Indianapolis Times, Indianapolis, Marion County, 26 October 1936 — Page 8

Following is the text of|ous causes have: Alfred M. Landon’s

Gov,

ly dividt camps. in

«d the nations into two’ methods provided the

If the

. i : | speech at the Fairground !league Covenant were really adopted,

here Saturday night:

For many years I have heard of | another terrible war

the special interest shown by the people of Indianapolis .and of Indiana in the foreign relations of this country. I know the women

this and I want to compliment them. Because there is no more

i i

have been largely responsible for |

important question before mankind |

today than whether peace rule the world, or war. So tonight here in Indianapolis

I want to talk about the relations | of

of America to world peace.

The conduct of foreign relations was placed by the Constitution in the hands of the President. The policies are his, But in my judgment, those Presidents have been well advised who have made it their practice not only to consult the Department of State, and the majority members of the committee on foreign relations, but the minority members as well. The carrying out of these policies, the actual negotiating is done by the Secretary of State. This is because in the eyes of the outside world the President's decision is final. In consequence, if the President talks directly with foreign officials any careléss remark may lead to international misunderstandings. As Mr. Coolidge once said: “One of the first/ lessons a President has to learn is that every word he says weighs a ton.” 1n foreign affairs I do not propose to be a talkative man. But I do propose to appoint as Secretary of State a competent man grounded in sound American principles. I do propose to build morale in the department and the foreign service by rewarding merit as it deserves. A devoted, competent and courageous foreign service is one of the first insurance policies we must take against war.

GOOD FAITH FIRST AIM

Our principal aim in foreign relations must always be to “observe good faith and justice toward all nations, cultivate peace and harmony with all.” Stopping a war once begun has never proved practical except by the use of stronger armies. This means war to stop war. While men are what they are this will always be a delusion to crush the hope and ‘break the hearts of those who seek fo wipe out war. War will never be the father of peace! I shall do everything within my power to prevent the tragedy of war from ever touching our country. I shall encourage with all my power the cause of peace. I shall not merely talk about my hatred of war. Of course this nation will never be guilty of a war of aggression. We have no territorial ambitions. We have no intention of interfering with any nation. Our real danger in the fulure, as in the past, lies in being drawn into a war not of cur own making. Our first problem, then, is to consider what can be done to avert war throughout the world; our second, to consider our own policy if war should come. Since the Great War the world has been working on the idea of a collective security through the League of Nations. But the league has failed. Failed for reasons that certainly have become obvious in the light of experience. The league covenant assumed that in every war it would be simple to point the finger of justice at the aggressor. Then

all nations would make common |

cause and overwhelm the aggressor in a short struggle. With this certain fate ahead it was hoped no nation would venture to break the peace. But as the events of recent years, and especially of the last few months, have shown, the matter is not nearly so simple as this. Vari-

PREVENTING Many Colds

’

This Scientific Medication S-p-r-e-a-d-s you have a big danger area in Jou Vos and, Sees Shueat

shall | is

far

camps would become hos tile alliances, more or less equal, i tragedy. As have said, we can not use war end war, : i

OUTLOOK HELD HOPEFUL

But even if the league program workable, the outlook is still from hopeless. There is a plan for peace which has the sanction th great age and modern useI refer to .the settlement disputes | before reach an’ acute stage by the ful methods of mediation and ation.

jation always has been the

If mediation fails, nations may still turn to arbitration. (We in America have used this method with success scores of times for more than 100 years. We! should make this machinery more nearly perfect and seek to bring other nations to the same view. We should extend, as fast as wisdom allows, the framing of rules and principles governing the international relations ot peace. As this field of law grows, we should make larger the number of subjects over which compulsory arbitration might extend.

This is the) direction in which measures for the peaceful settlement of international disputes may wisely and effectively be ' pushed forward.

Much has been said of the need for a sanction to compel nations to observe awards made against them. Experience has demonstrated that no penalty is necessary. The great obstacle to be overcome is not the carrying out of the awards. It is to persuade the nations of the world to bring their disputes to arbitration. The greatest service which our country can render for the doing away with war is to encourage by every honorable means within our power, except the use of armed force, the arbitration of international disputes. To this end

clear, sparkli

or odor.

ical influences out of the court. It is impossible now. The United States could not be involved in a political court. But there are other ways to help the world keep the peace. We must restore international confidence in the good faith of the American government. This has been shatered by the contradicitions of the present Administration.

SCORES ROOSEVELT ACTS

The President ruthlessly disrupted the London Economic Conference by refusing to accept from the conference the very proposals which ne himself had made.. Only last year he overrode the neutrality legislation he himself had sponsored. He attempted to put the United States in the forefront of the sanctionist po¥ers against Ifaly. His action made it probable that if war had come we would have been involved.

Once this good faith has been restored there will be special occasions in the future, as there have been in the past, when we can be helpful in settling international difficulties. We are always ready to take part in international conferences on matters affecting the common welfare where it is distinctly understood no political commitments are involved. Before the World War we often did this. Then we became wary because we feared such conferences might be used to involve us in foreign politics through the League. We can not escape this fear under the present Administration. We can not forget that the President himself was an early supporter of the League. His position on American foreign relations, as on so many other vital questions, is still undisclosed. But the Re-

‘easy.

We have been accused of. imperialism because from time to time we have landed troops in Latin America. The accusation is not true. Nevertheless I am glad our troops are now all at home.

’

. ARMS REDUCTION IS AIM

In this hemisphere there must be the fullest co-operation for peace. We must point the way by scrupulous fairness in our dealing with others. . It will be my purpose, when elected, to make the United States in reality, to use John Jay's term, a good neighbor to Latin America. Another way in which we can work toward world peace is by cooperating in the reduction of armaments. We led the way in the Washington naval limitation conference, We must continue to work in this direction whenever the opportunity offers. At the same time we must fully maintain our own. de-

fenses. We have already reduced

our land forces to the absolute minimum. We have always been ready to limit and reduce our naval forces, and shall continue to be ready, but only in proportion as others limit and reduce theirs. In such ways as these we can help to lessen the danger of a general war.

Still another ¢ontribution is to assist in lowering world-wide trade barriers and re-establishing healthy economic conditions. Economic misery keeps nations restless and unAs I have repeatedly said, a revival of world trade is an aid to: the preservation of peace. I pledge myself to do“everything in my power to bring this about. It is an obligation we owe first of all to America, and then to the world. But if war should come, what then? What can we do to stay out?

Two policies have been urged.

| - ...and of finer texture than most anything that touches your lips...

We all agree on this. . . cigarette paper is important. For Chesterfield we use the best paper that we can buy. It is called Champagne Cigarette Paper. It is made from the soft, silky fibre of the flax plant. It is washed over and over in water.

A lot of the pleasure you get in smoke ing Chesterfields is due to our using the right kind of cigarette paper. Chesterfield paper is pure, and it burns without taste

film

have, They have noting to do with the much talked of war guilt. They aim simply at stopping the warring nations from interfering with the interests and welfare of neutral nations. They aim at keeping the neutrals from being drawn into the conflict. : !

VIEWS PLEDGES DANGEROUS

Specific pledges not to go to war under any condition risk encouraging belligerents to attempt aggression which would, in fact, precipitate us into war. In view of our

snormous potential strength, dem-|

onstrated in 1917 and 1918, I believe hereafter nations will be reluctant to violate any neutral rights upon which we t. :

I must mention one more safe-|

guard for our peace.I am a mémber of the American Legion, and from the moment when the legion announced the policy, I have ‘been in complete sympathy with the general objective of taking the profits out of war. We must be willing to forego short-run profits for the sake of peace. The necessary legislation

.must be adopted before any: war

danger comes upon us. No legislation will make ‘it cer-

tain that we shall avert war. But |

this is another quarantine against it. In time of war it seems to me that the protection of the doughboy should be put above the protection of the dollar. The time has come to face foreign conditions realistically. Nations are suspicious of one another and fearful of one another. Eco--nomic nationalism is rampant.

be able as a neutral to exert

an influence for peace we must have

& government which is trusted at

{home and abroad. We must mind

our own business. As Theodore Roosevelt said, we must not become a2 Meddlesome Matty. Without arrogance we must support our own rights. We must take no action that would injure others. In seeking our own prosperity" we must seek also the prosperity of other nations. Prosperity throughout the

‘| world means larger happiness and

that strengthens the forces against war. We are determined in this restless world to keep our own nation an oasis of peace. We want this Western Hemisphere to be a lesson to all making that men and races can live ether in harmony. In these high resolves, God help. ing us, we shall protect America against war. And we shall do our full part to maintain the healing of peace throughout the world.

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LOCATED

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