Indianapolis Times, Indianapolis, Marion County, 5 March 1937 — Page 34

in

PAGE 34

Text of Roosevelt's Victory Dinner Speech

By United Press WASHINGTON, March —The text ‘of Roosevelt's speech Victory Dinner last follows: On this Fourth of March, 1937, in millions of homes the thoughts of American families are reverting to the March 4 of another year. That day in 1933 represented the death of one era and the birth of another.

At that time we faced and met a grave national crisis. Now we face another crisis—of a different kind but fundamentally even more grave than that of four years ago. Tonight I want to begin with you a discussion of that crisis. I shall continue that discussion on Tuesday night in a nation-wide broadcast and thereafter, from time to time, as may be necessary.

D.

the night

at

For I propose to follow my custom

of speaking frankly to the nation concerning our common problems. I speak at this Victory Dinner not only as the head of the Democratic Party but as the representative of all Americans who have faith in political and economic democracy. Our victory was not sectional. It did not come from compromises and bargains. It was the voice of 27 million voters—from every part of the land. The Democratic minority party, is today the majority partv bv the greatest majority anv party ever had. It will remain the majority party so long as it continues to justify the faith of millions who had almost lost faith—so long as it continues to make modern democracy work—so long and no longer. We are celebrating the 1936 victory. That was not a final victory. It was a victory whereby our party won further opportunity to lead in the solution of the pressing problems that perplex our generation. Whether we shall celebrate in 1938, 1940, and in 1944, as we celebrate tonight, will deservedly depend upon whether the party continues on its course and solves those problems. And if T have aught to say it will continue on its course and it will solve those problems.

Party, once a

‘SOME WERE UNEASY’

fter election dav in 1936, some of our supporters were uneasy lest we grasp the excuse of a false era of good feeling to evade our obligations. They were worried by the evil symptom that the propaganda and the epithets of last summer and fall had died down. Today, however, those who placed their confidence in us are reassured. For the tumult and the shouting have broken forth anew —and from substantially the same elements of opposition. This new roar the best evidence in the world that we have begun to keep our promises, that we have begun to move against conditions under which one-third of this nation is still ill-nourished, ill-clad illhoused We gave warning last November that we had only just begun ficht. Did some people really believe we did not mean it? Well— I meant it, and you meant it. A few days ago, a distinguished member of the Congress came to see me to talk about national problems in general and about the

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President |

| anxiety, | the same earnestness.

| messages from rich and poor, | businessman and farmer,

to |

problem of the judiciary in particular. I said to him: “John, I want to tell you something that is very personal to me— something that you have a right to hear from my own lips. I have a great ambition in life.” My triend pricked up his ears. I went on: “I am by no means catisfied with having twice been elected President of the United States by very large majorities. I have an even greater ambition.” By this time, my friend was sitting on the edge of his chair. I continued: “John, my ambition relates to Jan. 20, 1941.” 1 could feel just what horrid thoughts my friend was thinking. So in order to relieve his anxiety, I went on to say: “My great ambition on Jan. 20, 1941, is to turn over this desk and chair in the White House to my successor, whoever he may be, with the assurance that I am at the same time turning over to him as President, a nation intact, a nation at peace, a nation prosperous, a nation clear in its knowledge of what powers it has to serve its own citizens, a nation that is in a position to use those powers to the full in order to move forward steadily to meet the modern needs of humanitv—a nation which has thus proved that the Democratic form and methods of national government can and will succeed. In these coming vears I want to provide such assurance. I want to oet the nation as far along the road of progress as I can. I do not want to leave it to my successor in the condition in which Buchanan left it to Lincoln. My friends, that ambition of mine for my successor can well be the serious ambition of every citizen who wants his United States to

| be handed down intact to his chil-

dren and grandchildren.

SPEAKS OF FUTURE |

I spoke in the dead earnestness of 1 speak to you tonight in For who sees as a whole today's picture of this nation and the world can help but feel concern for the future. To the President of the United States there come every day thousands of messages of appeal, test, of information and advice, from from factory employee and relief worker, messages from every corner of our wide domain. Those messages reflect the most striking feature of the life of this generation—the feature which men

| aged to hold on,

no one |

of pro- |

Evervhod ’ appearance realize the glasses comin eveglass problem

bv

DR. WEST, Registered Optometrist

who live mentally in another generation can least understand—the ever-acceleration speed with which social forces now gather headway. The issue of slavery, for example, took at least 40 years—two generations—of argument, discussion and futile compromise, before it came to a head in the tragic war between the states. But economic freedom for the wage-carner and the farmer the small business man will not wait, like emancipation, for vears. It will not wait for years. It will not wait at all. After the World War, there arose everywhere insistent demands upon government that human needs be met. The unthinking, or those who dwell in the past, have tried to block them. The wise who live in the present have recognized their innate justice and irresistible pressure—and have sought to guide them. In some countries,

a royalist

| form of government failed to meet | these demands—and fell. | countries, | government failed to meet these de- | other | governments have man- | strife has | per- |

In other a parliamentary form of | mands—and fell. In still countries, but eivil flared or threats of upheaval

sist.

‘1 CAN ONLY HOPE

Democracy in many lands has failed for the time being to meet human needs. People have become so fed up with futile debate and

party bickerings over methods that they have been willing to surrender

| democratic processes and principles

in order to get things done. They have forgotten the lessons of history that the ultimate failures of dictatorships cost humanity far more than any temporary failures

| democracy. | In the United States democracy |

failed and does not And we propose not

has not yet need to fail. to let it fail! Nevertheless, tell

I cannot vou

‘with complete candor that in these

past few years democracy in the United States has fully Nor can 1 tell you, circumstances, just where American democracy is headed nor just what it Is _bernitted | to do in order to

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its continued success and survival. I can only hope. For as yet there is no definite assurance that the three-horse team of the American system of Government will pull together. If three well-matched horses are put to the | task of plowing up a field where the going is heavy, and the team of three pull as one, the field will be plowed. If one horse lies down in the traces or plunges off in another direction, the field will not | be plowed. What | ciples of the New Deal did not origi- | nate on the Fourth of March, 1933. We think of that date as their beginning, because it was not until then that the social demands they

| insure

THE INDIANAPOLIS TIMES

| effectively where no other Adminis- | | tration had dared te take that risk. |

vou and I call the prin- |

| represented broke through the in-|

| ertia of

many years of failure to |

| improve. our political and economic |

processes. What were those demands needs? How far did we succeed in meeting them? What about them today? Ever since the World War the farmers of America had been beating off ever-mounting disaster. This | Administration ‘tried to help ‘them

R

SLAC

and

|

The Agricultural Adjustment Act testified to our full faith and confidence that the very nature of our major crops makes them articles of commerce between the states.

The AAA testified also to our full faith and confidence that the preservation of sound agriculture is essential to the general welfare

(Turn to Page 35)

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