Indianapolis Times, Indianapolis, Marion County, 13 May 1937 — Page 18

PAGE 18

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RlIley 6551

Will Find Their Own Way

THURSDAY, MAY 13, 1937

TWO

“TWO LOCOMOTIVES . .

= HEN came the carriage

of Canada’s Prime Minister,

2 escorted by Royal Canadian Mounted Police; Aus“tralia’s Prime Minister and an Australian mounted escort; =New Zealand’s Prime Minister and a New Zealand mounted “escort; South Africa’s Prime Minister and a South African “mounted escort; Sir Muhammad Zafrullah Khan of India “and Dr. Ba Maw of Burma, and an escort of Indian cavalry;

~Southern Rhodesia’s Prime

Minister and a‘ Southern

“Rhodesian mounted escort; northern Ireland’s Prime Min—ister and an escort of Royal Ulster Constabulary; the Sul“tan of Negri Sembilan, the Sultan of Pahang, and the Sultan of Trengganu, and an escort of 16th 5th Lancers; the ‘Sultan of Johore, and an escort; the Sultan of Zanzibar and “the Amir Abdullah of Transjordan, and an escort... : “The empire's strength was indicated by the display -of field guns, tanks and detachments of infantry, aviators, - sailors, marines, dominion and Indian troops, The display “gave the throngs a gripping sense of the empire's defense

Spower. : “Cheering was continuous

, but swelled in volume when

‘an unfamiliar detachment appeared, such as the red-coated Canadian Mounted Police or the Indian troops with gleam‘ing drawn swords, tall Australians with feathers in their

. caps...

Thus does the United Press describe a portion of the coronation procession of George VI, “by the grace of God,

“of Great Britain, Ireland and

of British dominions beyond

the seas, King, defender of the faith, Emperor of India.”

# # "

#® " 2

URN your eyes now to this resplendent picture painted

three days previously by spondent in. Rome, describing

the New York Times’ correa Fascist military parade re-

viewed by Mussolini and King Victor Emmanuel: ; “It was a parade that displayed Italy’s military might. For there were detachments of every type of unit from the half-naked gun-brandishing dancing Dubats from Somaliland to the tank regiments with 144 light and medium Fiats

“in line.

But it was more than that.

The display marked

“the end of an epoch in Italian history and the beginning

of a new. “For the march was from

the past to the present, from

the past of Augustus to the present of Mussolini, from the empire of 14 A. D. to the empire of the 14th year of Fascist

“rule.

“Famous trotting Bersaglieri,

their black plumes

| glossy in the bright sun; golden eagles held high by Black : Shirt legions, racing camels of Hehariste, soldiers from the

Libyan sands marched to the

shrill fife, the blare of brass

* and bugles and the tinkle of tambourines.. .. “There were Greek cyclists from Rhodes, II Duce’s - own musketeers with black uniforms and black and silver ‘ rifles, mountain artillery packed on muleback, tractor and

horse-drawn 75s, truck-drawn

howitzers... ..”

Though their methods are different, they're both in _ the empire business. And, after all, ours is just a small

- world, with scant room to avoid collision.

We can only

- hope that it’s not a case of two locomotives that are goin’

~ to bump. er

- THE CHILDREN'S MUSEUM RUSTEES of the Children’s Museum have approved 2 architects” plans for the new building the Museum pro- © poses to erect at 3619 Washington Blvd. Only possible - obstacle to its construction is a zoning ordinance which forbids any but residential building in the neighborhood. The Museum has a request pending with the Board of - Zoning Appeals for a variance to the code. The proposed

ern, fireproof structure and hope that the Board will find

a way to permit its eonstruction. - The Museum has proved itself a valuable educational and - cultukal agency. The donation of a site by a public-spirited ~ family is a harbinger of even greater days for the Museum.

- A MATTER OF NAMES . "THE British feud against grows.

Mrs. Warfield continues and

: A report from London says the King, doubtless follow- ~ ing the advice of his ministers, will refuse the title of Royal

= Duchess to his new sister-in-law after her marriage.

She

3 will be wife of the Duke of Windsor, but she won't be Her

i Royal Highness the Duchess. So who cares?

= Duchess, like it or not, she’ll

3 Well; perhaps the King himself and - those of the family in good standing.

If she isn’t the be Wally, and as Wally, wife

= of the Duke of Windsor, even the King won’t be able to

: put her into eclipse. And if

she’s the Duchess there's no

- doubt she will be the Duchess. The royal family may take

its choice.

' RECESS FROM WHAT?

3 ENATOR NORRIS; looking ahead as usual, foresees the

3 coming of Washington's punishing summer and sug- © gests that the 75th Congress recess during’July and August ; and come back in the fall to finish its work.

Aside from the fact that his use of the word “work” . in connection with Congress’ current activities is something - of a euphemism, Uncle George is right as rain. It doesn’t : require the seventh son of a seventh son to foresee what © will happen if the present session drags itself into the dog days. Along about June 15 the boys will feverishly toss together a few necessary laws, file the rest of the essential .: program in the wastepaper basket, and prepare to steal , away to their fishing, hammocks, golf and mint juleps. The . very whisper of a filibuster will be enough to kill any con7 troversial measure. All important issues will be put over © until January.

, We have a better suggestion. Why shouldn’t Congress

v get to work now while the weather is cool and clement. 3 Then when, or if, a midsummer recess is necessary they % will have some work to come back to in the autumn. 3 » A wd ce. iE Ri ey Hy vi & my on ea sin

- a TW

ATI Ve NL

. THE» INDIANAPOLIS TIMES Compar ing R esults—By Herblock ” 2

May We Suggest a Fe

THURSDAY, MAY 13, 1937 |

w Finishing Touches?—By Talburt | |

Fair Enou By Westbrook Pegler

Workingmen Need Protection From Labor Racketeers as Well As From Greed of Employers

NEW YORK, May 13.—Granting that the honest American working man needs a labor union to protect him from the greed of his employer, who then will protect him from his labor union when that becomes necessary, including the parasite incompetents who live by their unionism, as well as the wolfish racketeers? This is not a facetious question, because the record

of labor trouble in this country will show that many labor leaders have much in common with the most cynical and brutal employers, and that, as between the two masters, there is no desirable choice. : It is bad when the honest workman is spied upon and denied his human rights by agents of a soulless corporation. But it is at least that bad, if not worse, when he is spied upon, robbed of his earnings, and coerced into strikes ‘by men who cleverly appear to be acting in the interest of the oppressed. He can at least complain against .ill-treat-ment at the hands of his boss, but if he resents worse outrage from a labor leader holding credentials from the labor movement, he may then be arbitrarily classified as a rat and traitor to his class. He is not a traitor to his class at all. He is a martyr to his class, in fact, he suffers like any Italian or German martyr under the Fascist or Nazi racket. He may be called an enemy of the labor movement and lose his working papers -by the decree of labor racketeers-and be permanently disqualified from employment in his trade in his own country. i: His family may hunger and freeze for the protection of some scheming scuttle-butt lawyer of the labor movement who has neither the ability nor the will to do a man’s work at a man’s job, but can’t pe fired because it is against the law to fire a man from union activity.

Mr. Pegler

u a un

F, finally, the employer, whether soulless corporation or little independent, kicks him out for good reason, the unién may call the honest workingman on strike and a hundred thousand with him, as a solid

rebuke to a horrible injustice. The Government now dips its bill into the affairs of employers, soulless and otherwise, but it ignores the case of the workingman who must pay some racketeer $50 or $100 or perhaps $1000 for a union card permitting him to seek employment at his own trade in his own country. The Government honestly resents the shooting and beating of workmen by the agents of the employer, but has yet to realize that workmen: have been shot, beaten and run out of town by union leaders who rode the cushions on the earnings of the forgotten man.

' 2 * 2

ABOR is big, and the racket is as good on one side as on the other. A few hoodlums of the type which is despicable when employed by the boss may pulldoze a whole industry in a single union meeting, and, with the holy sanction of a union vote, call upon vast numbers of other union men elsewhere to quit their good jobs, for a -cause which may be tracked back to the greed of ambition of two or three leaders of the labor movement. The union racketeer is as vicious as the soulless corporation ever was, but clever, too, because he takes advantage of the workingman’'s bashfulness in meeting, his ignorance of parliamentary tricks, and worst of all, his shame at being pilloried as a traitor to his own kind. ”

that we can gather.

| system it is confronted with two

The Hoosier Forum 1 wholly disagree with what you say, but will defend to the death your right to say it.—Voltaire.

NEROISM IN INDIANA POLITICS IS CHARGED By Bull Mooser Crawfordsville ; As one of the Republicans who worked and voted for the Democratic cause last fall, I would like to give readers of the Forum the following information: We are heartily disgusted with the political influences that have ‘crept

into the state Democratic Party through the system of appointments. We are studying these appointments and circulating all the information We will do all we can with chain letters to beat the Democratic state ticket in the next election. We will take no part in national politics (most of us are still New Dealers). We are interested only in ending the reign of Neroism in Indiana. - We will support the Republican ticket in Indiana only if it divorces itself from the Hamiltonian philosophy and the “money-bags” of the national Republican Party. We are hoping that “money-bag” Republicans decide to continue with their plan to support such renegade deserters from the Democratic Party as VanNuys. This will give us the opportunity to give birth to our own New Deal Republican Party. At the present time the leadership of both the Democratic and Republican Parties in Indiana is wide open for a knockout punch.

¥ ” ” ” CLAIMS EMPLOYERS, LABOR HAVE BETTER ATTITUDES By Reader ; As the "United States today gropes its way toward a decent, democratic and workable industrial

wrongs that still stalk like ghosts from out of the past. Wrong No. 1 is the attitude of

some employers of labor described in the National Labor Relations Board statement that the Reming-ton-Rand firm ‘has exhibited a callous, imperturbable disregard of the rights of its employees that is uie- | dieval in its assumption of power over the lives of men and shocking in its concept of the status of the modern industrial worker.” Wrong No. 2, a psychological reaction to such treatment, is the disregard by workers of the property rights of their employers, which assumed disquieting proportions in the rash of big and little sit-down strikes, particularly in Michigan. In issuing an injunction against sitdown strikers in the Chrysler plants, Judge Allan Campbell of Detroit

said: “There can be no compromise |"

between the rule of law and the rule of violent self-help.” Now, just as two wrongs never make one right and only spawn a multitude of other wrongs, so will these two lawless attitudes, if encouraged, lead us back to the jungle of industrial anarchy and stimulate a class war such as has destroyed

democracy and set up dictatorships

General Hugh Johnson Says—

‘Pyramids of Power' Adds to Case Being Built Up Against Many Private Utilities and in Favor of Federal and State Development of Water Power

ASHINGTON, May 13.—A good many books are sent to this column marked “For review”— too many to accommodate even if it would not compete with perfectly competent book reviews in other parts of the paper. But sometimes the book is too good to resist saying at least something. Such a book is “Pyramids of Power” by M. S. Ramsay. It happened to hit this writer just as he was visiting' TVA and getting all steamed up to discuss the superimportant problem with which this book deals—the clash of Federal power policy with private power monopolies. : The outstanding conclusion that I take away from it is that the prime Rooseveltian policy of the yardstick and the birch-rod to regulate the price and development of electric power is an. irresistible force which, to this moment, has temporarily been diverted by the immovable object of Federal court injunctions, but which isn’t going to continue to be stopped—that the President will stand or fall on that issue. I think that is true. I believe that judicial frustration of this policy was the principal cause for the President's proposed judicial reorganization bill.

” ” : all the furore about the proposals of that bill to

IY reorganize the Supreme Court, the rest bill is frequently forgotten. of Ne

This ian Bb in discussing why Fed-

wR ey x

(Times readers are invited to express their views in these columns, religious controversies =xcluded. Make your letter short, so all can have a chance. Letters must be signed, but names will be withheld on request.)

in Europe. They recall a time in our history when managementlabor relations were marked by a series of violent struggles—Ludlow, Homestead, Pullman, McKees Rocks, Lawrence and the rest — between owners, who looked upon unions as enemies, and workers driven to the desperation of outlaws. And we are not proud of that history.

Labor Protected Since then this country has turned to a new page. In four recent laws—the Norris-La Guardia Anti-Injunction Act, the Bankrupicy Act, the Rail Labor and the National Labor Relations Acts—Congress has proclaimed labor's legal right to or-

ganize and bargain collectively. Six

states are considering “little Wagner acts” for intrastate industries. But more important than laws is the changed attitude in many important industries, where the owners and workers have begun to recognize not only each other’s rights and problems, but also that the welfare of each is linked with the other. Witness the co-operation between the coal mine owners and workers for passage of NIRA, the old Guffey act and the new Guffey bill. And the cdmmon cause made by rail car-

BATH

By G. S. F.

I wish I were the Secretary of Interior, Now there's a man whose pleasant job I covet; He’s built himself an office suite surpassing a boudoir, With parlor, bath and kitchen— how I'd love it!

I'd rush to work each morning in my cabinet limousine, So I could revel in my sumptuous quarters: Ud ride my private elevator to my rooms. unseen And thus eludes the pestiferous reporters. . The Good Book warns us not to envy what another hath, But sterner pens than mine would wax poetic O’er walnut panels, parquet loors and ducky, delft-blue bath Where one can lave and shave in style esthetic.

—

DAILY THOUGHT

Even so hath the Lord ordained that they which preach the gospel should live of the gospel.—I Corinthians 9:14.

A LL the gospels, in my judgment, date back to the first century, and are substantially by the authors to whom they are attributed. —Renan. :

riers and the brotherhoods in seeknig a new rail retirement system. And the long-tested division of responsibility "between Amalgamated Clothing Workers and their employers. And the General Motors and steel settlements. Here we have both a new policy and a new practice. Both could be improved. Our policy could be made more effective by extension of the Wagner and Rail Labor act principles and the addition of an adequate and general mediation system. And the partnership idea could and should be applied by all of industry to its managementlabor relations through a general recognition of mutual responsibility. 5

” n ” SUPPORTS MOVE FOR PUBLIC DEFENDERS By Mayer C. Goldman, New York The rapidly growing nation-wide movement to establish, by law, Public Defenders to represent accused poor persons so that no one need be denied ‘justice because of poverty has just received tremendous impetus through the recent introduction of bills by Senator Arthur Capper, Kansas, and Congressman Byron N. Scott, California, to estab-

lish Public Defenders in every Federal District Court.

ing attitude of bar groups on this question that the* National Lawyers

tion in Washington, Feb. 21, unanimously adopted my resolution to extend the official Public Defender system and for the appointment of 1 special committee thereon. The inherent justice, efficiency and economy of the Public Defender plan, whereby a pauper defendant, possibly innocent, may be as amply protected by law as the vicious or gangster defendant, probably guilty, is no longer a debatable question. Public Defenders in Los Angeles, San Francisco, Oakland, Chicago, Hartford, New Haven, Bridgeport and : elsewhere have amply justified their existence from any angle. It is the duty of the state to insure equal justice and to prove that our theory of equality before the law means precisely that. This duty cannot properly be assumed by or delegated to legal aid groups, voluntary defenders or the organized bar. None of such agencies have the necessary money, prestige or

| power to do the job efficiently.

These Public Defender bills .are steps: toward the solution of the problem of the poor in criminal courts. They should be wholeheartedly supported by the general public. ” un ” URGES THIRD TERM

FOR ROOSEVELT

|By F. M. Kirkendall, Dayton, Ohio

We, the million free lance voters who seldom vote or cast our first votes in 32 and ’36, are drafting President Roosevelt for a third term. To us, past precedents are simply taboo.

It is also significant of the chang-

Guild, at its first national conven- |

It Seems to Me By Heywood Broun

Amos Pinchot Is Open Leties Champ With Bills of Complaint

Against Roosevelt and New Deal EW YORK, May 13.—Joe Cook’s most

priceless possession among his collection of curios used to be a baseball which had not been autographed by Babe Ruth. With a somewhat similar passion. for rarities, I have placed a standing order with all the principal dealers in manuscripts for a closed letter from Amos Pinchot. In spite of vigorous competition, Mr. Pinchot stands at the moment as the leader of all the Americas in the matter of writing open letters, His regular formula each morne ing seems to be to open his eyes, the window and a letter to Franklin Roosevelt. : Amos Pinchot is. a “more in sorrow than in anger” correspond= ent. Once upon a time, upon some date not specified, he was an ardent supporter of New Deal ‘policies. It is quite an acrobatic trick, but Mr. Pinchot has suc=ceeded in drawing up a number of bills of complaint against the Administration while sliding on his stomach down the glacier’s icy side. And each begins in spirit, “I fear, sir, you are slipping.” I do not know whether the Pinchot correspondence is first committed to paper or telephoned directly to the news associations, but if it is recorded upon stationery I assume that each letterhead bears the legend, “Amos Pinchot, Liberal, 101 Park Ave.” Mr. Pinchot also has a law office at that address, but a very considerable part of his practice consists. in being a liberal. : Once upon a time this pursuit was an avocation, ° but in recent years quite a number of publicists have taken it ‘up as a profession. One of the advantages of being a professional liberal is that there are no entrance requirements or any subsequent tests by which a practitioner may be dropped from the rolls, Just so long as a man wishes to.call himself a liberal he has that right, and nobody can gainsay him the |privilege. Another factor which makes the assumpe tion of the role very easy is that practically nobody is now alive, who has the slightest. idea’ what a libe eral is.

Mr. Broun’

” u 2

ASSUME that Mr. Pinchpt first received his coms mission during the days of Roosevelt, minor, when he was an ardent Bull Mooser. It is true that Alf. Mossman Landon and Frank Munsey also were Pro= gressives, and if either one of them were active in politics today I assume that he would still be classed as a liberal. But I have no wish to single. out Amos Pinchot as peculiar in the matter of writing open letters. This practice includes men and. women in many economic and political camps, Annie Nathan Meyer is no slouch, and in his younger days Upton Sinclair was forever writing open letters and not getting them published. : » ” ” HAT, I think, is the fundamental flaw with an open letter. It takes two people to produce one, First of all, there must be the writer and then the fall guy who publishes it. : . Generally’ speaking, the open letter derives from that traditional American institution, the comic val= entine. I may be mistakén, but at the moment I can= not think of any open letter which was’ ever written in praise of the recipient. But, for that matter, an open letter is only by a technical stretch of the imagi= nation sent to the person to whom it is addressed, The man whose name stands upon the envelope is pul in the position of a knife thrower’s assistant, and the writer endeavors to outline his figure in the world by hurling daggers just past each ear.

The Washington Merry-Go-Round

Green Makes Move to Patch Up C. I. O. and A. F. of L. Differences in Secret Washington Meeting {With Lewis, but Lewis Refuses Proposal

systems or

eral power projects are so frequently masked as provisions for navigation or defense, asked why the Government had so often to go around wearing false: faces. Mr. Arthur Krock promptly and correctly answered, “Because the courts won’t behave.”

The TVA record up to date has clearly proved the President’s points—that public development of the distinctly public property of water power can 0duce and deliver power at fractions of the on 2 at which most private developments have sold it and that low-cost power promptly multiplies the use of power. » ” ” HIS book makes clear the tremendous “watering” of asset values on which earnings are claimed, that has gone on in the pyramiding and write-ups of holding and operating companies in the utilities field. - : Slowly but certainly an irresistible case is being built-up against many of the utilities and in favor of Federal and state development of these great natural power sites. ! It is so compelling that even if the Supreme Court is not finally and fully reformed on the President’s plan, it will be pretty apt to treat itself to a new dose of reversals and validate the development and operation by the Federal Government of water power whether it competes with existing private not. 3 $

ida a Boras

ber and cement.

By Drew Pearson and Robert S. Allen ASHINGTON, May 13.—Secretly, William Green W is trying to patch up a reconciliation with the C. I. O. Those few who know about it consider it the most momentous development in recent labor history. The move was made at a sub rosa conference between Green and John L. Lewis in a “Washington hotel. They met at Green’s request, with no one else present. : The two rivals had a friendly and frank talk, the first in several years. Green told Lewis that he was acting on his own responsibiilty, but with the approval of other A. F: of L. executives. Green's peace formula, which he said he had worked out after long and careful consideration, proposed a division of territory between the A. F, of L. and the C. I. O. on this basis: : The C. I. O. to have complete jurisdiction over four big mass-production industries—steel, autos, rubIn exchange for this, the C. I. O. was te drop its aggressive organizing activities in other industries. such as textiles, electricity, radio. On its part, the A. F. of L. would abandon its attempts to raid C. I. O. unions, revoke its suspension order and restore them to good standing. ; s ” s

REEN’'S proposal was a great concession in con‘trast to his previous stiff-necked hostility to the | C. I oO. : : : : AR

“Up to now the A. F. of L. has insisted that its only terms were complete surrender by the insurgents; Green’s offer was a sweeping backdown from this demand. But other than that it was devoid of substance. Lewis bluntly pointed out that the A. F. of L. cane ° not “give” the C. I. O. a free hand in the four masse production industries. It has nothing to give in these fields. since the C. I. O. already is dominant in them. Further, Green’s plan would place a definite limitation on C. I. O. expansion. : " ” 2 . HE Lewis group has already made great strides in radio and textiles, including agreements with a number of employers.. Under Green's proposal these gains would have to be. given up. “You are not offering us anything, Bill,” Lewis said. “All you are proposing is to turn over to us what we already have won in the face of your bitter

“opposition and obstruction. That is not terms; you

are just admitting a fact.” Another, and unstated, reason for Lewis’ rejection of Green's offer was that the C. I. O. is quietly setting up. a rival federation with local and state organizations in every state in the country. C. I. O. leaders claim that their membership now is practically up to that of the A. F. of L.—around 2,500,000—and that by

| the end of the year it will be well ahead of their rivals;