Indianapolis Times, Indianapolis, Marion County, 27 October 1936 — Page 5

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Text of Landon’s Philadelphia Speech

bilities over the public purse—is duty to protect the people’s money. And what happened when Congress surrendered this ‘responsibility? What kind of spending did we get. To describe the kind of spending that deluged the country we had to invent a new word. — “Boondoggling.” Public money was spent to count the frees in the capitol of your state. Public money was spent fo measure the cubic contents of buildings. 3 Public money was spent fo build a giant concrete checker board. Jt seemed to ter little so long as public mbney was spent. We got exactly the kind of spending the President assured us we would not get. When he démanded a blank check for $4,800,000,000 he said it would be used for useful pro-

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By United Press PHILADELPHIA, Oct. 26.

~The text of Gov. Alfred M. Landon’s address last night follows:

It is not only a privilege—it is a great honor—to be speaking tonight in the city where the Constitution of the United Stgies was written. | Wednesday, he made the siateinent We are entering the last week of a that COnSUmers’ taxes—the hidden campaign in which the fundamental | taxes which fall much more heavily issue is the preservation of the on the poor man than on’ the rich a ntitution and the American way | —had been reduced during his Ad'm On November the 3d we must pe zing ‘sta decide if we want a free and popu- | an amazing statement. -1% ar gov ent or government | 15 an amazing statement because which yet aie trates increasing pow only a year ago, in a public letter er in the chief executive. That is | dated Sept. 3,, 1935, he. sal exactly the issue in this campaign. | the opposite. This was the famous

| letter in which he offered a “breathThe President says this issue is a | fairy tale—a a political ing spell” to American business. In

“bogey | . man.” He {this letter he wrote these words:

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self government. Let us then, here in Philadelphia, where the charter of our liberty was born, make this high resolve. Let us take an cath that the bell which rang here 160 years ago, shall not have rung in vain.

|

ut an use of public funds fi

purposes. And I shall put an end to the use of public funds for thé building and Waisiaining of & Propagand

machine in Washington.

underestimates the been ‘a growing evil for many Th es.

American people. thrown off the track so easily. They can see through reassuring words spoken in an election year. The | record since March 3, 1933, is no| fairy tale.

We know how “planned economy” |

was foisted on us without mandate. We know how the heavy hand o

"government forced its way into hr}

daily lives. We know how this Admindstration |

They can not be |

| that much money.

“In 1929 consumers’ taxes represented only 30 per cent of the national revenue, Today they are 60 per | cent.” Just how forgetful does the Presi{dent think we are? The record | proves the President was right the | first time. ‘Taxes are paid in the 7 | sweat of every man who labors.” It is not the well-to-do who are going to pay the piper. They haven't If the govern-

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has ignored the constitutional Ment last year had confiscated evchecks and balances established by | 6FY Penny of all incomes above $3000

the men who sat in this city of |}

Philadelphia in 1787. Tonight I am going to discuss a policy that upsets these checks and balances—a policy that violates the Constitution. I am going to talk about the waste and extravagance of this Administration, I am going to talk about this Administration's open -and impudent use of public money for political p Our Constitution is a practical document. One of its objects is to protect the public funds. It recognizes that the public funds are the people’s funds—that they do not come by magic from some inexhaustible source. The only source of public funds is the people. Too many of us forget this. We forget that the waste of this Administration is waste of the people’s money—our money. The extravagance of this Administration is extravagance with the people's money—our money. And it is the people's money—our money—that has been used to create the most sinister political machine of our history. No words of idealism, no claims of good intention, can shift the responsibility for this machine. The responsibility rests upon one man—and one man alone. It rests upon the President of the United States, Who is going to pay the bill for | all this spending? We are. Who is paying the 12 billions which this Administration has already collected? We are. Who is going to pay the additional 13 billion dollars it has borrowed? We are. Who is going to pay if this extravagance continues? We are. Who is geing to put an end to this extravagance? We are. We are the taxpayers and it is the taxpayer who foots the bill. Speaking as a candidate for

it would not have had enough to pay the cost of our Federal government. The bulk of the money 4dlways comes from the men and women who labor in our workshops, on our farms and in our offices. It is the little fellow who pays. It is the little fellow who suffers from government extravagance. It is the little fellow who neéds the safeguards of the Constitution—and particularly the safeguards against waste of the public funds. One of the most important of these safeguards is the provision that all revenue legislation be initiated in the House of Representatives. This safeguard was put into our Constitution for a very definite reason.

It was put in because the House of Representatives is the branch of our government closest to the people. It was put in because the men who framed our Constitution knew the power of the purse. They knew

vented, the people, through their representatives, must control the purse. This is as true "as it was in 1787. But under this Administration

revenue bills have not originated |in the House of Representatives. | They have been drafted by the executive branch of the government (and driven through Congress without adequate debate. Hand in hand with the violation of this constitutional safeguard, has

that Congress transfer to him its control over the spénding of public funds. Year after year the President has gone to Congress and demanded vast sums to be spent at his discretion. He has demanded blank checks totaling over 13 billion dollars. It surrendered its responsi-

that if injustice was to be pre-}

gone the demand of the President].

jects. In fact he said, “To put one thousand men to work with picks and shovels to dig up a water main

on one side of the highway, and lay | gro

it again on the other side of the highway, is not only a silly project but it destroys the morale of fhe men who are doing the job.” The President was right. This kind of work does destroy morale. But taking up a water main on’ ‘one side of the highway and laying it down on the other is not as bad as taking up people from one part of the country and putting them down in another. Two. hundred and seventy-five million dollars was allotted to this resettlement project. It cost more than the whole standing army of the United States last year. All the new soak-the-rich taxes of 1935 could not pay for this one piece of extravagance alone. | When we do things like that we have lost all sénse of proportion. No government can afford such waste. It can afford it least of all when its people are struggling out of a great depression. But there is an even more serious side to this violation of the constitutional rights of Congress. This is the enormous power which money gives the President. It enables him to short-circuit state government and thereby to exercise powers not granted to him by the constitution. But even this is not all. This Administration has used the power of the purse to do more than

But never ‘before has it even approached its present size. It is time to call a halt to this wing abuse. The national ‘committee of the party in power should pay its own bills. It is also time that we restored the bureau of the budget to its er plane in our government. Fifteen years ago this bureau was established to hold down expenditures and weed out waste and extravagance. It is supposed to be an independent agency. Its job is to take the budget estimates of the various departments and pare them down to the minimum, But since August, 1034, when Lewis W. Douglas résigned in protest against the financial policies of the Administration, we haye had only an acting director of the budget. The bureau has become a part of the White House spending machine, I intend to restore this buréau to a position of independence with - a competeni director at its head. And unless the presént chief executive acts in the meantime, I shall fill ‘still another office which

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