Indianapolis Times, Indianapolis, Marion County, 17 April 1937 — Page 9

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4 Vagabond!

FROM INDIANA

ot PYLE PHILADELPHIA, pril 17.—The listener

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polls show that Boake Carter is far and

away the most popular radio news commentator. Most sm who ever twists a dialis- familiar with his British accent and his outspoken comments. He's always telling yoy about other things, so now I'll tell you about him. For one thing, his English accent isn’t so noticeable in conversation as over the air. d he doesn’t talk with that same pile-driver quality. Carter is a [nice-looking fellow, ahd easy to talk with. He's medium size, his hair is very black, and his mustache lighter. He smokes a pipe, and has several extra jones in a tray on his desk. He wears his hat/ while he works. He had me guess how old he is. I guessed 39. He said “Why, youre wonderful. I'll be 40 my next birthday.” Boake Carter was born in Baku, South Russia, of all places. He was born an English citizen. By blood, he's two-thirds Irish and one-third English. He's a naturalized American now. His father was British consul] in Baku when Boake was born. - He stayed there for five years, and Boake stayed too. He learned a little Russian as a child, but not much. At 5, he was taken back to England and went through the traditional schooling of an English youth.. In the summers, Boake vacationed to Egypt, where his father had gone into the oil business. The war came. Corps, cracked up in Scotland three times in 10 days, smashed his knee, and was so bad they never did send him te France. For two years after the war he was a roving European correspondent for the London Daily Mail. He rode through every country in Europe — on a motorcycle! He wrote stories about how the war-torn countries were reconstructing themselves. And illustrated his own stories. .

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Came to U. 8. in 1921

OAKE came to America in 1921. He has never been back - to Europe. Boake followed in his father's fcotsteps, and became an oil man. - Mexico, Nicaragua, Ecuador. Malaria and tropic sores finally got him, and he came back to the States. He has been down and out, plenty. He once borrowed $5 from a policeman in Oklahoma City. He sold shoes, and worked in the oil fields. In 1924 he came to Philadelphia, back to the newspaper game, and landed a copy: desk job at $20 a week. It was seven and a half years ago that| he fell into this radio thing. Here’s how it happened: A friend asked him to describe for the mike a rugby game between Smedley Butler's Marines and some other team ‘at the Navy Yard here. He had never made a speech before in his life, on the radio or any other place. But he did so well that his paper decided to have him do its daily news broadcasts. 8 8 3

Does Nothing But Work

OAKE CARTER does nothing but work. He hasn't

had a regular his ax eight [years. But he has

Mr. Pyle

one supreme hobby—his yacht—and in summer he gets ahead on his work and then takes every Saturday and Sunday off and sails down the middle of Chesapeake Bay where there are no telephones. His office is & nice large room in the building which houses Philadelphia's station WCAU. Along one wall are two teletype machines which grind out the all-day-long report of a national press service: His desk is littered like a newspaperman’s, and he works at a typewriter on a stand. | Carter gets to the office at 9. [He's there all day, reading, digesting, formulating. Late in the afternoon he writes out his radio talk. He |goes on the air at 7:45. and leaves for home at 8. After dinner he usually works until midnight on a typewriter at home. Next—Carter's price for fame,

Mrs.Roosevelt's Day

By ELEANOR ROOSEVELT

HARLESTON, S. C., Friday—We had tea yesterday afternoon with my friend Mrs. Huntington. The only other guests were Mayor and Mrs. Maybank, Miss Pinckney, Mrs. Camman and Dr. Canby. It was a nice leisurely tea, served in an exquisite old china tea set. At intervals everyone went to look at -the changing light in the garden. Charleston is a leisurely place and it was seriously suggested that I remain over for| a few days to see the vine at the back of the house in full bloom. It would be a lovely sight, but I receive the Children of the Revolution next Monday in Washington. It was cloudy in the evening and had rained during the night, but this morning brilliant sunshine greeted us again. Mrs. Huntington came for us and we have visited houses and gardens to our heart's conteni all morning. I have never seen a greater wealth of carved woodwork, panelling or more beautiful mantlepieces. The houses which have been restored seem on the whole to- have been done with extraordinary taste

rand feeling. The gardens, with their high walls and

careful planting, give one a sense of complete privacy. One gentleman pointed out an interesting fact. As we looked back from one corner of his garden we seemed to get a vista of an endless number of tree tops going into the distance. He remarked: “That has been done so cleverly in Charleston. You get a sense of infinite space, even in small gardens.” We ended up our morning by taking a look at Catfish Row, which, they tell me, was originally called Cabbage Row. We also paid a rather hurried visit to the Heywood house. Now we are off in a few minutes to lunch with an old (friend, Mrs. Victor Morawetz, and this afternoon we will visit St. Phillip’s and St. Michael's churches and the City Hall, where they have a museum and some historic portraits. After this, we are to have tea with the Mayor and Mrs. Maybank. People have been endlessly kind and have invited us to do so many things that I wish I could forget there was such a thing as work, Even on vacation, posever, Ze ave Sovoteq our evenings to doing the a such other pieces o y yi brought with us. BD : Wop Rei¥s aw

New Books

PUBLIC LIBRARY PRESENTS— O many, the forthright sympathy which John Langdon-Davies reveals for the Loyalists in his BEHIND THE SPANISH BARRICADES (McBride) may seem biased, but in the urgency of writing the facts, the attitude may well be overlooked. His book is a protest against the agricultural devastation cause by absentee landlords, against the wealth of the church in the midst of widespread want, against the corrupt politicians and capitalists who ruthlessly plundered the nation’s resources. His experiences and observations among both Fascists and Loyzlists-contradict the stories prevalent of vandalism and atrocities. His descriptions of the reckless bravery of the Loyalists, their unswerving devotion to their cause, and the difficulties under which they have organized their defense are human and convincing. But behind Langdon-Davies’ pictures of Spain enmeshed in a terrible civil war is his warning of the hazards of a nonintervention policy and the danger of complacency before the threat of fascism. :

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So nye before sunrise on June 20, 1837, Victoria became Queen of England; and sometime before midnight on Jan. 20, 1936, George V died. Not that Philip Guedalla persists in including minute details in THE HUNDRED YEARS (Doubleday). He uses these two events to inclose a century of growth and change throughout the world. In fact, the scope of this beautifully worded history includes insignificant as well as significant events which occurred in St. Petersburg, Chicago, Washington, England and Mexico City. Guedalla’s selection of these topics and his method of presentation have tended to produce a pictorial history rather than one of interpretation. The author has concentrated more on personalities—kings, diplomats, ministers—than on political ideologies, eco--nomic influences or technological Saanges 5

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Boake got into the Royal Flying

~The Indianapolis Times

Second Section

SATURDAY, APRIL 17, 1937

Entered as Second-Class Matter at Postoffice, Indianapolis, Ind.

PAGE 9

LABOR’S SKIES SEEM BRIGHTER

By WILLIS THORNTON NEA Service Staff Correspondent (CLEVELAND, April 17.—Validation of the Wagner Labor Act by the United States Supreme Court opens the way to peaceful adjustment of bitter disputes, grow-

ing more frequent, between Industrial Organization and Federation of Labor.

John Lewis’ Committee for

William Green’s American

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The Wagner machinery provides peaceful elections to decide which organization has a majority of employees in a unit, and ‘gives exclusive collective bargaining powers

to that majority.

The rush to sign up a majority may tend for a time even to heighten this rivalry between the two unions. Now the majority is even more vital than before, for a minority no matter how large, has no bargaining right whatever. It

means death to the union coming out at the short end of

the vote. Cleveland recently saw tween these rivals.

a pitched street battle be-

The Electric Vacuum Cleaner Co.

signed a contract with the A. F. of L. Unions. C. IL O.

union members claimed they

really had the majority in

the plant. When A. F. of L. members tried to go to work

to fulfill their contract C. I. them.

A. F. of L. unions rallied

to protect their allies’ entrance to the plant. Pickets from other C. 1. O. unions rallied to help their allies te prevent itr A thousand men scrambled and fought before the plant gate. Mounted police had to ride in and stop the fight. Elections under the newly upheld Wagner act are aimed ‘at peaceful settlement of conflicts like this. And the prospect of such friction mounts daily as the C. I. O. organization drive spreads into new fields. Increasing conflicts are inevitable with A. F. of - L. unions which have either memberships, contracts, or a claim to jurisdiction in the industries and plants involved.

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VERY such battle increases the bitterness between the two labor organizations, and unless more definite lines are drawn to mark out the field of each, interunion fights may become more common than employer-employee disputes in the months to come. The controversy extends down from William Green, A. F. of L. leader, and John Lewis, C. I. O. leader, through central labor bodies .in most of the large cities, down through union ranks to picket lines and strike negotiations, even on down to personal relationships between union men. Mr. Green and Mr. Lewis publicly snap at each other on all occasions, and the organizers under the control of each are carrying the feud into every corner of the labor movement. In the early stages of the Lewis drive, the conflict was little felt. The A. F. of L. union in steel had been bodily taken over by the C. I. O, leaving only scattered A. F. of L. members in the field. In autos and rubber the same thing happened. But as Lewis began to go beyond those industries, the conflict’ became more definitely marked. ! ” ” ”

S Lewis goes out to organize 1,000,000 oil industry workers, for instance, the A. PF. of L. has announced definitely that it will fight back, and match Lewis dollar for dollar and epithet for epithet. Lewis’ Textile Workers’ Organizing Committee, inheriting the former A. F. of L. United Textile Workers, and backed by other C. I. O. unions in allied trades, goes out for several million textile workers. But it meets increasing opposition in the South from A. F. of L. unions determined to keep a foothold in the industry despite the loss of their basic U. T. W. union to the C. I. OQ. Freely charging that radicals are in control of the C. I. O. movement, A. F. of L. organizers are getting.a better reception in some Southern communities than their rivals. For instance, in Crystal Springs,

Pickets from other «

0. pickets tried to prevent

Wagner Rulings May End Bitterness Between Rival Organizations

Senator Wagner (D. N. Y.) had reason to be happy when this

photo was made.

The Supreme Court had just ruled, in five test cases,

that the Labor Relations Act sponsored by the Senator was consti-

tutional.

Rival labor unions turn to fists instead of facts, rough-house instead of reason. The men wearing white buttons are A. F. of L. pickets, trying to clear an entrance to Cleveland's Electric Vacuum Cleaner Co.,

where they held a contract.

C. I. 0. members, claiming they had a majority of the plant's employees, disputed the plant’s opening.

A thou-

sand nen scrambled and fought, and a score were injured.

Miss., the C.. I. O. organizer was run out of town by vigilantes, but the A. F. of L. organizer continues to sign up members without interruption.’ " 1” n N the other hand, the C. I. O. organizers have already met considerable success in New England, where the chief A. FP. of L. effort is an attempt to draw to it the influential Machine Printers’ Beneficial Association, an independent. union of skilled textile printers in Rhode Island. Typical conflicts appear in the electrical industries. Here two unions are competing for ‘members, and both are doing it more or less on the industrial basis. The A. PF. of L. Brotherhood of Electrical Workers is trying to take over the “company union” abt Westinghouse, and the C. I. O. Electrical and Radio Workers’ Union is demanding exclusive bargaining rights for the whole Westinghouse organization. In either case, what becomes of carpenters, teamsters, machinists, truck drivers and other organized A. F. of L. craft union members in electrical and radio plants? Thirty-seven A. F. of L. craft unions would be affected by any such single industrial organization in the electrical industry.

EANWHILE the C. I. O. elec-

trical union launches a drive on the 270,000 employees of the great American Telephone and Telegraph Co., hitherto untouched by union organization. In Philadelphia 800 members of the A. F. of L. union at the Philadelphia Storage Battery Co. transferred over bodily to the C. I. O. union, in the face of an A. F. of L. contract. But in Chicago the A. F. of L. Machinists’ Union signed an exclusive contract with Grunow Radio. Confusion could scarcely be more complete.

Many A. F. of L. unions have followed “successful C. I. O. policies. For instance, the Brotherhood of Carpenters, traditionally a craft union, and now the A. F. of L.s strongest single body, is now extending its membership back into the lumber camps and forward into the furniture factories, seeming to include everyone who handles lumber, from tree to finished product. It faces internal dissension, especially in the Northwest, where many of its members are sympathetic to the C. I. O, and might. desert in a body.

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HEN an A. F. of L. union goes over bodily to Lewis’ C. I. O, there is always a row, usually over the union's ‘funds. “You can't just walk out of the A.

SMALL PACKAGE SALES OF LIQUOR PREDOMINATE IN INDIANA, REPORT

F “small package” sales reports 4. from wet states may be taken as a criterion, repeal of prohibition did not end the era of hip flasks. A preponderant proportion of all package sales are in half-pints or less. Recognizing that easily portable containers not only encourage overdrinking but are an aid to bootleggers, some of the wet states have acted - to restrict package sizes, though such a trend is by no means general as yet. Some cities also outlaw sale of pocket bottles. Of 41 states, however, 21 have no restriction on package sizes, and eight others have minimum restrictions ranging from 6 2-5 ounces (one-quarter of a fifth gallon) to one pint. : Half-pint sales account for more than 60 per cent of the package sales in Indiana, according to Paul Fry, State Excise Director. The report for March, just released, is typical, Mr. Fry said. More than 1,625,400 small package stamps were sold, he said. Pint stamps totaled 724,560 and quarts, 290,627. . ”® ” ” IF the District of Columbia, bottled liquor may now be sold in containers. as small as 6% ounces, and a recent one-month check shawed that 1,250,000 of 2,000,000 liquor sales .were in bottles of the half-pint size.” The District Alen-

holic Beverage Control has |

under advisement a proposal for a minimum 12-ounce package, the claim being made that the change will help check bootlegging (especially on Sunday, when liquor sales are forbidden) and will lead to a diminution of ‘‘flask toting.” There is a probability that some other control bodies will take similar action.

States which have no minimumsize package are California, Colorado, Florida, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Maine, Massachusetts, Michigan, Montana, Nevada, New Hampshire, New Mexico, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Utah, Vermont, Washington, Wisconsin and Wyoming, Less than 8-ounce bottles may not be sold in Arizona, Arkansas, Connecticut, Kentucky, Louisiana, Minnesota, Missouri, Nebraska, New York, Rhode Island and South Carolina.

In Delaware the minimum pack-

age size is 6 2-5 ounces; two Maryland counties (Allegany and Prince Georges) have respective minima of one pint and one-half pint; New Jersey allows no bottles to be sold of less than 4-5 pint, and one pint is the minimum in Ohio, South Dakota, Virginia and West Virginia. (Note: In Virginia and West Virginia the minimum is not written into law but state stores do not stock smaller packages.) -

| 1p stamps attach

New Jersey and South Dakota, strengthened minimum package restrictions in 1936.

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T= sociological ‘importance of legalized small package sales has been plainly (if unofficially) recognized in many jurisdictions. Where inexpensive packages are readily available, their sale admittedly stimulates “Saturday night drinking” especially in sections with large Negro populations, as well as In cities with widespread slum areas. Early in liquor control, ‘cities and states found it necessary to ban in many localities sale of the “onedrink” bottles (usually 1% or 2 ounces) These tiny packages, readily “available for a few cents, sometimes found their way into the hands of school students. While no restriction has been Placed on the “one-drink” bottle sale by the Indiana Alcoholic

~ Commission, the high stamp cost

has reduced the trade in Indiana, Mr. Fry pointed out. The commission set a minimum on the stamp price at 6% cents. This makes the purchase price almost prohibitive, he explained. Most sales are for souvenirs or collections, he said. The hip-flask practice is dis-

couraged in Indiana by stringent

laws concerning the stamps, Mr. Fry said. Penalties are inflicted where opened bottles are found ' without

a

F. of L. like that,” one organizer protested. So into the courts go the disputes which follow. In Pittsburgh Federal Court, the A. F. of L. is suing to prevent the New Kensington local, which went over to the C. I. O.,, from taking with it $27,000 in union funds.

There are dozens of such disputes over funds. In New York, the Operating Engineers, an A.

_ F. of L. affiliate, went to court to

‘restrain the C. I. O. Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers from recruiting building. engineers by claiming A. F. of L. sanction. / With the C. I. O. drive well under way in steel, Lewis now branches out to take in fabricators of steel. And there he runs smack up against the A. F. of L.'s strong Bridge, Structural and Ornamental Iron Workers’ Union, which proclaims itself ready to fight every effort to enter its field. Should Lewis’ oil industry

~ drive extend on to include filling

station operators, a field now claimed by the A. F. of L., more conflicts would be possible there. 2. 2 9 HE C. I. O. today is in everything but name a rival labor federation to the A. F. of L. It issues certificates of affiliation to its member unions that amount to the same thing as A. F. of L. charters, and formal C., I. O. charters are expected to follow soon. Such charters must, of course, define the field claimed by the particular union, and then there necessarily must be more conflicts. Such interunion bickering has no doubt influenced some workers to take a “plague o’ both your houses” attitude, as in the case of the Sun Shipbuilding workers in Chester, Pa., who took a vote and rejected both A. F. of L. and C. I. O. unions. What will come of the Amer=ican Union of Steelworkers, organized as an allegedly independent union from the shreds of the company unions decimated by the C. I. O. drive, is problematical. But it is possible that this, too, may become an independent union which will reject the claims of both C.1. O. and A. F. of L.

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ENTRAL labor bodies in towns . like Cleveland, St. Louis, Bir=mingham, Worcester and many others, have been split by the conflict between the two national federations. In several cases, the C. I. O. unions in the city, resigning from or being kicked out of the central body, have formed a council of C. I. O. unions which amounts to the same thing as a rival central labor union. Thus there are in such towns two central bodies ready and willing to furnish picket lines to any affiliates which need them, and affording fresh chances for widespread conflict. “Labor trouble” in the coming months, which promised to be sharp enough between employers and employees, may be accentuated still further by a rising tide of disputes between two labor organizations, which would leave the employer helpless on the sidelines while the two factions fought it out.

Clothing Firm Ruling Most Important, Flynn Declares

By JOHN T. FLYNN

Times Special Writer

EW YORK, April 17—Everybody has had his say about the epochal decisions of the Supreme Court on the Wagner Labor Relations Act. It seems to me the important thing is the bearing of these judgments on the future course of legislation. From this point of view the most important of the five cases

was one noticed least—the case in-]

volving the Friedman-Harry Marks Clothing Co. 2

The Jones & Laughlin case has had the most attention. It is of the greatest importance, but the other case goes further and will surely furnish the precedent for the most far-reaching laws. To understand this we must keep clear the precise point around which these decisions turned. For years the Court has held that a man engaged in making goods and selling them was really in two separate businesses—selling and merchandising. If he manufactured sugar and sold it in many states, the two activities of manufacturing had to be considered separately. The manufacturing of sugar was a strictly intrastate activity; the selling of it was interstate. This is an amazingly unrealistic doctrine. No man manufactures goods save to sell them. The business really consists in manufacturing and selling. To refuse to look at the business as an integrated whole can come only from the mind of a lawyer scratching around for a peg to hang his decision on. Yet the Court has held right along that making the goods was intrastate, and only selling them was interstate. This cut labor hopelessly out of the interstate phase of all manufacturing business. This doctrine was held first in 1895 in the first case to be decided by the Supreme Court under the Sherman antitrust law by Chief Justice Fuller.

” 2 2 ? ow, hoveyer Justice Hughes has completely reversed this. Jones & Laughlin, he said, is a great corporation, whose subsidiaries operate in many states. Ore is produced in one state, steel in another, is fabricated in another and sold through agencies in many states. He looked not merely at each separate process, but at the enterprise as a whole and called it “interstate.” He then decided that labor engaged in manufacturing in one of the plants in’ the long series of processes affected the “stream of interstate commerce.” And hence Congress had

a right to regulate that labor in so far as it sought to prevent it from “pburdening” interstate commerce. But in the clothing company case he went further.. That company was a small concern with a single plant operating in a single state. But because it used wools and fabrics flowing into it from other states and produced its goods to be sent out

and sold to customers in' many states, the Chief Justice held that the clothing company’s business was in the stream of interstate commerce. Labor troubles in that plant, therefore, might be a burden on the flow of interstate commerce. Therefore Congress has the power to deal with them under the interstate commerce clause. This far-reaching decision means that Congress can make laws regulating the activities of industries which are completely located in a single state—unlike the great interstate corporations—provided those industries are in the stream of interstate commerce, that is, use raw materials flowing in from | many states and send their products out to buyers in many states, even though they do not operate sales outlets in those states. This brings under the control of Congress a vast number of industries. It gives an enlargement of the interstate commerce power of the Federal Government pregnant with possibilities.

HEARD IN CONGRESS

Senator Connally (D. Tex.) — I know, as everyone else knows, that in the administration of the vast sums which have been appropriated for relief necessarily there has been waste, because the funds have been handled by human beings. . . . The Senator from Michigan (Senator Vandenberg) was not in power, so we could not turn the job over to him, so we had to put it in human hands... .. - ” ” ” Rep. Shannon (D. Moe.) : Why is it that opponents of this Administration’s reform measures deem it within their constitutional privileges to libel, scandalize and belittle the legislative branch of the Government, and to pour out abuse and misrepresentation upon the head of the executive branch, without limit or decency, and yet demand that when we approach the ‘question, of the Supreme Court we must kowtow at the doors and advance in hushed whispers?

Chief Justice Answers Minimum Wage Attacks

«gN each case the violation alleged by those attacking minimumwage regulation for women is deprivation of freedom of contract. “What is this freedom? The Constitution does not speak-of freedom of contract. It speaks of liberty and prohibits the deprivation of liberty without due process of law. In prohibiting that deprivation the Constitution does not recognize an absolute and uncontrollable liberty. “Liberty in each of its phases has its history and connotation. But the liberty safeguarded is liberty in

a social organization which Yequiges !

the protection of law against the evils which menace the health, safety, morals and welfare of the people. Liberty under the Constitution is thus necessarily subject to the restraints of due process, and regulation which is reasonable in relation to its subject and is adopted in the interests of the community in due process. : “This essential limitation of liberty in general governs freedom of contract in particular.” (Chief Justice Hughes, in the Supreme Court decision upholding the Washington State minimum-wage law),

Our Town

(CHARLES EDWARD THOMAS, over in the Illinois Building, writes more letters to the editor of Time than anybody in Ine dianapolis. ‘What’s more, most of them get published. There's one on page 8 of last week’s number, for instance. Like the rest, it’s good, too. ! It isn’t hard to account for Mr. Thomas’ gift. Ine deed, it would be strange if he didn’t write a good

letter, because if you dig into his past the way I have, you'll discover that his books are every bit as good as his letters.

Sure, Mr. Thomas writes books. His latest one is “European Universities,” and represents the result of a trip, every hour of which was spent visiting foreign schools. I never heazxd of some of them. After all, a columnist. can only be expected to know so much, which is priebably something you already knew without my telling you. Mr. Thomas’ book is more than a travelogue, however, thank goodness. To be sure, it's a handy thing to take along to the Coronation but it really deserves .better treatment, because, if the truth be told, his book contains a message. Anyhow, I don't suppose a trip to London this year--no matter how well managed—will leave enough time to get hold .of the big idea back of Mr. Thomas’ book.

The big idea is’that Mr. Thomas has a pretty welle developed notion that the social side of higher education is just as important, and maybe more sO, as anything a student can pick up in a lecture room. Which prepares you for Mr. Thomas’ sympathetic treatment of the English tutorial system.

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Comradeship Built Up

DUCATION in England, says Mr. Thomas, cannot be dissociated from a man’s life among his fel lows. Indeed, he even goes further and proves that the delightful comradeship existing between teacher and taught can be traced right back to the tutorial system. The tutor first welcomes the newcomer into his college, says Mr. Thomas. He then invites carefully selected pupils to have meals with him. In that way the tutor comes to know his students socially and they in turn their fellows, with the result that every=body enters more easily into college life. Anyway that’s the way it impressed Mr. Thomas. The Germans surprised Mr. Thomas, too. To be sure, the German's haven't anything like the English system, but they get results with their Corps System, which is the German's idea of a fraternity. Mr. Thomas says the German Corps always have a number of older men (Alte Maenner) tucked away in their. memberships, and it works out fine when it comes to promoting the social side of education. n 2 a

Ban on Duelling Lifted

Y the way, Mr. Thomas told me that the German Corps are looking up again since Mr. Hitler lifted the ban on duelling. I thought you ought to know. Be that as it’ may, Mr. Thomas is pretty much stuck on the idea of planting older men in American - fraternities. Enough, anyway, that he spends most of his time now .promoting the plan. I don’t see how Mr. Thomas does it, but apparently it leaves him enough leisure to write letters to Time.

A Woman's View

By MRS. WALTER FERGUSON

Mr. Scherrer !

“TN my opinion,” said a local Moneybags with a Hugh

Johnson voice and Big Bertha ideas, “women have no business meddling in the affairs of men. Poli= tics and industry would be better off without them, and certainly the women would be better off if they stuck to their homes where God intended they should stay. What experience have they had in the establish= ment of this Government and its laws? And in a great, crisis the country must have experienced people at its helm.” : By experienced people, we take it, he means men ‘who will make the same old blunders all over again. This is the way the tory mind works when confronted with such a question. Yet our gentleman really gave the best of all plausible reasons for women's meddling in men’s affairs—inexperience. We've had no hand in setting up these sacred institutions. And that leaves us with little reverence for some of them. Women have never drawn up a bill of rights, or made a code of laws or a war. Business and its peculiar regulations hold no sanctity for us. Our authority in this Republic has always been nil and our opinions have been unsought. That's why the good old status quo means little to us. We'd just as soon knock it over as look at it. To our way of thinking there’s no justification for doing anything a certain way only because you've always seen it done so. We may not believe that: all change is progress, but you can be sure we realize that without change there is no progress.

What under the sun needs a fresh viewpoint more than the American political system? And who is to furnish that fresh point of view, except women? Many of our leading masculine exponents of truth and light have demonstrated that they-are as backward as the natives of India who still worship the sacred cow. The whole reasoning process of Mr. Moneybags, if we can dignify it by such a name, is haywire. Poli« tics and industry are woman's most important busi ness these days. The future security of herself and. her family depends almost entirely upon how capably that public business is run. If she leaves its full management “to the experienced financiers and generals, the chances are good that she can stay at home any more—there won't be any homes left.

Your Health

By DR. MORRIS FISHBEIN Editor; American Medical Assn. Journal ITH most diseases, such as scarlet fever, diph= theria, or measles, a person who once has had one of them is likely thereafter to be resistant to it and not to Have a second attack. Unfortunately, diseases that affect the lungs do not seem to leave victims with a permanent resistance.

Indeed, ailments such as influenza, pneumonia and bronchitis seem to produce a condition that is much more likely to result in a second attack. The best way to prevent pneumonia is to dd everything possible to build up the general resistance

‘of the person concerned. This involves, first of all,

avoiding exposure to inclement weather, such as severe cold, dampness, snow, and drafts. Next, plenty of nourishing food should be eaten. This means not only the right amount of protein food without: too

"much of the sugars, but particularly plenty of leafy,

green vegetables containing vitamins A, B, C, and D. Vitamins A and D are found largely in cod liver oil and in halibut liver oil; Vitamin C in orange juice; Vitamin B in the wholé grain cereals, fresh vegetables, and yeast. If a child gets adequate amounts of these vitamins in his diet and receives, in addition, some cod liver oil or halibut liver oil} his vitamin requires. ments wll be provided for. The child siould take also, if possible, from three-fourths of a quart to a quart of milk each day. To build general resistance, a person must have plenty of fresh air and warmth. If it is impossibie for a child to get outdoors during a season of bad weather, and if it is possible to send him. for this period to a warm area of the country, it is wise to da so. More important than exercise, however, is an ade quate amount of rest at suitable intervals. ; Especially important in preventing pneumonia is

- prompt attention to common colds, influenza, sore

ny and bronchitis, when these occur,