Indianapolis Times, Indianapolis, Marion County, 5 March 1937 — Page 18

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PAGE 18 The Indianapolis Times |

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ROY W. HOWARD LUDWELL DENNY MARK FERREE | President Business Manager

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FRIDAY, MARCH 5, 1937

PO a——

THE WELFARE BOARD SLIPS AGAIN

"THE Marion County Welfare Board has made another

mistake in the Baker-Cancilla affair. It’s first error was in naming Joel A. Baker oviginally as its director despite public protest. Now that Mr. Baker has been removed from office by | emergency act of the Legislature and put under special investigation by the State, the County Welfare Board, | shorn of its appointive power, should observe the public | amenities scrupulously. Instead, Mr. Baker's friends on the Board decreed that | vesterday’s important meeting-—the first since this Baker- | Cancilla scandal came to the surface—should be conducted in secret. Those who participated in the star-chamber | proceedings were Judge I. Ert Slack, the chairman: the Rev, Lynn A. Tripp and F. O. Belzer. In fairness it should be said that Acting Director Sheppard, named by the State after the State ousted Mr. Baker, had no objection to an open meeting. And Mrs.

Kenneth Woolling and Mrs. Karl Ruddell, the other board |

members, were not present. The sooner the County Welfare Board understands that all of its business is public business, subject under the law to public check and public observation, the better for all concerned, : Fortunately, the Legislature's special investigating committee did not resort to such secrecy last night. Its probe is open and, presumably, will continue in the open.

“TO GET THINGS DONE" THE two most striking sentences in President Roosevelt's speech last night were these: “The Ohio River and the dust bowl are not conversant with the habits of the interstate commerce clause. But we shall never be safe in our lives, in our property or in the heritage of our soil until we have somehow made the inter- | state commerce clause conversant with the habits of the Ohio River and the dust bowl.” And so it is with other problems of this generation. We must somehow make the interstate commerce clause or the general welfare clause or the domestic tranquility purpose or the blessings of liberty guarantee of our | Constitution conversant with the evils of child labor, of | sweatshop wages and hours, or ruinous farm practices and | prices and debts, of costly and bloody industrial strikes. of | slums and poverty and insecurity and underprivilege. The reactionary majority on the United States Supreme Court have been either unable or unwilling to apply | these positive grants of constitutional self-government to | the realities of our times. | Realities cannot be compromised. Methods may. The President proposes to break the obstruction by | taking over the third branch of our Government and having | it do as he sees fit. That, to us, is the rub. The very | ardency of his emphasis on the “now” makes us fear the | more for the future. We feel that the precedent he would | set today as a short cut would vise to plague this nation in years to come should other Presidents with other aims seize upon it “in order to get things done.” Many other Americans who agree 100 per cent with the President's analysis of our problems, who applaud his objectives, who have just as firm faith as he has that they can be accomplished by democratic means and just as | strong resolve that they shall be—many of these liberals, | nevertheless, do not like the President's method. They | have advanced several alternatives.

If the President’s method is to be set aside, it is up to

these liberals—and we count ourselves in this group—to agree upon some alternative that is more dangerous, and can command a more united: support.

HOW IT ADDS UP A LITTLE job in simple arithmetic: The General Motors strike lasted 43 days—one day

more than six weeks—through which time work, wages |

and production remained practically at a dead halt. In the steel industry, a satisfactory improvement in wages and hours was accomplished without any strike, without a single day's halt in work, wages and production, The average weekly wage for common labor in steel has been running around $25.20. If there had been a sixweek strike in steel, the average worker would have lost $151.20.

The new steel wage scale provides an increase of 10 |

cents an hour, which means that as soon as it goes into effect the weekly wage envelope will contain $4 more, on a 40-hour basis. Divide $151.20 by $4. The result is 37.8. In other words, if the average steel worker had heen required to go through a six-week strike in order to gain that 10-cents-an-hour increase, he would then, after the | settlement of the strike, have been required to work nearly | 88 weeks—more than nine months—before his gain in | hourly wages would have wiped out his strike losses. As it is, his net gain starts not nine months hence but ! immediately. | If we had the figures on earnings of the steel corporations, we doubt not that a similar problem in arithmetic would show that the companies also are nine months ahead of where they would have been had they not headed off the threat of strike. In strikes both sides lose. In peaceful negotiations, both profit by what neither loses.

ANOTHER TYPE OF SIT-DOWN

N happy contrast to the recent furor at Anderson. and | the present violence at Waukegan, Ill, are negotiations | now going on in New York between the bituminous coal |

mine operators and the United Mine Workers. This is a sit-down of a different kind.

and the representatives of the mine owners on the other. Less experienced industries might do well to emulate this habit and make their sit-downs co-operative, legal, peaceful and purposeful. RR '

: : | for Schmeling's next fight, feasible, less |

{ ling, who bad been whipped by Sharkey,

The sitters are | the representatives of the miners on one side of the table |

THE INDIANAPOLIS TIMES

— FRIDAY, MARCH 5, 1937

“Ah=You Lucky Girl ”—gy Herblock

NA (A Ny -

Fair Enough

By Westbrook Pegler

Schmeling Followed Same Tactics |

With Sharkey That He Denounces Jim Braddock for Using on Him.

EW YORK, March 5.—Max Schmeling returns to this country to insist on a fight with Jimmy Braddock for the heavy-

weight championship, and his friends, the. | New York Nazis, as well as some Americans, are demanding sportsmanship on his behalf.

Personally, Schmeling is in no position to ecriticize Braddock for postponing him until after the proposed fight with Joe Louis in Chicago, because that is precisely what Schmeling did to Jack Sharkey several years ago Those who were not present may refer to the files to confirm the fact that Sharkey was more than Schmeling could handle in the fight where the German won the title sitting

| down as the result of a low foul.

Sharkey had punched him almost at will, and Schmeling had landed only one effective blow up to the time of the foul. There was wild confusion all around the ring, and again you may refer to the files to confirm the fact that the American press and public gave Schmeling a perfectly fair deal, Sharkey was freely denounced for fouling, and the customers, who had paid high prices to see a fair fight, blamed the American for their disappointment The championship was not properly at stake that night, but had been put in there by Jim Farley as a political favor to the prize fight division of the manifold Hearst interests, which was production, to swell the gate receipts. This gave a financial advantage to Schmeling as well, because it swelled his purse and, as it turned out, left him in possession of the championship, an asset whose estimated value at the time was $500,000 or more.

Mr. Pegler

» N view of the fact that Sharkey was master of the fight up to the instant of the foul he was generally recognized as the legitimate challenger Schmeling, himself, acknowledged this, and the New York Commission, having put Schmeling in the way of the championship, called on him to meet Sharkey again Instead, however, Schmeling selected Willie StribTo escape York Commission,

® ”

the jurisdiction of the New

{ Schmeling went to Cleveland to tight Stribling and He thus picked up an extra purse | the |

{ knocked him out. { before his return bout with Sharkey. So. in matter of sportsmanship, to say nothing of the mat- | ter of gratitude to the Commission which had put | the title in the ring by dictatorial order, Schmeling's record presents an almost exact precedent for the course which he now denounces in Braddock's ease. Obviously, Schmeling, having beaten Joe Louis. is more dangerous than Louis.

| to fight Louis first for the same reason that Schmel-

ing fought Stribling out of turn. 5

HE injection of politics into sport is none of this country’s doing. The Nazis injected political and military display into the Olympic Games at Garmisch and Berlin in violation of their oath and that which they call their honor, Hitler's own sportsmanship was demonstrated when he scorned Schmeling up to the hour of his unexpected victory over Louis and then adopted him politically as a party asset.

” »

| judges were running the | favor |

| MUST TEACH LESSON | By MN. I. Dixon

| up of great armaments by foreign

| jof conquest and others seeking |

So Braddock wants |

0 |

Born More Than 30 Years

THAT | HAVE, BUT

ONE ENDORSEMENT

LIBERTY OR GIVE ME, AUNT PANSYS

WOWLDN'YT THAT HAVE BEEN SOME THING!

—————————————— ——. dA

The Hoosier

I wholly

disagree with what you defend to the death your right to say it.~Voltaire.

say, but will

RAPS PRESIDENT'S PLAN TO CHANGE SUPREME COURT By | 1 have been a reader of this paper | since it became The Times, but | have never pefore written to this

fn Reader

cluded.

(Times readers are invited to [COURT CALLED BULWARK OI express their views in these columns, religious controversies exMake your letter short, so all can have a chance, must be signed, but names will be withheld on request.)

| AMERICAN MONARCHY "By Hiram Lackey

Our Supreme Caurt is the last | bulwark of absolute monarchy in | | America. President Roosevelt's at-

Letters |

column. I recently read some | things, however, in it, that I would like to answer, In Mrs. Roosevelt's column recently she saw six headlines in the New York Herald- | Tribune and only one of them suited

‘her, She says one man felt that the | headline

our liberties over to a dictator or weakening our courts, in reference to the enange that the President wants to make, Mrs. Roosevelt says one headline | citizens who reads, “Pian to Pack the Court 10 | uring I'avor power of a Minority Is Seen.” It should have read, “Plan to Pack he Court to Favor Power of the President.” As to turning our liberties over to a dictator, we did that last Novem- | ber. The President asks Congress to | give him the power and he will show us what to do. Congress gave him the power and several billion dollars and now he wants more power than the Supreme Court. He wants to tell these old men | that he knows more than all of them, and I expect that some of the studying law

| nation,

| ment in

(io what he says, . . .

” ” DECLARES 1917 INTERVENTION | I that 1 slogan—that is

record, It

| again.

criminate use of their torpedos. The | truth 4s that we fell hook, line and | sinker for the old “baloney.” The | fight each step of progress of govwar agitation of the overzealous ernment by the people... . hunters was whipped to | (suggested changes had precedents | fever heat by insidious propaganda. | | behind them and that he might not

| be turning | fellows, were denounced

{vuffered by millions at home, the | foreign ingratitude | evasion and repudiation, ly hope we have learned our lesson, (It was a costly one, | I believe we are on the threshold {of a new era of political enlightenAmerica, when | men distrust their feelings when | Roosevelt was wearing knee pants, | they hear martial music and learn | 7{ he can’t control them he wants to | to temper emotion with reason. Let | pack the Court with judges who will | us not abuse patrictism by injecting . [It into a situation requiring only re- » | straint. Beguiled into a mortal con- | flict by the suggestion of a mere

must

| tempt to make our Supreme Court [into an instrument of democracy is | { fought with all the arguments that | | tyrants of the ages have used to

The preme Court dictatorship and a democracy is the difference between

and those of our fathers, ” n ”

demur | yey IEVES PROGRESS CANNOT were con- |

What is all this scare about losing our Constitution? The anti-New Dealers seem to

ashamed |

fields of |

war debt I fervent-

in will change the Constitution; that

the document is sacred and only the present Supreme Court can understand it. It evidently is too inflexible to meet modern needs, Over the radio and in newspapers every day someone asserts that we have “spilled blood” to preserve the Constitution. Ninety-eight per cent of the soldiers did not know what they were fighting about. What little experience the writer had as a soldier he never once thought about the Constitution or heard it men tioned by other soldiers. , . . Civilization comes and goes, but we move slowly upward and become

Let all young

our disgraceful never happen

In view of the continued building powers, some perhaps with dreams

only to be prepared for the worst, | our avowed policy of armed neu- | | trality and the peculiar advantage of our geographical isolation are | indeed comforting. The Government has evinced unusual perception in becoming acutely aware of the national sentiment with regard to future entanglements in the polities of the Old World. The American people want it understood distinctly that they are fed up with the blandishments of Europe. In the past we were very | foolish to permit ourselves to be | embroiled in the Europeans’ ancient | hatreds and senseless massacres. ! Since as it could | avoided, it is now clear that our | 1917 intervention was a lapse of national common sense. Our sol- | diers, in dying, did not render per- | manent aid to the cause of human [ liberty nor make the worid safe for democracy. Our entrance into the | World War was an irrational act | | because we had no vital reason for | entering. We were not justified in exposing | | thousands of American lives merely | because the Germans made indis- |

sky, nigh: —not ery,

sigh.

into all

not.—Panin,

General Hugh Johnson Says—

Steel Settlement Stems From NRA Days When Lewis' Men Told Workers | Unions and Industry Backed Company Unions. |

Law Required Them to Join

ASHINGTON, March 5—The news from the steel industry is one of the most important de-

| velopments since NRA went out and the story traces

straight back to the poor old battered blue eagle. As soon as the provisions of the Recovery Act were given shape, John Lewis jumped the gun. His organizers went out and told labor that the law now required them to join unions. Some of them said the President wanted them to join. One of my own bright young men, who came to NRA from the steel industry, got a bright idea and quietly circulated it among all the industries who were then deluging Washington. He said a company

i union complied with the new law, i. e. an organiza-

tion consisting only of employees of a particular company, organized by the executives of the company with no outside representation and, to a greater or less extent, dominated by management. He said that was the sure-fire way to stop the Federation union labor drives.

® n 5 HIS movement toward company unions spread like wildfire and its instigators went just as far as John Lewis’ people. They also told their workers that the law required them to join company unions and that the President desired it. It wasn't the business of the blue eagle to organize labor, and company-dominated unions were ot by the law as they are by the Wagner

Both movements made tremendous strides. the steel industry, Bethlehem had a company union that had been organized long before NRA and it was a good one—a sincere attempt by Eugene Grace, long before any pressure was applied, to give his employees a collective voice. But elsewhere in that industry

» ” ”

N Carnegie-Illinois, a 1933 company union was organized on a comprehensive scale. The Federation unions couldn't make a dent with their efforts to organize the industry. But when Mr, Lewis set out

eral Motors, he knew that the whole Carnegie com-pany-inspired union was coming over to C. I. O. in a bloc. That was his ace-in-the-hole throughout all later C. 1. O. activities,

organized to frustrate unionism in the steel dustry, its engineers were hoist by their own petard. Nothing in this piece, however, is intended to detract from the economic statesmanship of Mr. Myron Taylor and his associates, who were far-sighted enough to. perceive that we are living in a period of profound change and that there is no harm in sitting down with earnest, sincere representatives of their try to reach an agreement on working

La &

~ 3 \ ad RLS Re iin, 0

IN THE LAND OF THE AFTERWHILE By F. F. MACDONALD

| In the land of the afterwhile, When reality needs must die, "Tis then to my magical isle And haven of dreams I'll fly.

Not while the sun emblazons the | stop, look and listen. Nor while love's radiant warmth is | Not while the heart may still sing |

Nor while contentment yields 2 | Morgan

But—in the land of the afterwhile. | When reality needs must die; have been "Tis then to my magical isle And haven of dreams I'll fly.

DAILY THOUGHT

And the fame of David went out lands; brought the fear of him upon all nations.—Chronicles 14:17.

WO men please God—who serves | Him with all his heart because | most | he knows Him; who seeks Him with | terms, for when they come to give

all his heart because he knows Him

In |

there were only two or three plans of representation. |

to organize the Steel industry, and before he committed himself to the dangerous adventure in Gen- | nation against the Spanish Loyalist Government, The | struggling for objectives similar to Roosevelt's New | Deal, that the essential issue in Spain was democracy versus dictatorship.

To the extent that the company unions had been | in- |

| | | | |

a little better than we were. No scrap of paper, no book, and no group of nine men can interfere { with progress.

” td o

| WARNS CONGRESSMEN TO | BACK COURT PLAN | By Charles EE. Newkirk, English | The people need no admonition to

| We have a record of our public servants, “We know which ones are true to their trust and those who have deserted the cause of the come mon people to join the Du Ponte syndicate that Jobbies

difference between our Su-

| work went on and the design of Mr.

Too Soon | By Talburt

REGRET

FIRE WHEN READY

GRIDLEY-

A GQOORY GAS RANGE SHOULD BE Your am!

TO GIVE FOR MY

SUPER Six leg NH, | FOUR SCORE AND

SEVEN YEARS AGO WE BROUGHT FORTH A NEW NATION UNAWARE (T" WAS TO KNOW THE JOYS OF WE ARINGGINSBERG'S GARTERS!

Alonso

It Seems to Me

'8y Heywood Broun

Over 100 Years Ago Philadelphia Was Torn by Strip-Tease Scandal When Quaker Girl Posed for Statue,

PHILADELPHIA, March 5.—Something more than a hundred years ago this town was torn by a strip-tease scandal. [I'retty little Nancy Van Uxem gained fame and lost

| reputation back in the hard winter of 1808.

It was all on account of an artist chap named Rush, He was the first American sculptor, and Nancy Van Uxem was the first model ever to pose for the figure in this country, She was an amateur and the daughter of a friend of William Rush. Nancy's indiscretion, if one chooses to call it that, would not be mentioned now but for th: ace tivity of the Pennsylvania Mue seum of Art. The sculpture which men do lives after them, and this week there will be an exhibition of the art of William Rush, including “Water Nymph and Bittern.” Now, quite obviously Nancy was not the bittern but the sweet, and once again tongues wag about a girl who has gone te her reward these many years. Miss Van Uxem might have lived and died unknown except by those who loved her if it had not been for a slow French boat, Wile liam Rush had ordered replicas of classical sculpture from Paris, but there were delays in delivery—labor troubles, no doubt—and Mr, Rush was not a patient man, In his predicament James Van Uxem, a friend and fellow member of the City Council, tapped him = on the shoulder in the middle of a session and asked whether Philadelphia flesh and blood might not suit a sculptor’s purpose as well as the slightly more chilly plaster of paris. Mr. Van Uxem explained that he had one fair daughter. Rush was nothing loath.

un ”

ISTORY does not say in what mood Nancy Van Uxem approached her assignment. Possibly she came tearfully to the model's throne and only through the stern command of her father, And it may be that she murmured to herself as she took off her sunbonnet and other things, “Was ever Quaker maid set to such a tuck before?” Nancy's question was rhetorical. She knew the answer. She was Philadelphia's first ever to burst into the silent sea of posing for the figure. But as the . Rush became more apparent she found her voice sufficiently to remark modestly that the bittern seemed so very real that she felt tempted to seize his feathers lest he should fly away. Finally the statue was finished and carried to the Centre Square Water Works, where it was unveiled.

Mr. Broun

| against laws for which we voted. Almost 9814 per cent of the Elec | | toral College indorsed the New Deal | laws and the President, repudiating | {the Court that interprets the Con- | stitution to mean privilege to utili | ties and big business. | The people stopped, looked and | listened for four years and registered their verdict last November. Now [it's up to the legislators to stop, look | [and listen, Otherwise, some Congressmen will | likely be serving their last |

and the Lord

| an accounting to us an enraged | |

(Turn to Page 22)

Nancy Van Uxem put on her shawl and went home, and there is no evidence that she ever posed again, Indeed, her one Girl Scout deed for the sake of Amer~ ican art rocked all Philadelphia, Mr, Rush had succeeded in doing an excellent likeness, and many who went to Centre Square for water remained to drink and gossip. on ” ” AMES VAN UXEM, the Councilman, came in for a good share of the blame, Perfect strangers accosted him to exclaim, “And didst thou let thy daugh=ter pose like that for thy friend?” Some say that Nancy fled Philadelphia in an effort to avoid being “thou-ed” to death. One rumor has it that she went into a decline, while another story holds that she traveled to New York, for in those days New York was

| less straitlaced than Philadelphia.

The Washington Merry-Go-Round

Career Diplomats Wrecking Roosevelt's Spanish Policy; They Favor Rebels and, Contrary to Custom, Disclosed Plane Shipment to Loyalists.

By Drew Pearson and Robert S. Allen |

ASHINGTON, March 5.-—Under cover of the State Department's immutable silence sonwme vigorous wrangling is going on regarding United States neutrality toward Spain. The inside story is significant and goes back to November, just before the President sailed for Buenos Aires. At that time the new Spanish Ambassador, Fernando de los Rios, was called into a secret conference with Secretary Wallace, Senator Nye and others, who urged him to have a personal talk with Roosevelt. This was arranged. During the talk De los Rios presented sensational evidence of American discrimi-

Ambassador pointed out that the Spanish people were

Roosevelt obviously was impressed, At that lime | his speech to be delivered at Buenos Aires already had | been written, but he revamped it entirely, made it a ringing championship of democracy, a scathing denunciation of dictatorship.

= ” os

PON Roosevelt's return from Buenos Aires he jumped into the Supreme Court and Congres-

sional matters, leaving the nish situation in charge of the Wealthy young men of the State Department,

This, it should be noted, was at the exact moment Franco's star seemed to be setting, Until that time-— and as long as the Rebels were winning--the State Department gentlemen paid scant attention to Spain, About this time, Joe Green, Mr. Hull's munitions expert, held one of the most unusual press conferences in State Department history. Details about all munitions shipments are guarded with strictest secrecy. Despite this, Mr. Green suddenly summoned the press, announced with great glee all the details of a shipment of airplanes to the Spanish Government by the Vimalert Co. of Jersey City.

on ”

JINCE then the State Department has gone even further, First it persuaded the Justice Department to prosecute American citizens paying passage for those who wanted to enlist with Spain.

This brought various protesting delegations down from New York, pointing out to Cordell Hull that at that very moment United States fliers were employed by the Chinese army.

Finally Brien McMahon, Assistant Attorney General in charge of the recruiting prosecution, found past legal precedents extremely dubious, and virtually ine formed the career boys they had no case. Latest State Department ruling is against the sending of ambulance units, doctors or nurses to the aid of the Spanish Government. This has aroused the ire of various prominent doctors, . vmod

”n