Indianapolis Times, Indianapolis, Marion County, 10 April 1937 — Page 10
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PAGE 10
The Indianapolis ‘Times
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SATURDAY, APRIL 10, 1937
OVER THE BORDER
HE depression visited Canada and the United States’
with the same impartiality as last summer’s drought. Born of the misery of that economic famine were those twin panaceas—the idea conceived in southern California that the cure-all for our woes was to give every old person $200 a month to spend, and the thought originating in Canada’s western province of Alberta that all could be made right again by giving every man and woman regardless of age, a spending credit of $25 a month. The winds of returning prosperity, which have carried
the Townsend plan vision over the horizon of the past, like-
wise are scattering the social credit theories of Premier !
Eberhart. And these same winds have ushered in a socialeconomic conflict over how the returning prosperity shall be shared. It was to be expected that what started in the
auto factories of the United States should spread over the |
border to the auto factories of Canada. The management and ownership are the same. Our Governor Murphy of Michigan chose to tolerate a breach of the Jaw rather than risk bloodshed; he sought through conciliation to bring about industrial peace. Viewed largely, we think, Governor, Murphy’s course has been marked by success. At least he got the sit-downers out of the plants without losing any lives, and the same men are returning to work in the same plants under an arrangement to settle differences hereafter by collective bargaining. True, the bargaining machinery hasn't proved perfect. "But any machine is stiff when it is new, afl works better after it has been broken in, and those who manipulate it have learned how, to handle the controls. Many in our country think that Governor Murphy's success—though they don’t call 1t that—has been achieved at too great a sacrifice in the loss of respect for law and
constituted authority. They will applaud the opposite policy |
adopted by Premier Hepburn, who at the outset of auto strike troubles in Ontario made it plain that he was ready to resort to armed force and bloodshed, if necessary, to prevent any breach of la. Perhaps we may learn now which policy is the wiser.
The test must be in the results—in whether orderly auto- | °° Be J ; v | when I tiptoe into their solemn
mobile production is resumed more quickly in Michigan or in Ontario; mn which the scars fof conflict disappear first; in which peaceable managementilabor relationships are established on a more permanent and satisfactory basis.
Canada has had no auto factories to speak of until our |
statesmen made the mistake of trying to erect a tariff wall along that border line, and Canadian statesmen retaliated by raising their own wall against our goods. The result, in this particular industry, was that we stopped exporting cars to Canada and started exporting factories. Canada was quite happy to import our factories. She may not be so happy now that she finds she also imported industrial problems that are as alike as are the factories and the cars.
JOSEPH GEDEON AND YOU
| Constitution, | and soil erosion in Tennessee.
THE INDIANAPOLIS TIMES vidual Workers 1>_By Talburt
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SATURDAY, APRIL 10, 1937
| Turning the Heat on Him—By Kirby
Fair Enough By Westbrook Pegler
Columnist Feels Much Superior to Writers for| Intellectual Magazines In One Department, and That's Sex.
VV ASHINGTON, April 10.—Sometimes I envy the profundity of those serious \ thinkers who read the ideology magazines and know all about the Supreme Court, the the Ukraine, Stakhavonism They do get these if ‘only in the compass of
around, people,
| a 15-cent weekly having neither illustrations nor
humor, as such.
Yet, on those rare occasions
| company to the extent of buying a
| copy
at the hotel newsstand to . while away an evening puzzling 3 | out the editorials, I have a feel- , % i ing that in one respect, at least, I | am a very superior .man. | It seems that | these serious thinkers are great dummies on the | subject of sex, and I frankly | marvel at the advertisements for sex. hooks calculated to teach
{ them homely fundamentals which
| common .knowledge.
| most adults regard as matters of Somehow,
Mr. Pegler
|. ordinary people, livigg on a lower plane, just pick up
OR 30 consecutive hours New York police detectives |
“interviewed” Joseph Gedeon in a headquarters back room, and from that “interview” Gedeon emerged exhausted, dazed, half-starved and bruised. New York police later decided it was another man who murdered Veronica Gedeon and her mother.
this information as “they go along. Some get it in revelations from their mothers and fathers, others pick it up from older kids who learned it who knows where and those who lived on farms in their youth can! hardly remember a time when they didn’t know the score. : We-all baby-havin’, ’tater-hoein’, home-spun folks
{ of the great American majority—well, stranger, we don't regard sex as any fittin’ topic for a book and it’s our view that any grown-up man or woman who
| wiser afterward than what they was before.
has got to read a book about it ain't going to be any They
|| just ain't the type, and it seems a shame for any book
What happened to Joseph Gedeon is something that
might have happened to you had you fallen into the clutches
of the same detectives. I di Some people currently engaged in an academic dispute
over whether the Constitution is what the judges say’it is |
may be interested in an observation made by Ernest Jerome Hopkins, who investigated third-degree practices for the Wickersham Commission.
“The third degree is our predominating type of trial |
for crime,” he wrote in his bgok, ‘Our Lawless Police.” “It
tries more men, convicts more men, acquits more men, in |
felony cases, than the regular trial courts ever see. This will be a new notion to readers who think that the courts
which we read about or see in action are still in major con- |
trol of the situation. | “The secret institution known in its broade$t sense as the third degree—the Court of Pre-Trial Inquisition held
by the police—has developed, under cover, into the most extraordinary unlawful usurpation, the most thorough-
going violation of fundamental personal rights and written guarantees of justice, to bg found in any civilized nation today. It has-warped our whole constitutional plan of justice beyond recognition except as to surface-phenomena.”
THE GREAT PICTURE PUZZLE |
N Washington the gossipers are Supreme Court will ol the Wagner act and what Congress will do to the Supreme Court. In Michigan it’s the sit-down strike. In London it’s the Coronation. But on Main Street, U. S. A., the tongues are wagging over who will take what part in Selznick’s coming production of “Gone With The Wind.” | eX Will hard-bitten little Scarlet O'Hara be acted by Claudette Colbert or Miriam Hopkins? Will the role of resolute Rhett Butler go to Ronald Colman or Gary Cooper or your great Don Juan of moviedom, Clark Gable? What about that broken reed of southern chivalry, Ashley Wilkes? Will he be Neil Hamilton or Melvyn Douglas or Franchot Tone or the gentle Leslie Howard? Will that too-perfect flower of Dixie womanhood, Melanie, go lovingly through peace, war and death as Janet Gaynor or Loretta Young or Norma Shearer? Who but Edna May Oliver for Aunt Pittypat? Who but Herbert Mundin for hard-riding, florid Gerald O'Hara of Tara? Who but Nance O'Neill for the ineffable Ellen? Who will do the Tarleton twins? Who the luckless Charles? Who Uncle Peter? | | Casting this American epic is as diverting as a picture puzzle—which indeed it is, Let politics, economics and pageantry go with the wind, romance will still abide.
publisher to take their money at the rate of $7.50 a copy for the de luxe edition, or $2 for the cloth.
s
|” ” 2
3 on the record, this kind of book seems superfluous except for people to whom it would be useless. The human race has achieved a very ripe age and steady improvement thus far and no man of any pride will ever admit that he had to turn to
Chapter IX to brush up on courtship. He would try
her with mandolin music, poetry, gin or a good bust on the snoot, according to his own judgment of her
| susceptibilities and if he didn't click—well, giddap.
But he would have done no better if, having her in a hammock of a summer night, he switched on the light to see what the book said about it. That is a time for ad libbing and if a man has the knack she’s hism. ” » " 1 learned doctors who wrote those books might be surprised and more than a little disappointed in the human race if they could read a verbatim of some of the gibberish which has been used to close successful deals of this kind. And I would lay something like 8 to 5 that our serious thinkers, when they come to a clinch, forget their lessons and gurgle and goo like any soda clerk, failing which they might better save their breath. But perhaps I flatter them. They do seem a gritty, gloomy lot, these brows who write and read cold anatomies of humor and love, and they may be just as
buzzing about what the |
grim as they seem.
‘police school.
0 3 The Hoosier Forum 1 wholly disagree with what you say, but will defend to the death your right to say it.—Voltaire.
MERIT SCHOOL JOKE, CITIZEN CHARGES By Herbert V. Hill, 1902 Park Ave, It seems that “King” Morrissey
‘has spoken again in choosing all
his organization men for the new Do the only smart and able men belong to the organization? This farce called the “Merit School” is the biggest joke ever heard of. I think it is about time for the voters of this city to wake up and put a man in office who will give a square/ deal to everyone who is capable of holding down a job on our police force. Let's put a man in the Mayor's office who will carry through not only this law. but all others. We can elect a man whose past record shows that he can handle it—Otto Ray. — i
MAYOR KERN REPLIES TO MERIT ATTACK By Mayor John W. Kern Mr. Hill's statement that Chief
| Morrissey has chosen men for the
new Police School is not true, in that appointments to the school are made by the Mayor and the Board of Safety. At no ‘time has Chief Morrissey even made a recommendaticn to the Mayor and the Board of Safety with regard to appointments to the school. Chief Morrissey and Fire Chief Kennedy are members ex-officio of the Merit Commission, the three civilian members of which are W. Rowland Allen, Personnel Director of L. S. Ayres & Co. Dr. Murray De Armond, noted specialist in psychiatry, and Dr. Dudley A. Pfaff, distinguished physician of this city. Mr. Hill indicates that the Merit School is a joke and a farce, and that the Merit Law has not been carried through by the present Administration. It would be easier to answer charges that are more specific, and I should be glad for any specific complaint to be submitted
so that Mr. Allen, chairman of the
Merit, Commission, could look and answer such charge. It would seem strange that this Administration, which has sponsored the adoption of the law, the first real attempt at a merit system in the Police and Fire Departments in the history of Indianapolis, would not carry through the law. As la matter of fact, it has been complied with literally and enthus-
into
iastically by the Administration, and |
a real sense of public’ obligation should | be felt toward the Merit Commission established under it, which has done a real service for the community. i: In view of the fact that it lis an experiment in city government,
‘there have been some defects in
mechanics set up under the first Merit System Law, but to a large extent these have been remedied by amendments passed by the last legislature. These amendments will go into | effect when the laws of the last General Assembly are published. With all the defects of the pres-
i gold.
(Times readers are invited to express their views in these columns, religious controversies excluded. Make your letter short, so all can have a chance. Letters must be signed, but names will be withheld on request.)
ent law and in spite of the fact that it has been in operation only two years, it has been responsible for great improvements in both .departments. # ” ” REJUVENATION ASKED FOR CONSTITUTION By E. Bowen Chenowelh, Seymour We hear much about the Constitution, but not much logic against the remedy for it. ; What determined the economic cause of our Constitution? Qur New| England ancestors were on a general level in respect to property. Their situation demanded the | parceling out and division of lands and they fixed the form of our Government. The character of their political institutions. was determined by the fundamental laws respecting property and so we may ask the question: Why was America’ discovered? Not for Christianity’s sake, but for The English’ won it because they had more money to ‘build bet+ ter ships and the colonies won against England because they wanted to end the tyranny of English aristocracy; because they wanted to trade without interference, both in rum and slaves. A Constitution adopted for 13 states is not suitable now. Nine old men, not in harmony with changing times, cannot interpret . the meaning of the Constitution except in their own training as corporation attorneys. Let's have a convocation of the best informed and most capable men of our land, chosen from each profession by members of that profession. Let them meet to consider the rejuvenation of our Constitution, recommending new amendments to Congress and the states. The dearest dogmas of modern mind, the cura cerebri of all our so+
COMPARISON By HARRIETT SCOTT OLINICK Life is a flower, Opening petals to the sun. Death is the blight
That curls the leaf, And droops the stem.
DAILY THOUGHT
And the people said unto Joshua, the Lord our.God will we, - serve, and his voice will we obey.
—Joshua 24:24. .
BEDIENCE to God is the most | infallible evidence. of sincere |
and supreme love to Him.—Em- | mons. !
General Hugh Johnson Says —
ASHINGTON, April 10.—A correspondent has sent me a mernorandum quoting in parallel two opinions of the Supreme Court. Dred Scott, a Negro slave, brought action against his master for his freedom on the ground that, having been taken from a slave territory into a territory free under the Missouri Compromisg, his bondage, under the latter law, was broken. A divided Court held that a slave was not a citizen of the United States or of any state, and hence could not sue in any court and that, if he could sue, the Missouri Compromise, which attempted to prohibit slavery in the northern territories was unconstitutional. Among other things, Chief Justice Taney said: “No .gne, we presume, supposes that any change in publi opinion or feeling, in relation to this unfortunate race in the civilized nations of Europe or in this country, should induce the Court to give to the words of the Constitution a more liberal construction in their favor than they were intended to bear when the instrument was framed and adopted. Such an argument would, be altogether inadmissible in any tribunal called on to interpret it. If any of its provisions are deemed unjust, there is a mode prescribed in the instrument itself by which it may be amended; but while it remains unaltered, it must be construed now as it was understood at the time of its adoption.” All that last quoted sentence did was to bring on the Civil War. It was a mockery to suggest an amendment when more than one-fourth of the states favored slavery, i
Comparison of Court's Dred Scott and Carter Coa Question of Why Amend Constitution to Say Wh
In the first case,
| Rulings Brings Up at It Says Already.
cial philosophy are the beliefs in progress and democracy.
Let us cleanse our senses and our:
thoughts of all distorting prejudices and keep all the lamps of our intelligence alight,
2 u 7
|'GLASS SPEECH TERMED
COURT PLAN BLOW By E. F. Maddox The front and flank attack on the “political janizaries” (to give this a liberal interpretation, it "means political slaves) by the grand old man of the Senate, Carter Glass, and the nine old men of the Supreme Court, left the New Dealers gasping for hot air to give adequate answers. Two comments on the speech of Senator Glass seem to settle the argument satisfactorily for everyone but the bitter enemies of the Court packing plan. One man said Senator Glass’ speech was the worst attack ever made on a President of the United States. heard to remark that the worst part of the Glass speech was that everything he said was true and that a few more speeches like that would kill the Court bill. : The Court gave the states posession of “no man's land” and Carter Glass gave the New Deal the jitters. The old men have just begun to fight. ; ” = ” POLITICAL ACROBATICS AMAZE HIM By R. S. S., Brazil
It is amazing to the ordinary observer what splendid political acrobatic performances the insurgent
Democrats and other erstwhile pro- |
during | MT was my good fortune to be present when Bailey,
the campaign of 1932, traveled over | the state proclaiming the necessity |
gressives have been putting on. Our own senior Senator.
of a New Deal and calling upon all to witness the fact that it was nec-
essary to elect him to the Senate in- | | Senator Bailey said, “The Senate of the United States
| may well take note of a statement so solemn, a state
stead of Jim Watson if the New Deal was to become an actuality. He promised to protect the masses from the corporations. Burton K. Wheeler in 1924 was so progressive that he couldnt support the regular Democratic nominee. for President and permitted his name to be listed as a candidate for Vice
President no the Progressive ticket. |
Wheeler, Norris and Borah opposed the appointment of Hughes as chief justice on the grounds that he represented some of the most powerful corporations. Now - Mr. Wheeler and Mr. Hughes seem to be looking through the same spectacles. I think it advisable that the people have these acrobat Democrats remember that they ave nol ic bers of the Houst of Louds, but the United States Senate and U they are elected by the people. These men are not entirely responsible to the corporations any more.
A New Deal advocate was
“Printed, I understand, in 160 daily papers.”
lt Seems to Me By Heywood Broun
Washington, Including Senate, Is | On Sit-Down, but Writer Finds Senators Are Doing All Right,
VW ASHINGTON, April 10.—This city is on a sit-down. The Supreme Court has been sitting on the Wagner decision for more than seven weeks, and nobody can predict with certainty whether or not the
Court intends to make up its mind before it takes its summer adjournment. As a matter of fact, of course, the Court may at its own discretion delay a decision as long as it pleases or never render one at all. There is no such thing. as cloture in the Supreme Court. ~~ It is the announced intention of the foes of the "President's proposals to keep on- presenting witnesses before the Sehate Judiciary Committee throughout the month of April and perhaps even longer. » ; The strike in the Séhate itself is of a sympathetic nature. Pro= duction is impossible because of the curtailment of legislative materials on account of the sit-down in the Court and the committee. But on the whole the Senators are maintaining a fair degree of order, and on my last visit it seemed to me that there had been no damage to property, other than wear and tear upon the uphoistery. go During the lull, the men who are sitting in amuse themselves with amateur theatricals, debates and a game called parliamentary procedure. They are able to obtain food within the building, and reporters are privileged to come in at will. : In part the tedium of the not-very-watchful waite ing is enlivened by reading newspapers. Some of the Senators do tneir own reading, moving the lips very little. However, certain workers equipped with particularly ioud voices undertake to do a kind of digest from the daily press for the sake of their less fore tunate colleagues who have not been able to get much beyond the pictures. : ”
Mr. -Broun
# 2
& of North Carolina who has a very loud voice, dis= cussed the life and works of Walter Lippmann. It was a very touching tribute from one liberal to another.: After reading a portion of “Today and Tomorrow”
ment so grave, coming from a very eminent publicist, who, as far as I know, has never heen charged with being a partisan.” i At this, point Senator Bailey paused and waited for his ‘laughg but it was a tough audience and most ‘of his hearers were catching up with a little shut-eye. Undiscouraged, the. North Carolina intellectual continued: “I do not intend to pay any special tribute to Mr. Walter Lippmann. He was the editor of the ‘Democratic New-York World and achieved great dis tinction in the days of Woodrow Wilson, as I recail,
| (When the world was merged he became a writer for
the press, and we may safely say for him that from that day until now he has commanded a great audience in the United States, and he has always come manded great respect.”
7 = 2
A T another point Senator Bailey lowered his voice £ to an impressive whisper as he spoke of Mr, Lippmann’s - column and added in hushed tones, At this point] a number of Senators woke up, touched their foreheads to the floor three times and then went back
to sleep again.
The Washington Merry-Go-Round
Senator Guffey, Descendant of Long Line of Pennsylvania Politicians, Shattered Precedent by Introducing Two Major Acts in First Term.
N| Carter vs. Carter Coal Co. the question was whether labor contracts in the coal industry are commerce affecting or concerning more states than one, and 50 subject to .Federal laws. Mr. Justice Sutherland wrote: ais The word ‘commerce’ is the equivalent of e phrase intercourse for the purposes of trade.’ Plainly, the incidents leading up to and culminating in the mining of coal do not constitute such intercourse. The employment of men, the fixing of their wages, hours of labor and working conditions, the bargaining in respect to these things—whether carried on separately or collectively-—each and all constitute
Ines for the purposes of production, not of
AD
s 2 ”
» Joe Chief Justice said: : € people desire to give Congress the power to regulate industries within Sh SE and the relations of employers and employees in those inSuspries, they are at liberty to declare their will in nie appropriate manner, but it is not for the Court to amend! the Constitution by judicial decision.” : That labor contracts do affect and concern interstate commerce is just about the most unquestionable and obvious fact on the industrial horizon. bls pazaliel of these two cases is worth thinking i ¥, at a great crisis, should we be told to already? e Constitution to make it say what it says
v = voy {
By Drew Pearson and Robert S. Allen
VY istNGTon April 10.—For a first-term Senator to be the author of a major act is unusual. For him to be the author of two such measures pefore ‘he has served half his term, and then to cap it all by having one of them re-enacted after being thrown out by the Supreme Court, shatters all precedent, [1 : Yet: this is the record chalked up by Joseph F. Guffey of Pennsylvania during the three years he has sal in the Senate. Entering the chamber in 1933, he sponsored and put through the now famous Gufféy coal law. The next year, cver the opposition of a large and powerful shipping lobby, he maneuvered through Congress the
liberal Merchant Marine Act under which the new | U. €. Maritime Commission is operating. And a few |
days ago he had the unique privilege of seeing the
Senate overwhelmingly vote enactment of a new Guf- |
‘ey coal law to| replace the first one invalidated by the | fo foal law 30 1ep ° y crat, and Henry Clay, Whig, the race in Pennsylvania
| was very close. The eastern section of the State was
Supreme Court. : : 8 8 =n T is a significant commentary on Guffey’s character and political potency that he accomplished all this without uproar and bombast. Joe doesn’t work that way. If he has to, he will make a speech. It is a straight-forward, undramatic exposition. But he hates to do it. Joe's forte is keep-
| through family inheritance.
ing out of the limelight, directing the strategy and : ti
calling the she 4
That is why he has achieved so much in the short time he has worn a senatorial toga and why, while no -
‘headline figure, he is one of the most influential and | powerful men in Congress.
Guffey comes by his high-powered political prowess ? 5 » BE the earliest days of Pennsylvania's history the Guffeys have played importarit roles in the political affairs of the State The first Guffey landed in Philadelphia in 1738. His name was MacGuffey but he dropped the prefix when he moved west to Westmoreland County, near Pittsburgh, which has been the family’s, ancestral home ever since. Two of the early Guffeys, a father of 40 and a son of 16 served four years in the Revolutionary army. ' The Gufieys first achieved political note in the pre= Civil War era when Pennsylvania was a Democratic stronghold.
In the 1844 contest between James K. Polk, Demo-
strongly Whig and it looked as if Polk would lose Pennsylvania's electoral votes. But a Democratic leader assured him he need not worry. | “Wait until the Guffeys over the mountains get in
‘their lick,” he said. “It will be a different story then.”
"And it was. When the final returns were counted,
| Polk had carried Pennsylvania. Victory was due largely to the huge majorities piled up for him by the | Guffeys over the mountains”, = 0° 0
NES -