply one which makes for the convenience of buyers as well as sellers of steel. It provides a yardstick by which the delivered price of steel made anywhere and delivered to any part of the country may easily be computed. Abandonment of the bas-

General Hugh Johnson Says—

New Sugar Bill Which Proposes That Hawaii May Refine Only About 3 Per Cent of Her Sugaris Raw Deal for Islands Which Are Part of U. S.

ASHINGTON, May 14.—I have yet to see the person who has visited Hawaii who did not hanker to return. It is an idyllic island territory. It is also of very practical value. It is our Pacific outpost—the very key to our westward defenses. It pays more in taxes to the Federal Government than: any one of 16 states. It is one of the few states that pays the Federal Treasury more. than it takes out. It buys more of our products than any foreign nation, except five.

It sends us some 14 per cent of our consumption of sugar. That is the principal product of the islands. When Secretary Wallace cooked up his sugar quotas intended to maintain the price by regulating supply to demand through a system of quotas to restrict production, he was faced with the fact that we import more of our sugar than we raise ourselves. The beet sugar area in the West plus a little cane sugar in Louisiana is our only domestic production— plus the 14 per cent of consumption that comes from Hawaii. The rest comes from Cuba and the Philippine Islands, which are not part of the United States, and from Puerto Rico which is a “dependency” as distinguished from Hawaii, which is an integral part of . the United States. But, in this quota scheme, Hawaii was treated as a foreign country.

” ” 8 1 beet and cane sugar areas were given fixed production quotas larger than their accustomed

(Times readers are invited to express their views in these columns, religious controversies oxcluded. Make your letter short, so all can have a chance. Letters must be signed, but names will be withheld on request.)

ing point method would not raise or lower steel prices; and if buyers and sellers of steel were deprived of this yardstick, they would be

immeasurably inconvenienced. The basing point method fosters competition because it enables users of steel to buy from producers other than those most favorably located with respect to the users’ places of consumption, and conversely, it enables producers to market their steel in more distant parts of the country, if they shall be willing to absorb the excess treight charges. Many steel companies located at a distance from some of their markets would have to go out of business (or greatly curtail their business) if they were unable to reach those distant markets in competition with mills located nearer than they are to the users. 3 Mr. Flynn implies that the basing point method is used only in the steel industry, whereas it is a common practice in a number of other important lines, notably cement, sugar and lumber. T I hope that this letter will clear up any incorrect impressions of the steel industry’s method of quoting prices on its products which may have been given by Mr. Flynn's article.

2 2 &

HOLDS NO INVASION

"THREATENS U. S.

By B. C. The House Appropriations Committee has approved a bill by which Uncle Sam would spend some $416,000,000 on his Army during the

TO A PEAR TREE IN THE MIST

By SMILEY W. IRWIN your dark limbs taper and are lost In clustered fantasies of white; Upon the winds that bend your boughs is tossed Fragrance that imparts a wild delight; And showers of light petals blow - On dreaming grass and flowers red. The sun peeps quaintly through the mist, and lo! A rainbow halo’ glows about your head. =

DAILY THOUGHT

I have coveted no man’s silver, or gold, or apparel.—Acts 20:33.

'T is much easier to suppress a .L first desire than to satisfy those that follow.—Rochefoucauld.

coming year. It accompanied this approval by asserting that the nation’s defenses today are ‘‘unprepared to offer resistance to any force equipped - with modern offensive weapons.”

Technically, this may be true enough. If some magician put the entire United States Army down at Columbus, O., and the entire French army down at Indianapolis, the Americans probably would be quite powerless to keep the French from moving on to Columbus. The French have more men, more planes more tanks and more guns. ‘The equation can give but one answer. . But practically the committee's statement is widely misleading. For it leaves entirely out of consideration the most important factor of all. Whenever we start figuring out our national defense program we ought to start by asking just who

is going to come over here and as- | sail this under-equipped Army of

ours and how they are going to get here. : If the lessons of the World War mean anything at all they prove that there is not a nation on earth

today that could land and main-"

tain on our shores an expeditionary force capable of defeating our Army. For we have, after all, a Navy— and a pretty fair ope, as navies go. To make invasion of America possible, our nameless foe would first have to beat that Navy—and not only beat it, but practically annihilate it. There does not exist today any fleet whose command would dream of trying to come over to our waters and do that. The thing simply isn’t in the book. Assume, though, that it has been done. The next step is to establish a secure base on our coast—a base with a big harbor and ample dock space, which means one of our principal seacoast cities. And while our Army may not bs very big, the experience of the British at Gallipoli ought to be enough to show that in such a venture the cards: would all be stacked in cur favor. Suppose the base is seized, however; what next? Our invader must now get his army over here. Where does he get his ships? Transporting half a millicn men and all their supplies and equipment across 3000 miles of ocean is‘no overnight job. Transporting two or three times that number, and keeping them fed, clothed and fully.equipped is next door to impossible, unless you have practically all of the world's shipping at your disposal. It just doesn't add up. Our Army may be in dire straits—although, considering the money we have spent on it in the last decade, ‘it >ught to be fairly respectable—but you have to do some involved, flighty, and opium-scented dreaming to figure that we are in any real danger of being overrun by designing men from beyond the seas.

Herbloc! AT

Coovright, 1937, NEA ~ a

—t.~

It Seems to Me

By Heywood Broun -

Connie Picks Winners Every Time, But Columnist Wishes She Wouldn't Wait Until After Race Is Run.

EW YORK, May 14.—I never saw a girl who could pick as many:winners as Connie, but I wish she wouldn't wait until after the race is over to make her selections. Her system is based on dreamsy newspaper tips, hunches and horses that look nice. We had almost reached the gates of Belmont when she remarked out of thin air, “I dreamt last night’ about ‘a girl I used to know in ‘The Follies’ She

went last winter. She had the appendicitis. What would Freud say?” I told her that Freud couldn't

do a thing about it unless he knew

which “Follies” 1t was, but Connie is cagey about that. She will never admit whether it was the Ziegfeld production of 1910 or 1920. “But,” she persisted, “what do you think it means we ought to bat on?” I weighed the dream judici< ously. ais “Your friend is gone?” “Yes. they had the funeral in February.”

Mr. Broun

Le >

“In that case I think it's a warning. It's a sign".

to tell us to quit betting on those somewhat inactive" 50-to-1 shots we've been playing for the last couple of weeks.” - “Did you have any dreams?” Connie wanted ta know. I told her truthfully abougsmy nightmare in whica a bull jumped out of the arena and chased me up five flights of stairs into a building where I finally found sanctuary in the office of Morris Ernst. “What would Freud say?” “I'm afraid the old Doc would say plenty. A dream like that would certainly have a lot of sex significance.” The best I could do with the bull and my perilous escape was to bet on a horse called Dartalong, which finished a bangup sixth in the steeplechase. #8 8” ONNIE thought I should have had Pre-eminent after he won the fourth by 3 lengths at 15 to 1, but I get no fun out of those short-price

horses, and my money rode on Rebellion, which was |,

quoted at 30. He did finish last. I'd much rather bet with a 'man whe kids you along that way than put my savings into the mutuel. machines, which just take your money and offer vou neither quips nor consolation. Besides, I like to have the anticipatory thrill of knowing ahead of time just how much I'm going to collect, if by any miracls my horse comes home in front. ” 8 ”

.CCORDINGLY, I had no warm sympathy with Connie when she began to kick herself all aroun the paddock for not being on Al Neiman, the favorite in tine last race, which should be the'one to get you out. : A “I can’t see how I possibly missed him,” she complained. “My eldest sister used to go around for five years with a man named Al” : : “Neiman?” I asked, “No, I think he said his name was Brown.” “Anyhow,” I objected, “Al Neiman didn’t win; he only ran second.” * “But that,” said Connie, with inexorable logic, “was exactly the way I was going to play him. If you knew Al Brown you'd never bet on him to win any. thing. He didn’t even get my sister.”

The Washington Merry-Go-Round r

Metamorphosis of Senator Burke of Nebraska From Rabid New Dealer To Equally Rabid Foe of New Deal is One of Washington's Mysteries.

production. The remaining consumption was to be

divided between Hawaii, the Philippines, Puerto Rico and Cuba. All this temporary legislation went down under the Supreme Court’s AAA decision. But a new permanent sugar bill proposes to reinstate the same system and also to say, in effect, that Hawaii can’t refine her own sugar in excess of about 30,000 tons or about 3 per cent of her quota. This is an unmitigated outrage. dependent sovereignty, was annexed to the United States under a mutual treaty agreement by which she was to become an “integral part” of the United States. s ” ” TT part about not shipping refined sugar is a fast one slipped into the bill by the big Eastern refineries to force the Islands to ship their raw sugar to them to refine. But Hawaiian sugar labor is not cheap. The U. 8S. Tariff Commission found that the delivered cost of Hawaiian refined sugar is slightly higher than the average cost of beet sugar produced on the mainland. Eighty-one per cent of the Hawalian population are native-born citizens of the United States. Whatever the extraction of that 81 per cent of natural citizens, they are entitled to the privileges and immunities of

| citizens of the United States, just as Hawaii is en-

titled to equal treatment with Colorado or Louisiana as an integral part of the United States. This is a raw deal. : ;

Hawaii, an in-

By Drew Pearson and Robert S. Allen ASHINGTON, May 14.—A United States Senator came out of the offices of the Liberty League - on the 10th floor of the National Press Building the other day, accompanied by Arthur Crawford, chief researcher for the league. ; “Goodby, Senator,” said Crawford. “Thank you for calling. Please comg again soon, we are always’ glad to see you and to be of service.” The Senator was Edward R. Burke, Democra®, of Nebraska, chief generalissimo of the opposition against the President’s Supreme Court plan. Three years before, Franklin Roosevelt, addressing a political rally in Green Bay, Wis, read a quotation

‘which he hailed as the best definition of the New

Deal he had encountered. It read: “The New Deal is an old deal, as old as the earliest

‘aspirations of humanity for liberty and justice and

the good life. It is as old as Christian ethics. . . It is new as the Declaration of Independence was new and the Constitution of the United States. Its motives are the same. , . . It recognizes that man is indeed his brother’s keeper, insists that the laborer is worthy of his hire, demands that justice shall rule

the mighty as well as the weak .. .”

” ” 2 HE author of that definition was the same man seen emerging from the Liberty League offices in Washington—Senator Burke. He had been elected to the House from Nebraska in

# ‘

the first Roosevelt landslide of 1932. He had voted for every New Deal measure offered during his<term as a Representative. He had defeated the redoubtable Governor Charles Bryan, brother of William Jennings, for the Democratic senatorial nomination because Bryan denounced the AAA. And he had campaigned for election as a 100 per cent New Dealer. ” n ” NCE elected to the Senate, Burke staged an abrupt right-about-face, voting against every major New Deal measure. Yial ai Burke now is not only the chief brains behind the Democratic-Republican alliance: fighting the Supreme Court plan, but he is the coolest, most calculat= ing fighter of all. He : Some of his cohorts, notably Wheeler of Montana, are jittery and anxious to run for cover if they can wangle some face-saving concessions. Not Burke. He is irreconcilable. Burke’s strange metamorphosis from a rabid New Dealer to an equally rabid foe is one of the mysteries. of Washington. _ : Nebraska is gne the most liberal states and the White House leaned over backward to court Burke's goodwill. ; . Angry Adminijstrationites whisper that the reasén for Burke's “treachery” is a desire to line up a profitable big-business law practice when he returns to ptivate life. Burke's friends insist that the reason for his change of mind is an ingrained independence of thought.

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